UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
AT   LOS  ANGELES 


Gift   of 
Mrs.   Leonora  3.   Lucas 


READINGS   IN  AMERICAN  HISTORY 


EDITED   BY 

JAMES  ALTON  JAMES 

PROFESSOR  OF  HISTORY  IN   NORTHWESTERN   UNIVERSITY 


CHARLES  SCRIBNER'S  SONS 

NEW   YORK  CHICAGO  BOSTON 


COPYRIGHT,  1914,  BY 
CHARLES  SCRIBNER'S  SONS 


PREFACE 

THE  text-book  American  History,  written  for  the  use  of 
high  schools  by  A.  H.  Sanford  and  myself,  includes,  as  a 
portion  of  the  bibliographical  material  connected  with  each 
chapter,  Readings  in  American  History.  The  present  volume 
is  the  fulfillment  of  the  promise  that  a  limited  number  of 
sources  would  be  collected  which  might  be  suitable  for  col- 
lateral reading.  I  am  convinced,  from  my  own  experience 
as  teacher  in  the  secondary  schools,  that  the  judicious  use 
of  such  material  adds  life  and  reality  to  historical  study. 

In  making  the  selections  I  have  constantly  kept  in  mind 
that  pupils  of  high-school  age  are  ordinarily  but  slightly 
interested  in  constitutional  documents.  A  relatively  large 
number  of  the  extracts  have  been  taken,  therefore,  from  the 
journals  and  letters  of  persons  who  were  contemporary  with 
the  events  described.  Books  of  travel  have  likewise  been 
drawn  upon  extensively.  Topics  have  been  chosen  in  the 
various  fields  of  human  activity,  political,  industrial,  social, 
^  educational,  and  religious,  but,  in  general,  more  extended 
Js*  selections,  from  fewer  sources,  have  been  made  than  has 

heretofore  been  usual  in  similar  collections. 
^^  In  the  preparation  of  the  present  volume  I  am  under  spe- 
N\.  cial  obligations  to  Albert  H.  Sanford,  of  the  La  Crosse,  Wis- 
consin, State  Normal  School;  Edward  C.  Page,  of  the  De 
Kalb,  Illinois,  State  Normal  School;  and  William  V.  Pooley, 
of  Northwestern  University,  for  reading  certain  chapters  of 


456568 


vi  Preface 

the  manuscript  and  for  their  many  suggestions.  My  indebt- 
edness to  a  number  of  editors  of  special  volumes  and  to  pub- 
lishers who  have  generously  permitted  the  use  of  selections 
is  acknowledged  in  the  following  pages.  As  originally 
planned,  Charles  W.  Mann,  Professor  of  History  in  Lewis 
Institute,  Chicago,  was  to  co-operate  with  me  in  the  choice 
of  the  readings,  but  his  death  occurred  before  the  work  was 
fairly  begun.  His  counsel  would  have  added  materially  to 
any  merits  which  the  volume  may  possess. 

JAMES  ALTON  JAMES. 
EVANSTON,  ILLINOIS,  November,  1913. 


CONTENTS 


I. — THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA: 

1.  VOYAGES  OF  THE  NORTHMEN  (ABOUT  1000)  .        1 

2.  DISCOVERY   OF   AMERICA   BY   CHRISTOPHER 

COLUMBUS  (1492) 8 

3.  LETTER  FROM  COLUMBUS  TO  FERDINAND  AND 

ISABELLA  CONCERNING  THE  COLONIZA- 
TION AND  COMMERCE  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF 
HISPANIOLA 13 

II. — SPANISH  EXPLORATION  AND  COLONIZATION: 

4.  SPANISH  MOTIVES  FOR  COLONIZATION  ...       17 

5.  EXPEDITION  OF  DE  SOTO,  1539-1542  ....       25 

III. — THE  RIVALRY  OF  NATIONS  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH 
CENTURY: 

6.  THE  EXPEDITION  OF  JOHN  CABOT,  1497  .   .      29 

7.  CARTIER'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  HOCHELAGA,  1535      33 

IV. — VIRGINIA  AND  MARYLAND: 

8.  INSTRUCTIONS  FOR  THE  VOYAGE  TO  VIRGINIA      36 

9.  CONDITION  OF  THE  JAMESTOWN  COLONY,  1607      38 

10.  VALUE  OF  VIRGINIA  AS  A  COLONY 40 

V. — NEW  ENGLAND: 

11.  JOHN  SMITH'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  NEW  ENG- 

LAND, 1614 45 

12.  INCIDENTS  IN  THE  HISTORY  OF  PLYMOUTH 

PLANTATION 49 

vii 


vijj  Contents 

CHAPTER 

13.  NEW  ENGLAND  AS  A  PLACE  FOR  SETTLE- 

MENT, 1629 52 

14.  PROGRESS    or    THE    MASSACHUSETTS    BAY 

COLONY,  1631 57 

VI.— FURTHER  ENGLISH  COLONIZATION: 

15.  RESOURCES  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 62 

VII.— THE  COLONIES  AFTER  THE  RESTORATION,  1660- 
1690: 

16.  REVOLT  AGAINST  THE  AUTHORITY  OF  GOV- 

ERNOR ANDROS 67 

17.  CONFESSION  AND  RECANTATION  OF  WITCHES  72 

18.  EXAMINATION  FOR  WITCHCRAFT 73 

19.  RECANTATION  OF  CONFESSORS  OF  WITCH- 

CRAFT         75 

VIII. — THE  FRENCH  IN  AMERICA: 

20.  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  IROQUOIS  INDIANS      78 

21.  MARQUETTE'S  Two  JOURNEYS S3 

22.  LA   SALLE   AND   THE   DISCOVERY   OF   THE 

MOUTH  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI  RIVER  ...       91 

23.  FRENCH  AND  ENGLISH  CONTEST  FOR  THE 

CONTROL  OF  THE  OHIO  VALLEY     ....       96 

24.  GEORGE    WASHINGTON    AND    THE    FRENCH 

POSTS  ON  THE  OHIO,  1753 101 

IX. — THE    ENGLISH    COLONIES   IN   THE    EIGHTEENTH 
CENTURY: 

25.  SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  CONDITIONS  IN  NEW 

YORK  CITY,  1732 106 

26.  PHILADELPHIA  AND  NEW  YORK,  1748  ...     116 

27.  ECONOMIC  CONDITIONS  IN  VIRGINIA,  PENN- 

SYLVANIA, AND  RHODE  ISLAND,  1759  .    .     121 

X. — CAUSES  OF  THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION: 

28.  EFFECT   OF   BRITISH   COMMERCIAL   REGU- 

LATIONS, 1765    ...  126 


Contents  ix 

CHAPTER  PAOE 

29.  PARLIAMENTARY    PETITIONS   AGAINST   THE 

STAMP  ACT,  JANUARY  17,  1776     ....     130 

30.  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN  AND  THE  REPEAL  OF 

THE  STAMP  ACT 133 

31.  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  FIRST  CONTINENTAL 

CONGRESS,  1774 .   .   .     137 

XL— THE  REVOLUTIONARY  WAR,  1776-1783: 

32.  EFFECTS   OF  A  WEAK  CENTRAL  GOVERN- 

MENT, 1778 145 

33.  AMERICAN    DIPLOMACY   AND    FRENCH    AS- 

SISTANCE DURING  THE  REVOLUTION  .   .     148 

34.  THE  CAPTURE  OF  VINCENNES  BY  GEORGE 

ROGERS  CLARK,  1779 152 

35.  THE    REVOLUTION    AND    AMERJCAN    DE- 

VELOPMENT   156 

XII. — THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION,  1781-1789: 

36.  GOVERNMENT  UNDER  THE  CONFEDERATION 

A  FAILURE 164 

37.  A  PICTURE  OF  PIONEER  LIFE 168 

38.  A  WEAK  FORM  OF  GOVERNMENT  AND  TRADE 

CONDITIONS,  1787 176 

XIII. — THE  FORMATION  OF  THE  FEDERAL  CONSTITUTION: 

39.  THE  FIRST  ABOLITION  SOCIETY 180 

40.  ECONOMIC  AND  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS  IN  AMER- 

ICA, 1788 183 

41.  THE  TEMPERANCE  MOVEMENT,  1789     ...     189 

42.  LIFE  AT  PRINCETON  AND  ON  A  VIRGINIA 

PLANTATION,  1767-1774 194 

43.  TREATMENT  OF  PRISONERS,  1785 202 

44.  A  TRIP  TO  MT.  VERNON  AND  NORTH  CARO- 

LINA  203 

XIV. — ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  NEW  GOVERNMENT: 

45.  INAUGURATION  OF  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON    208 


Contents 

CHAPTER 


X 

PAfiE 


46.  FORMS  AND  CEREMONIES  CONNECTED  WITH 

THE  INAUGURATION  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT    216 

XV.— FOREIGN  RELATIONS,  1793-1801: 

47.  CONTROL  OF  THE  NAVIGATION  OF  THE  MIS- 

SISSIPPI BY  SPAIN,  1793 225 

48.  WASHINGTON'S  FAREWELL  ADDRESS  ....  229 

49.  THE  X.  Y.  Z.  CORRESPONDENCE,  1797    .    .  235 

50.  JOHN  MARSHALL'S  RETURN  TO  AMERICA  AND 

FRENCH-AMERICAN  RELATIONS,  1798  .    .     241 

51.  STEPS    LEADING    TO    AN    UNDERSTANDING 

WITH  FRANCE 244 

XVI. — DEMOCRACY  AND  EXPANSION,  1801-1811: 

52.  THOMAS  JEFFERSON  AS  MAN  AND  STATES- 

MAN       246 

53.  THOMAS   JEFFERSON   AS  SEEN   BY   DANIEL 

WEBSTER 252 

54.  ATTITUDE    OF    JEFFERSON    TOWARD    THE 

CONSTITUTION 253 

55.  FOUNDING  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  VIRGINIA, 

1819 255 

56.  THE  LEWIS  AND  CLARK  EXPEDITION  .    .    .     258 

57.  ROBERT  FULTON   AND  THE   FIRST  STEAM- 

BOAT     265 

58.  INAUGURATION  OF  PRESIDENT  MADISON  .    .     268 

XVII.— THE  WAR  OF  1812: 

59.  BRITISH  JUSTIFICATION   OF   THE   WAR   OF 

1812 272 

60.  FAVORABLE  VIEW  OF  WAR 276 

61.  THE  CAPTURE  OF  WASHINGTON,  1814  .   .    .  280 

62.  NEW  YORK  CITY,  1811 286 

XVIII.— REORGANIZATION,    WESTWARD    MIGRATION,    AND 
INTERNAL  IMPROVEMENTS,  1815-1825: 

63.  POLITICAL  AND  SOCIAL  LIFE,  1817  297 


Contents  xi 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

64.  THE  WEST  IN  1815 304 

65.  THE  STEAMBOAT  AND  ITS  INFLUENCE  ON 

WESTERN  TRADE  CONDITIONS 311 

66.  DISPOSAL   OF   THE   PUBLIC   LANDS,   1796- 

1820 318 

67.  THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL,  1831 322 

XIX. — THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  NATIONALISM,  1815-1830: 

68.  THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE 331 

69.  THE  PROTECTIVE  TARIFF  AND  THE  SOUTH  .     334 
XX. — THE  NEW  DEMOCRACY  AND  THE  INCREASE  OF  SEC- 
TIONAL FEELING,  1830-1845: 

70.  THE  REAL  ANDREW  JACKSON 342 

71.  INAUGURATION  OF  ANDREW  JACKSON,  1829    347 

72.  CHICAGO  IN  1837 351 

73.  BEGINNING  OF  STEAM  RAILROAD  CONSTRUC- 

TION  360 

74.  THE  FIRST  EXPRESS  COMPANY  IN  OPPOSI- 

TION TO  THE  RAILROAD 367 

75.  PROGRESS  IN  THE  MEANS  OF  COMMUNICATION 

AND  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS,  1834 372 

76.  ORGANIZATION    OF    THE    NATIONAL    ANTI- 

SLAVERY  SOCIETY,  1833 378 

77.  THE  FIRST  TELEGRAPH  LINE,  1844  ....     383 

XXI. — TERRITORIAL  EXPANSION  AND  GROWTH  OF  THE 
SLAVERY  ISSUE: 

78.  THE  OREGON  TRAIL,  1848 388 

79.  DISCOVERY  OF  GOLD  IN  CALIFORNIA    .    .    .     397 

80.  INFLUENCE  OF  GOLD-MINING    ON  THE  DE- 

VELOPMENT OF  SAN  FRANCISCO 404 

81.  ARGUMENTS  IN  FAVOR  OF  NEGRO  SLAVERY     405 

82.  A  PICTURE  OF  IMMIGRATION  AND  SETTLE- 

MENT, 1831 411 

XXII. — SLAVERY  EXTENSION  AND  SECTIONAL  FEELING: 

83.  DEVELOPMENT  OF  RAILROADS,  1850-1860    .     420 


xii  Contents 


PAGE 


84.  THE  LINCOLN-DOUGLAS  DEBATES,  1858  .   .     426 

85.  THE  NOMINATION  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  .     436 

XXIII. — SECESSION  AND  CIVIL  WAU: 

86.  ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  AND  SECESSION, 

1860 444 

87.  SCENES  AT  THE  OPENING  OF  THE  WAR    .    .     453 

88.  THE  BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 461 

XXIV.— THE  CIVIL  WAR: 

89.  ATTITUDE  OF  THE  ENGLISH  TOWARD  THE 

CIVIL  WAR 475 

90.  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  SECOND   INAUGURAL 

ADDRESS,  MARCH  4,  1865 478 

91.  SCENE  AT  APPOMATTOX,  1865 480 

92.  CHARACTER  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN   ....     486 

XXV. — RECONSTRUCTION  : 

93.  AN  APPEAL  TO  THE  SOUTH,  1865 489 

94.  THE  SOUTH  AND  CARPET-BAG  RULE,  1873    493 

XXVI.— DIPLOMACY,  FINANCE,  AND  POLITICS,  1865-1877: 

95.  THE  ALABAMA  CLAIMS 498 

96.  DISPOSAL  OF  THE  PUBLIC  LANDS  BY  THE 

FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT .     502 

XXVII.— INDUSTRIAL  AND  SOCIAL  CHANGES,  1866-1886: 

97.  STRIKES  AND  LOCKOUTS 510 

XXVIII.— POLITICAL  CHANGES  AND  INDUSTRIAL  EXPANSION 
1880-1890: 

98.  CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM,  1883 514 

XXIX.— THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR,  1898: 

99.  PORTO  Rico  UNDER  THE  AMERICAN  FLAG  .     526 
XXX.— THE  OPENING  OF  A  NEW  ERA: 

100.  THE  DIPLOMACY  OF  JOHN  HAY  533 

101.  PRESERVING  THE  WORLD'S  PEACE  .536 


Contents  xiii 

PAGE 

102.  RELATIONS  BETWEEN  THE  UNITED  STATES 

AND  THE  SOUTH  AMERICAN  STATES  .  .    .  543 

103.  THE  RICH  KINGDOM  OF  COTTON  .....  547 

104.  CONSERVATION  OF  NATURAL  RESOURCES  .  560 

105.  THE  INAUGURATION  OF  PRESIDENT  WOOD- 

ROW  WILSON 570 

INDEX  .  583 


READINGS  IN 

AMERICAN  HISTORY 

CHAPTER  I 
THE  DISCOVERY  OF   AMERICA 

1.    VOYAGES  OF  THE  NORTHMEN  (ABOUT  1000) 

The  voyages  of  the  Northmen  to  Greenland  began  about  985 
A.  D.,  a  century  after  their  settlement  in  Iceland.  Two  colonies 
were  founded  in  Greenland,  known  as  the  Western  and  Eastern 
settlements.  In  the  latter,  at  Brattahlid,  was  the  home  of  Eric 
the  Red  and  his  wife  Thorhild.  They  had  two  sons,  Thorstein 
and  Leif,  afterward  called  Leif  the  Lucky.  In  the  year  1000  Leif 
was  in  Norway,  at  the  court  of  King  Olaf  Tryggrason,  and  was 
selected  by  the  King  to  introduce  Christianity  into  Greenland.  On 
his  journey,  however,  he  was  driven  from  his  course  by  storms  and 
came  upon  an  unknown  coast. 

During  the  following  decade  several  attempts  were  made  to  col- 
onize this  land,  known  as  Wineland,  and  these  voyages  form  the 
chief  subject-matter  of  two  old  Norse  sagas:  the  Book  of  Hauk 
Erlendsson  (about  1300)  and  that  known  as  the  Flat  Island  Book, 
because  it  was  owned  for  a  long  time  by  a  family  living  on  Flat 
Island  off  the  northeastern  coast  of  Iceland.  The  following  ac- 
count is  from  Hauk's  Book,  or  the  Saga  of  Eric  the  Red,  and  de- 
scribes the  voyage  of  Thorfinn  Karlscfni. — (The  Finding  of  Wine- 
land  the  Good.  Translated  and  edited  by  Arthur  Middleton 
Reeves,  pp.  42-52,  61-07.  London,  1890.) 

About  this  time  there  began  to  be  much  talk  at  Brattah-  The 
lid  to  the  effect  that  Wineland  the  Good  should  be  explored,  ^n°drthmen 
for,  it  was  said,  that  country  must  be  possessed  of  many  Wineland. 
goodly  qualities.     And  so  it  came  to  pass  that  Karlsefni 

1 


Readings  in  American  History 


The  voy- 
age of 
Thorflnn 
Karlsefni 
and  his 
compan- 
ions. 


The  land 
of  Flat 
Stones  and 
Bear 
Island 
discovered. 


March- 
land, 
Keelness, 
and  the 
Wonder- 
strands. 


Thorhall,  a 
companion 
of  Karl- 
se  fni,  goes 
north  in 
search  of 
Wineland. 


and  Snorri  fitted  out  their  ship  for  the  purpose  of  going  in 
search  of  that  country  in  the  spring.  .  .  .  They  had  in  all 
one  hundred  and  sixty  men  when  they  sailed  to  the  Western 
Settlement  and  thence  to  Bear  Island.  Thence  they  bore 
away  to  the  southward  two  "doegr"  (twenty -four  hours). 
Thence  they  saw  land,  and  launched  a  boat  and  explored 
the  land,  and  found  there  large  flat  stones,  and  many  of  them 
were  twelve  ells  wide;  there  were  many  arctic  foxes  there. 
They  gave  a  name  to  the  country  and  called  it  Helluland 
(the  land  of  flat  stones).  Then  they  sailed  with  northerly 
winds  two  "doegr"  and  land  lay  before  them,  and  upon  it 
was  a  great  wood  and  many  wild  beasts;  an  island  lay  off 
the  land  to  the  southeast,  and  there  they  found  a  bear,  and 
they  called  this  Biarney  (Bear  Island),  while  the  land  where 
the  wood  was  they  called  Marchland  (Forest  Land).  Thence 
they  sailed  southward  for  a  long  time  and  came  to  a  cape, 
and  land  lay  upon  the  starboard;  there  were  long  strands 
and  sandy  banks  there.  They  rowed  to  the  land  and  found 
upon  the  cape  the  keel  of  a  ship  and  they  called  the  place 
Kialarnes  (Keelness);  they  also  called  the  strands  Furdu- 
strandir  (Wonder-strands),  because  they  were  so  long  to 
sail  by.  .  .  . 

It  is  said  that  Thorhall  wished  to  sail  to  the  northward 
beyond  Wonder-strands  in  search  of  Wineland,  while  Karl- 
sefni desired  to  proceed  to  the  southward  off  the  coast. 
Thorhall  prepared  for  his  voyage  out  below  the  island,  hav- 
ing only  nine  men  in  his  party,  for  all  the  remainder  of  the 
company  went  to  Karlsefni.  And  one  day  when  Thorhall 
was  carrying  water  aboard  his  ship  and  was  drinking,  he 
recited  this  ditty: 

"When  I  came,  these  brave  men  told  me, 

Here  the  best  of  drink  I'd  get, 
Now  with  water-pail  behold  me,— 

Wine  and  I  are  strangers  yet. 
Stooping  at  the  spring  I've  tested 

All  the  wine  this  land  affords; 
Of  its  vaunted  charms  divested, 

Poor  indeed  are  its  rewards." 


The  Discovery  of  America  3 

And  when  they  were  ready  they  hoisted  sail;    whereupon 
Thorhall  recited  this  ditty: 

"Comrades,  let  us  now  be  faring 

Homeward  to  our  own  again! 
Let  us  try  the  sea-steed's  daring, 

Give  the  chafing  courser  rein. 
Those  who  will  may  bide  in  quiet, 

Let  them  praise  their  chosen  land, 
Feasting  on  a  whale-steak  diet, 

In  their  home  by  Wonder-strand." 

Then   they   sailed   away   to   the   northward   past  Wonder-  Pate  of 
strands  and  Keelness,  intending  to  cruise  to  the  westward  p^y^1 
around  the  cape.     They  encountered  westerly  gales,   and 
were  driven  ashore  in  Ireland,  where  they  were  grievously 
maltreated  and  thrown  into  slavery.     There  Thorhall  lost 
his  life,  according  to  that  which  traders  have  related. 

It  is  now  to  be  told  of  Karlsefni*  that  he  cruised  southward 
off  the  coast,  with  Snorri  and  Biarni  and  their  people.  They 
sailed  for  a  long  time  until  at  last  they  came  to  a  river  which 
flowed  down  from  the  land  into  a  lake,  and  so  into  the  sea. 
There  were  great  bars  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  so  that  it 
could  only  be  entered  at  the  height  of  flood  tide.  Karlsefni 
and  his  men  sailed  into  the  mouth  of  the  river  and  called  it 
Hop  (a  landlocked  bay).  They  found  self-sown  wheat-fields 
on  the  land  there,  wherever  there  were  hollows,  and  wherever 
there  was  hilly  ground  there  were  vines.  Every  brook  was 
full  of  fish.  They  dug  pits  on  the  shore  when  the  tide  rose 
highest,  and  when  the  tide  fell  there  were  halibut  in  the  pits. 
There  were  great  numbers  of  wild  animals  of  all  kinds  in  the 
woods.  They  remained  there  half  a  month,  and  enjoyed 
themselves  and  kept  no  watch.  They  had  their  live  stock 
with  them.  Now,  one  morning  early  when  they  looked  First 
about  them  they  saw  a  great  number  of  skin  canoes,  and  ^iththe 
staves  were  brandished  from  the  boats  with  a  noise  like  natives. 

*  For  some  of  the  various  attempts  which  have  been  made  to  locate 
Karlsefni's  landing-place,  see  Winsor,  Narrative  and  Critical  History,  vol. 
I,  chap.  II. 


4  Readings  in  American  History 

flails,  and  they  were  revolved  in  the  same  direction  in  which 
the  sun  moves.  Then  said  Karlsefni:  "  What  may  this  be- 
token?" Snorri,  Thorbrand's  son,  answers  him:  "It  may 
be  that  this  is  a  signal  of  peace,  wherefore  let  us  take  a  white 
shield  and  display  it."  And  thus  they  did.  Thereupon  the 
strangers  rowed  toward  them  and  went  upon  the  land,  mar- 
velling at  those  whom  they  saw  before  them.  They  were 
swarthy  men  and  ill-looking,  and  the  hair  of  their  heads  was 
ugly.  They  had  great  eyes  and  were  broad  of  cheek.  They 
tarried  there  for  a  time  looking  curiously  at  the  people  they 
saw  before  them,  and  then  rowed  away  and  to  the  south- 
ward around  the  point. 

Karlsefni  and  his  followers  had  built  their  huts  above  the 
lake,  some  of  the  dwellings  being  near  the  lake  and  others 
further  away.  Now  they  remained  there  that  winter.  No 
snow  came  there,  and  all  of  their  live  stock  lived  by  grazing. 
And  when  spring  opened  they  discovered,  early  one  morning, 
a  great  number  of  skin  canoes,  rowing  from  the  south  past 
the  cape,  so  numerous  that  it  looked  as  if  coals  had  been 
scattered  broadcast  out  before  the  bay;  and  on  every  boat 
staves  were  waved.  Thereupon  Karlsefni  and  his  people  dis- 
played their  shields,  and  when  they  came  together  they  be- 
gan to  barter  with  each  other.  Especially  did  the  strangers 
wish  to  buy  red  cloth,  for  which  they  offered  in  exchange 
peltries  and  quite  gray  skins.  They  also  desired  to  buy 
swords  and  spears,  but  Karlsefni  and  Snorri  forbade  this. 
In  exchange  for  perfect  unsullied  skins  the  Skrellings  would 
take  red  stuff  a  span  in  length,  which  they  would  bind  around 
their  heads.  So  their  trade  went  on  for  a  time,  until  Karl- 
sefni and  his  people  began  to  grow  short  of  cloth,  when  they 
divided  it  into  such  narrow  pieces  that  it  was  no  more  than 
a  finger's  breadth  wide,  but  the  Skrellings  still  continued  to 
give  just  as  much  for  this  as  before,  or  more. 

It  so  happened  that  a  bull  which  belonged  to  Karlsefni 
and  his  people  ran  out  of  the  woods  bellowing  loudly  This 
so  terrified  the  Skrellings  that  they  sped  out  to  their  canoes 
and  then  rowed  away  to  the  southward  along  the  coast. 


The  Discovery  of  America  5 

For  three  entire  weeks  nothing  more  was  seen  of  them.  At 
the  end  of  this  time,  however,  a  great  number  of  Skrelling 
boats  were  discovered  approaching  from  the  south,  as  if  a 
stream  was  pouring  down,  and  all  of  their  staves  were  waved 
in  a  direction  contrary  to  the  course  of  the  sun,  and  the  Skrel- 
lings  were  all  uttering  loud  cries.  Thereupon  Karlsefni  and 
his  men  took  red  shields  and  displayed  them.  The  Skrellings 
sprang  from  their  boats  and  they  met  them  and  fought 
together.  There  was  a  fierce  shower  of  missiles,  for  the 
Skrellings  had  war  slings.  Karlsefni  and  Snorri  observed 
that  the  Skrellings  raised  up  on  a  pole  a  great  ball-shaped 
body  nearly  black  in  color,  and  this  they  hurled  from  the 
pole  upon  the  land  above  Karlsefni's  followers,  and  it  made 
a  frightful  noise  when  it  fell.  Whereat  a  great  fear  seized 
upon  Karlsefni  and  all  his  men,  so  that  they  could  think  of 
naught  but  flight  and  of  making  their  escape  up  along  the 
river  bank,  for  it  seemed  to  them  that  troops  of  Skrellings 
were  rushing  toward  them  from  every  side,  and  they  did  not 
pause  until  they  came  to  certain  jutting  crags,  where  they 
offered  a  stout  resistance.  .  .  . 

It  now  seemed  clear  to  Karlsefni  and  his  people  that  al-  wineiand 
though   the   country   thereabouts   was  attractive  their  life  doned. 
would  be  one  of  constant  dread  and  turmoil  by  reason  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  country,  so  they  forthwith  prepared 
to  leave  and  determined  to  return  to  their  own  country. 

The  story  of  Leif  Ericsson's  expedition  is  told  at  much  greater 
length  in  the  Flat  Island  Book,  from  which  the  following  is  taken: 

There  was  now  much  talk  of  voyages  of  discovery.     Leif,  Voyage  of 
the  son  of  Eric  the  Red  of  Brattahlid,  visited  Biarni  Heriulfs-  J^SSST 
son  and  bought  a  ship  of  him,  and  collected  a  crew  until  they   the  Flat 
formed  altogether  a  company  of  thirty-five  men.     I^if  in-  Book, 
vited  his  father  Eric  to  become  the  leader  of  the  expedition, 
but  Eric  declined,  saying  that  he  was  less  able  to  endure  the 
exposure  of  sea-life  than  he  had  been.     Leif  replied  that  he 
would  nevertheless  be  the  one  who  would  be  most  apt  tq 


(i 


Readings  in  American  History 


bring  good  luck,  and  Eric  yielded  to  Leif's  pleading  and  rode 
from  home  when  they  were  ready  to  sail.  When  he  was 
but  a  short  distance  from  the  ship  the  horse  which  Eric  was 
riding  stumbled,  and  he  was  thrown  from  his  back  and  under 
his  feet,  whereupon  he  exclaimed:  "It  is  not  designed  for 
me  to  discover  more  lands  than  the  one  in  which  we  are  now 
living,  nor  can  we  continue  longer  together."  Eric  returned 
home  to  Brattahlid,  and  Leif  went  on  his  way  to  the  ship 
with  his  companions,  thirty-five  men;  one  of  the  company 
was  a  German  named  Tyrker.  They  put  the  ship  in  order, 
and  when  they  were  ready  they  sailed  out  to  sea,  and  found 
first  that  land  which  Biarni  and  his  shipmates  found  last. 
They  sailed  up  to  the  land  and  cast  anchor,  and  launched  a 
boat  and  went  ashore,  and  found  no  grass  there.  Great  ice 
mountains  lay  inland  back  from  the  sea,  and  it  was  as  a 
(tableland  of)  flat  rock  from  the  sea  to  the  ice  mountains, 
and  the  country  seemed  to  them  to  be  entirely  devoid  of 
good  qualities.  Then  said  Leif:  "It  has  not  come  to  pass 
with  us  in  regard  to  this  land  as  with  Biarni,  that  we  have  not 
gone  upon  it.  To  this  country  I  will  now  give  a  name  and 
call  it  Helluland"  (the  land  of  flat  stones).  They  returned 
to  the  ship,  put  out  to  sea,  and  found  a  second  land.  They 
sailed  again  to  the  land  and  came  to  anchor  and  launched  a 
boat  and  went  on  shore.  This  was  a  level,  wooded  land, 
and  there  were  broad  stretches  of  white  sand  where  they 
went,  and  the  land  was  level  by  the  sea.  Then  said  Leif: 
This  land  shall  have  a  name  after  its  nature,  and  we  will 
call  it  Markland"  (forest  land).  They  returned  to  the  ship 
forthwith,  and  sailed  away  upon  the  main  with  northeast 
winds  and  were  out  two  "doegr"  (twenty-four  hours)  before 
they  sighted  land.  They  sailed  toward  this  land  and  came 
to  an  island  which  lay  to  the  northward  off  the  land.  There 
they  went  ashore  and  looked  about  them,  the  weather  being 
fine,  and  they  observed  that  there  was  a  dew  upon  the  grass, 
and  it  so  happened  that  they  touched  the  dew  with  their 
hands  and  touched  their  hands  to  their  mouths,  and  it  seemed 
to  them  that  they  had  never  before  tasted  anything  so  sweet 


The  Discovery  of  America 


as  this.  They  went  aboard  their  ship  again  and  sailed  into 
a  certain  sound,  which  lay  between  the  island  and  the  cape, 
which  jutted  out  from  the  land  on  the  north,  and  they  stood 
in  westering  past  the  cape.  At  ebb  tide  there  were  broad 
reaches  of  shallow  water  there,  and  they  ran  their  ship 
aground,  and  it  was  a  long  distance  from  their  ship  to  the 
sea;  yet  were  they  so  anxious  to  go  ashore  that  they  could 
not  wait  until  the  tide  should  rise  under  their  ship,  but 
hastened  to  the  land  where  a  certain  river  flows  out  from  a 
lake.  As  soon  as  the  tide  rose  beneath  their  ship  they  took 
the  boat  and  rowed  to  the  ship  which  they  brought  up  the 
river  and  so  into  the  lake,  where  they  cast  anchor  and  car- 
ried their  hammocks  ashore  from  the  ship  and  built  them- 
selves booths.  They  afterward  determined  to  establish 
themselves  there  for  the  winter,  and  they  accordingly  built 
a  large  house.  There  was  no  lack  of  salmon  there  either  in 
the  river  or  in  the  lake,  and  larger  salmon  than  they  had  ever 
seen  before.  The  country  thereabouts  seemed  to  be  possessed 
of  such  good  qualities  that  cattle  would  need  no  fodder  dur- 
ing the  winter.  There  was  no  frost  there  in  the  winter  and 
the  grass  withered  but  little.  The  days  and  nights  were  of 
more  nearly  equal  length  than  in  Greenland  or  Iceland. 
When  they  had  completed  their  house  Leif  said  to  his  com- 
panions: "I  propose  now  to  divide  our  company  into  two 
groups,  and  to  set  about  an  exploration  of  the  country; 
one  half  of  our  party  shall  remain  at  the  house,  while  the 
other  half  shall  investigate  the  land,  and  they  must  not  go 
beyond  a  point  from  which  they  can  return  the  same  day, 
and  they  are  not  to  separate."  Thus  they  did  for  a  time; 
Leif  himself  by  turns  joined  the  exploring  party  or  remained 
behind  at  the  house.  Leif  was  a  large  and  powerful  man  and 
of  a  most  imposing  bearing,  a  man  of  sagacity,  and  a  very 
great  man  in  all  things. 

It  was  discovered  one  evening  that  one  of  their  company 
was  missing,  and  this  proved  to  be  Tyrker,  the  German. 
Leif  was  sorely  troubled  by  this,  for  Tyrker  had  lived  with 
Leif  and  his  father  for  a  long  time  and  had  been  very  de- 


Winter 

quarters 

built. 


Adven- 
tures of 
Tyrker, 
the 
German. 


&  Readings  in  American  History 

voted  to  Leif  when  he  was  a  child.  Leif  severely  repri- 
manded his  companions,  and  prepared  to  go  in  search  of 
him,  taking  twelve  men  with  him.  They  had  gone  but  a 
short  distance  from  the  house  when  they  were  met  by  Tyrker, 
whom  they  received  most  cordially.  Leif  saw  at  once  that 
his  foster-father  was  in  lively  spirits.  Tyrker  had  a  promi- 
nent forehead,  restless  eyes,  small  features,  was  small  in 
stature,  and  rather  a  sorry-looking  individual  withal,  but 
was  nevertheless  a  most  capable  handicraftsman.  Leif  ad- 
dressed him  and  asked:  "Wherefore  art  thou  so  belated, 
foster-father  mine,  and  astray  from  the  others?"  In  the  be- 
ginning Tyrker  spoke  for  some  time  in  German,  rolling  his 
eyes  and  grinning,  and  they  could  not  understand  him;  but 
after  a  time  he  addressed  them  in  the  northern  tongue:  "I 
did  not  go  much  further  than  you,  and  I  have  something  of 
novelty  to  relate.  I  have  found  vines  and  grapes."  "  Is 
this,  indeed,  true,  foster-father?  "  asked  Leif.  "  Of  a  certainty 
it  is  true,"  said  he,  "  for  I  was  born  where  there  is  no  lack  of 
either  grapes  or  vines."  They  slept  the  night  through,  and 
on  the  morrow  Leif  said  to  his  shipmates:  "We  will  now 
divide  our  labors,  and  each  day  will  either  gather  grapes  or 
cut  vines  and  fell  trees,  so  as  to  obtain  a  cargo  of  these  for 
my  ship."  They  acted  upon  this  advice,  and  it  is  said  their 
A  cargo  of  after-boat  was  filled  with  grapes.  A  cargo  sufficient  for  the 
vines,  and  smP  was  cut,  and  when  spring  came  they  made  their  ship 

ta'STto      rea(ly  and  sailed  away;   and  from  its  Proflucts  Leif  gave  the 
Greenland,  land  a  name  and  called  it  Wineland.     They  sailed  out  to  sea 
and  had  fair  winds  until  they  sighted  Greenland.  .  .   . 

2.    DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA  BY  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS 

(1492) 

When  Columbus  sailed  from  Palos  he  resolved  "to  write  an  ac- 
count of  all  the  voyage  very  punctually,  noting  from  day  to  day  all 
that  I  should  do  or  see."  The  original  journal  has  disappeared 
but  there  is  an  abridgment  which  contains  many  extracts  from  it, 
Co  umbus  describes  the  difficulties  of  the  voyage,  the  fears  of  the 
s  and  the  means  he  used  to  quiet  them,  their  joy  at  finding 


The  Discovery  of  America  9 

land,  and  the  perils  of  the  return. — (The  Journal  of  Christopher 
Columbus  During  His  First  Voyage,  1492-93.  Translated,  with 
notes  and  an  introduction,  by  Clements  R.  Markham,  London, 
1893.) 

I  left  the  city  of  Granada  on  the  12th  day  of  May,  in  the  The  sail- 
same  year  of  1492,  being  Saturday,  and  came  to  the  town  of  Columbus. 
Palos,  which  is  a  seaport;  where  I  equipped  three  vessels 
well  suited  for  such  service;  and  departed  from  that  port 
well  supplied  with  provisions  and  with  many  sailors,  on  the 
3d  day  of  August  of  the  same  year,  being  Friday,  half  an 
hour  before  sunrise,  taking  the  route  to  the  Islands  of  Ca- 
naria  belonging  to  your  Highnesses,  which  are  in  the  said 
Ocean  Sea,  that  I  might  thence  take  my  departure  for  navi- 
gating until  I  should  arrive  at  the  Indies,  and  give  the  letters 
of  your  Highnesses  to  those  princes,  so  as  to  comply  with 
my  orders. 

Monday,  6th  of  August. 

The  rudder  of  the  caravel  Pinta  became  unshipped,  and 
Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  who  was  in  command,  believed  or 
suspected  that  it  was  by  contrivance  of  Gomes  Rascon  and 
Cristobal  Quintero  to  whom  the  caravel  belonged,  for  they 
dreaded  to  go  on  that  voyage.  .  .  . 

Sunday,  9th  of  September. 

This  day  the  Admiral  made  nineteen  leagues,  and  he  ar-  The 
ranged  to  reckon  less  than  the  number  run,  because  if  the  chan"^ 
voyage  was  of  long  duration,  the  people  would  not  be  so 
terrified  and  disheartened.  .  .  . 

Thursday,  13th  of  September. 

That  day  and  night,  steering  their  course  which  was  west,.  Variation 
they  made  thirty-three  leagues,  counting  three  or  four  less,  compass. 
The  currents  were  against  them.     On  this  day,  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  night,  the  needles  turned  half  a  point  to 
the  northwest,  and  in  the  morning  they  turned  somewhat, 
more  northwest. 


10 


Readings  in  American  History 


Saturday,  22d  of  September. 

They  shaped  their  course  W.  N.  W.  more  or  less,  her  head 
turning  from  one  to  the  other  point,  and  made  thirty  leagues. 
They  saw  some  sandpipers  and  another  bird.  Here  the 
Admiral  says:  "This  contrary  wind  was  very  necessary  for 
me,  because  my  people  were  much  excited  at  the  thought 
that  in  these  seas  no  wind  ever  blew  in  the  direction  of 
Spain.  ..." 

Thursday,  llth  of  October. 

The  course  was  W.  S.  W.,  and  there  was  more  sea  than 
there  had  been  during  the  whole  of  the  voyage.  They  saw 
sandpipers  and  a  green  reed  near  the  ship.  Those  of  the 
caravel  Pinta  saw  a  cane  and  a  pole,  and  they  took  up  another 
small  pole  which  appeared  to  have  been  worked  with  iron; 
also  another  bit  of  cane,  a  land  plant  and  a  small  board. 
The  crew  of  the  caravel  Nina  also  saw  signs  of  land,  and  a 
small  branch  covered  with  berries.  Every  one  breathed 
afresh  and  rejoiced  at  these  signs.  The  run  till  sunset  was 
twenty-seven  leagues. 

After  sunset,  the  Admiral  returned  to  his  original  west 
course,  and  they  went  along  at  the  rate  of  twelve  miles  an 
hour.  Up  to  two  hours  after  midnight,  they  had  gone 
ninety  miles,  equal  to  twenty-two  and  a  half  leagues.  As  the 
caravel  Pinta  was  a  better  sailer  and  went  ahead  of  the 
Admiral,  she  found  the  land,  and  made  the  signals  ordered 
by  the  Admiral.  The  land  was  first  seen  by  a  sailor  named 
Rodrigo  de  Triana.  But  the  Admiral,  at  ten  o'clock,  being 
in  the  castle  of  the  poop,  saw  a  light,  though  it  was  so  un- 
certain that  he  could  not  affirm  it  was  land.  He  called  Pero 
Gutierrez,  a  gentleman  of  the  king's  bed-chamber,  and  said 
that  there  seemed  to  be  a  light,  and  that  he  should  look  at 
it.  He  did  so  and  saw  it.  The  Admiral  said  the  same  to 
Rodrigo  Sanchez  of  Segovia,  whom  the  King  and  Queen 
had  sent  with  the  fleet  as  inspector,  but  he  could  see  nothing, 
because  he  was  not  in  a  place  where  anything  could  be  seen. 
After  the  Admiral  had  spoken,  he  saw  the  light  once  or  twice 


The  Discovery  of  America  11 

and  it  was  like  a  wax  candle,  rising  and  falling.  It  seemed 
to  few  to  be  an  indication  of  land;  but  the  Admiral  made 
certain  that  land  was  close.  When  they  said  the  Salve, 
which  all  the  sailors  were  accustomed  to  sing  in  their  way, 
the  Admiral  asked  and  admonished  his  men  to  keep  a  good 
lookout  on  the  forecastle  and  to  watch  well  for  land;  and  to 
him  who  should  first  cry  out  that  he  saw  land,  he  would  give 
a  silk  doublet,  besides  the  other  rewards  promised  by  the 
sovereigns,  which  were  10,000  maravedis*  to  him  who  should 
first  see  it.  At  two  hours  after  midnight  the  land  was  sighted 
at  a  distance  of  two  leagues.  They  shortened  sail,  and  lay 
by  under  the  mainsail  without  the  bonnets. 

The  vessels  were  hove  to,  waiting  for  daylight ;  and  on  The  land- 
Friday  they  arrived  at  a  small  island  of  the  Lucayos,  called,  {££'1(^cto~ 
in  the  language  of  the  Indians,  Guanahani.  Presently,  they 
saw  naked  people.  The  Admiral  went  on  shore  in  the  armed  , 
boat,  and  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  and  Vicente  Yanez,  his 
brother,  who  was  captain  of  the  Nina.  The  Admiral  took 
the  royal  standard,  and  the  captains  went  with  two  banners 
of  the  green  cross,  which  the  Admiral  took  in  all  the  ships  as 
a  sign,  with  an  F  and  a  Y,f  and  a  crown  over  each  letter, 
one  on  one  side  of  the  cross  and  one  on  the  other.  Having 
landed,  they  saw  trees  very  green,  and  much  water,  and  fruits 
of  diverse  kinds.  The  Admiral  called  to  the  two  captains, 
and  to  the  others  who  leaped  on  shore,  and  to  Rodrigo 
Escovedo,  secretary  of  the  whole  fleet,  and  to  Rodrigo 
Sanchez  of  Segovia,  and  said  that  they  should  bear  faithful 
testimony  that  he,  in  presence  of  all,  had  taken  as  he  now 
took,  possession  of  the  said  island  for  the  King  and  for  the 
Queen,  his  lords,  making  the  declarations  that  are  required, 
as  is  now  largely  set  forth  in  the  testimonies  which  were 
then  made  in  writing. 

Presently    many    inhabitants    of    the    islands    assembled. 
What  follows  is  in  the  actual  words  of  the  Admiral  in  his 

*  The  maravedi  was  worth  about  two-thirds  of  a*  cent.     Columbus  re- 
ceived this  reward,  because  he  saw  the  light  on  shore, 
t  Fernando  and  Ysabel. 


12 


Readings  in  American  History 


book  of  the  first  navigation  and  discovery  of  the  Indies. 
"I,"  he  says,  "that  we  might  form  great  friendship,  for  I 
knew  that  they  were  a  people  who  could  be  more  easily  freed 
and  converted  to  our  holy  faith  by  love  than  by  force,  gave 
to  some  of  them  red  caps  and  glass  beads  to  put  around 
their  necks,  and  many  other  things  of  little  value,  which 
gave  them  great  pleasure,  and  made  them  so  much  our  friends 
that  it  was  a  marvel  to  see.  They  afterwards  came  to  the 
ship's  boats  where  we  were,  swimming  and  bringing  us  parrots, 
cotton  threads  in  skeins,  darts,  and  many  other  things;  and 
we  exchanged  them  for  other  things  that  we  gave  them,  such 
as  glass  beads  and  small  bells.  In  fine,  they  took  all  and 
gave  what  they  had  with  good  will.  It  appeared  to  me  to 
be  a  race  of  people  very  poor  in  everything. 

They  are  very  well  made,  with  very  handsome  bodies,  and 
very  good  countenances.  Their  hair  is  short  and  coarse, 
almost  like  the  hairs  of  a  horse's  tail.  They  wear  the  hair 
brought  down  to  the  eyebrows,  except  a  few  locks  behind, 
which  they  wear  long  and  never  cut.  They  paint  themselves 
black,  and  they  are  the  color  of  the  Canarians,  neither  black 
nor  white.  Some  paint  themselves  white,  others  red,  and 
others  of  what  color  they  can  find.  Some  paint  their  faces, 
others  the  whole  body,  some  only  around  the  eyes,  others 
only  on  the  nose.  They  neither  carry  nor  know  anything 
of  arms,  for  I  showed  them  swords,  and  they  took  them  by 
the  blade  and  cut  themselves  through  ignorance.  They  have 
no  iron,  their  darts  being  wands  without  iron,  some  of  them 
having  a  fish's  tooth  at  the  end,  and  others  being  pointed 
in  various  ways.  They  should  be  good  servants  and  intelli- 
gent, for  I  observed  that  they  quickly  took  in  what  was  said 
to  them,  and  I  believe  that  they  would  easily  be  made  Chris- 
tians, as  it  appeared  to  me  that  they  had  no  religion.  I,  our 
Lord  being  pleased,  will  take  hence  at  the  time  of  my  depar- 
ture, six  natives  for  your  Highnesses,  that  they  may  learn  to 
speak.  I  saw  no  beast  of  any  kind  except  parrots  on  this 
island. 


The  Discovery  of  America  13 


3.  LETTER  FROM  COLUMBUS  TO  FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA 
CONCERNING  THE  COLONIZATION  AND  COMMERCE  OF 
THE  ISLAND  OF  HISPANIOLA 

This  letter,  which  was  written  during  the  year  1493,  before  Co- 
lumbus set  out  on  his  second  expedition,  has  been  said  to  entitle 
him  to  the  honor  to  be  considered  "the  pioneer  law-giver  of  the 
New  World." — (The  translation  is  the  one  used  by  W.  E.  Curtis  in 
the  Report  of  the  American  Historical  Association,  1894,  pp.  452-455. 
A  slightly  different  translation  is  given  in  Original  Narratives  of 
Early  American  History,  The  Northmen,  Columbus,  and  Cabot, 
pp.  273-277.) 

MOST  HIGH  AND  POWERFUL  SIRS:  In  obedience  to  what 
your  Highnesses  command  me,  I  shall  state  what  occurs  to 
me  for  the  peopling  and  settling  of  the  Hispaniola  Island 
and  of  all  others,  whether  already  discovered  or  hereafter 
to  be  discovered,  submitting  myself,  however,  to  any  better 
opinion. 

In  the  first  place,  and  in  regard  to  the  Hispaniola  Island,   Number  of 
I  should  suggest  the  number  of  settlers  who  may  be  found  settlers- 
willing  to  go  there  to  be  up  to  two  thousand,  so  as  to  render 
the  possession  of  the  country  safer  and  cause  it  to  be  more 
profitable.     This  will  aid  also  in  facilitating  intercourse  and 
dealings  with  the  neighboring  islands. 

I  suggest  further  three  or  four  towns  to  be  founded  at  con-  Founding 
venient  places,  and  the  new  settlers  or  colonists  to  be  properly  towns- 
distributed  among  said  towns. 

And  in  order  to  secure  the  better  and  prompter  settlement  Special 
of  the  said  island,  I  should  suggest  furthermore  that  the  {^h"^ 
privilege  of  getting  gold  be  granted  exclusively  to  those  who  holders, 
have  acquired  a  domicile  and  built  a  dwelling  house  in  the 
town  of  their  residence,  so  as  to  secure  for  them  all  to  live 
close  to  each  other  and  be  better  protected. 

And  also,  that  each  town  be  given,  as  is  customary  in  officers. 
Castile,  a  mayor  and  a  clerk. 

And  furthermore,  that  a  church  be  built,  and  that  secular  churches, 
priests  or  friars  be  sent  there  for  the  administration  of  the 


14 


Readings  in  American  History 


Provision 
for 

building 
churches. 


Division 
of  gold. 


sacraments,  the  conversion  of  the  Indians,  and  the  proper 
worship  of  the  Divinity. 

And  further,  that  no  colonist  be  allowed  to  go  and  gather 
gold  unless  with  a  permit  from  the  governor  or  mayor  of 
the  town  in  which  he  lives,  to  be  given  only  upon  his  promis- 
ing under  oath  to  return  to  the  place  of  his  residence  and 
faithfully  report  all  the  gold  which  he  may  have  gathered, 
this  to  be  done  once  a  month,  or  once  a  week,  as  may  be 
ordered  to  him,  the  said  report  to  be  entered  on  the  proper 
registry  by  the  clerk  of  the  town  in  the  presence  of  the 
mayor,  and  if  so  deemed  advisable,  in  the  presence  of  a 
friar  or  secular  priest  selected  for  the  purpose. 

And  further,  that  all  the  gold  so  gathered  be  melted  right 
away,  and  melted  and  stamped  subsequently  with  such  a 
mark  or  seal  as  the  town  may  have  devised  and  selected,  and 
that  the  share  of  that  gold  which  belongs  to  your  Highnesses 
be  given  and  delivered  to  the  mayor  of  the  town,  the  proper 
record  thereof  being  made  by  the  clerk  and  by  the  secular 
priest  or  friar  who  may  witness  to  it,  so  as  to  cause  the  trans- 
action to  be  known  by  more  than  one  person  and  rendering 
the  concealing  of  the  truth  impossible. 

Furthermore,  that  all  the  gold  which  may  be  found  with- 
out the  mark  or  seal  aforesaid  in  the  possession  of  any  one 
who  formerly  had  reported  once  as  aforesaid,  be  forfeited 
and  divided  by  halves,  one  for  the  informer  and  the  other 
for  your  Highnesses. 

And  further,  that  one  per  cent  of  all  the  gold  gathered  be 
set  apart  and  appropriated  for  building  churches  and  pro- 
viding for  their  proper  furnishing  and  ornamentation,  and 
to  the  support  of  the  secular  priests  or  friars  having  them  in 
their  charge,  and  if  so  deemed  advisable  for  the  payment  of 
some  compensation  to  the  mayors  and  clerks  of  the  respect- 
ive towns,  so  as  to  cause  them  to  fulfill  their  duties  faith- 
fully, and  that  the  balance  be  delivered  to  the  governor  and 
treasurer  sent  there  by  your  Highnesses. 

And  further,  and  in  regard  to  the  division  of  the  gold  and 
the  setting  apart  the  share  which  belongs  to  your  Highnesses, 


The  Discovery  of  America 


15 


I  am  of  the  opinion  that  the  operation  must  be  entrusted 
to  the  said  governor  and  treasurer,  because  the  amount  of 
the  gold  found  may  sometimes  be  large  and  sometimes  small, 
and,  if  so  deemed  advisable,  that  the  share  of  your  Highnesses 
be  established  for  one  year  to  be  one-half,  the  other  half 
going  to  the  gatherers,  reserving  for  a  future  time  to  make 
some  other  and  better  provision,  if  necessary. 

And  further,  that  if  the  mayors  and  clerks  commit  any 
fraud  in  these  matters,  or  consent  to  it,  the  proper  punish- 
ment be  inflicted  upon  them,  and  that  a  penalty  be  likewise 
imposed  upon  those  colonists  who  do  not  report  in  full  the 
whole  amount  of  the  gold  which  is  in  their  possession. 

And  further,  that  a  treasurer  be  appointed  and  sent  to 
the  said  island,  who  shall  receive  all  the  gold  belonging  to 
your  Highnesses,  and  shall  have  a  clerk  to  make  and  keep 
the  proper  record  of  the  receipts,  and  that  the  mayors  and 
clerks  of  the  respective  towns  be  given  the  proper  vouchers 
for  everything  which  they  may  deliver  to  the  said  treasurer. 

And  further,  that  whereas  the  extreme  anxiety  of  the 
colonists  to  gather  gold  may  induce  them  to  neglect  all  other 
business  and  occupations,  it  seems  to  me  that  prohibition 
should  be  made  to  them  to  engage  in  the  search  of  gold  dur- 
ing some  season  of  the  year,  so  as  to  give  all  other  business, 
profitable  to  the  island,  an  opportunity  to  be  established 
and  carried  on. 

And  further,  as  far  as  the  business  of  discovering  other 
lands  is  concerned,  it  is  my  opinion  that  permission  to  do 
so  should  be  given  to  every  one  who  desires  to  embark  in 
it,  and  that  some  liberality  should  be  shown  in  reducing  the 
fifth  to  be  given  away,  so  as  to  encourage  as  many  as  possi- 
ble for  entering  into  such  undertakings.  .  .  . 

And  further,  that  all  vessels  coming  from  the  said  island 
must  come  to  unload  to  the  port  of  Cadiz,  and  that  no  per- 
son shall  be  allowed  to  leave  the  vessels  or  get  in  them 
until  such  person  or  persons  of  the  said  city  as  may  be  ap- 
pointed for  this  purpose  by  your  Highnesses  have  boarded 
the  same  vessels  and  received  information  from  the  masters 


Penalty 

for 

fraud. 


Induce- 
ment for 
further 
discover- 
ies. 


Cadiz  the 
only  port 
of 
entrance. 


16  Readings  in  American  History 

of  all  that  they  have  brought,  and  the  official  statement  of 
the  nature  and  value  of  the  cargoes,  so  as  to  facilitate  a 
thorough  examination  and  find  out  whether  anything  has 
been  brought  hidden  and  not  declared  in  the  manifests  at 
the  time  of  shipment.  .  .  . 

S. 

S.  A.  S. 

X.  M.  Y. 

XPO-FERENS.* 
Sent  by  the  Admiral. 

*  Meaning  of  the  monogram  has  not  been  determined. 


CHAPTER  II 
SPANISH  EXPLORATION   AND  COLONIZATION 

4.    SPANISH  MOTIVES  FOR  COLONIZATION 

"A  relation  of  the  commodities  of  Nova  Hispania  and  the  man- 
ners of  the  inhabitants,  written  by  Henry  Hawks,  merchant,  which 
lived  five  years  in  the  said  country  and  drew  the  same  at  the  re- 
quest of  Mr.  Richard  Hakluyt,  1572." — (Richard  Hakluyt,  The 
Third  and  Last  Volume  of  the  Voyages,  Navigations,  Traffiques, 
and  Discoveries  of  the  English  Nation,  pp.  462-469.  London, 
1600.) 

Saint  John  de  Ulloa  is  an  island  not  high  above  the 
water,  where  as  now  the  Spaniards  upon  Mr.  John  Hawkins 
being  there,  are  in  making  a  strong  fort.  In  this  place  all 
the  ships  that  come  out  of  Spaine  for  these  parts  do  unlade; 
for  they  have  none  other  port  so  good  as  this.  .  .  . 

Five  leagues  from  Saint  John  de  Ulloa  is  a  fair  river;  it  Vera 
lieth  northwest  from  the  port  and  goeth  to  a  little  town  of  CruZl 
the  Spaniards  called  Vera  Cruz,  and  with  small  vessels  and 
barks  which  they  call  frigates,  they  carry  all  their  merchan- 
dise which  cometh  out  of  Spain  to  the  said  town;  and  in 
like  manner  bring  all  the  gold,  silver,  coehinillas,  hides  and 
all  other  things  that  the  ships  carry  into  Spain  unto  them. 
And  the  goods  being  in  Vera  Cruz,  they  carry  them  to 
Mexico,  and  to  Pueblo  de  los  Angeles,  Sucatecas,  and  Saint 
Martin,  and  divers  other  places  so  far  within  the  country, 
that  some  of  them  are  seven  hundred  miles  off,  and  some 
more  and  some  less,  all  upon  horses,  mules,  and  in  wains 
drawn  with  oxen,  and  in  cars  drawn  with  mules. 

17 


18 


Readings  in  American  History 


Mos- 
quitos. 


Irrigation. 


City  of 
Mexico. 


Fairs. 


This  town  is  inclined  to  many  kinds  of  diseases,  by  reason 
of  the  great  heat,  and  a  certain  gnat  or  fly  which  they  call 
a  musquito,  which  biteth  both  men  and  women  in  their 
sleep;  and  as  soon  as  they  are  bitten,  incontinently  the 
flesh  swelleth  as  though  they  had  been  bitten  by  a  venemous 
worm.  And  this  musquito  or  gnat  doth  most  follow  such  as 
are  newly  come  into  the  country.  Many  there  are  that 
die  of  this  annoyance. 

This  hot  or  sick  country  continueth  five  and  forty  miles 
towards  the  city  of  Mexico;  ''and  the  five  and  forty  miles 
being  passed,  then  there  is  a  temperate  country,  and  full  of 
tillage;  but  they  water  all  their  corn  with  rivers  which  they 
turn  in  upon  it.  And  they  gather  their  wheat  twice  a  year. 
And  if  they  should  not  water  the  ground  where  their  corn  is 
sown,  the  country  is  so  hot  it  would  burn  all. 

Before  you  come  to  Mexico  there  is  a  great  town  called 
Tlaxcalla,  which  hath  in  it  above  sixteen  thousand  house- 
holds.    All  the  inhabitants  thereof  are  free  by  the  kings 
Spain;   for  these  were  the  occasion  that  Mexico  was  wo 
so  short  a  time,  and  with  so  little  loss  of  men.     Wher 
they  are  all  gentlemen,  and  pay  no  tribute  to  the  king,     in 
this  town  is  all  the  cochinilla  growing. 

Mexico  is  a  great  city;  it  hath  more  than  fifty  thousand 
households,  whereof  there  are  not  past  five  or  six  thousand 
houses  of  Spaniards;  all  the  other  are  of  the  people  of  the 
country  that  live  under  the  Spaniard's  laws.  There  are  in 
this  city  stately  buildings,  and  many  monasteries  of  friars 
and  nuns,  which  the  Spaniards  have  made.  And  the  build- 
ing of  the  Indians  is  somewhat  beautiful  outwardly,  and 
within  full  of  small  chambers,  with  very  small  windows, 
which  is  not  so  comely  as  the  building  of  the  Spaniards. 
This  city  standeth  in  the  midst  of  a  great  lake,  and  the  water 
goeth  through  all  or  the  most  part  of  the  streets,  and  there 
come  small  boats,  which  they  call  canoes,  and  in  them  they 
bring  all  things  necessary,  as  wood,  and  coals,  and  grass  for 
their  horses,  stones  and  lime  to  build,  and  corn. 

This  city  is  subject  to  many  earthquakes,  which  often- 


Spanish  Exploration  and  Colonization  19 

times  cast  down  houses  and  kill  people.  This  city  is  very 
well  provided  of  water  to  drink,  and  with  all  manner  of 
victuals.  There  are,  in  this  city,  every  week  three  fairs 
or  markets  which  are  frequented  with  many  people,  as  well 
Spaniards  as  people  of  the  country.  There  are  in  these  fairs 
or  markets  all  manner  of  things  that  may  be  invented  to 
sell,  and  in  especial  things  of  the  country.  The  one  of  these 
fairs  is  on  Monday  and  is  called  Saint  Hippolytus  fair,  and 
Saint  James'  fair  is  upon  the  Thursday,  and  upon  Saturday 
is  Saint  John's  fair.  In  this  city  is  always  the  king's  governor  Courts, 
or  viceroy,  and  there  are  kept  the  Terms  (courts)  and  Parlia- 
ments. And,  although  there  be  other  places  of  justice,  yet 
this  is  above  all;  so  that  all  men  may  appeal  to  this  place, 
and  may  not  appeal  from  this  city,  but  only  into  Spain  before 
the  King;  and  it  must  be  for  a  certain  sum,  and  if  it  be  under 
that  sum,  there  is  no  appellation  from  them.  Many  rivers 
*all  into  this  lake  which  the  city  standeth  in;  but  there  was 
'"iever  any  place  found  whither  it  goeth  out. 

^he  Indians  know  a  way  to  drown  the  city,  and  within   Hatred  o 
e  three  years  they  would  have  practised  the  same;   but  Natlves- 
they  which  should  have  been  the  doers  of  it  were  hanged, 
and  ever  since  the  city  hath  been  well  watched  both  night 
and  day,  for  fear  lest  at  some  time  they  might  be  deceived, 
for  the  Indians  love  not  the  Spaniards.     Round  about  the 
town  there  are  very  many  gardens  and  orchards  of  the 
fruits  of  the  country,  marvellous  fair,  where  the  people  have 
great  recreation. 

There  are  near  about  this  city  of  Mexico  many  rivers  and  Alligator 
standing  waters  which  have  in  them  a  monstrous  kind  of 
fish,  which  is  marvellous  ravening,  and  a  great  devourer  of 
men  and  cattle.  He  is  wont  to  sleep  upon  the  dry  land  many 
times,  and  if  there  come,  in  the  mean  time,  any  man  or 
beast  and  wake  or  disquiet  him,  he  speedeth  well  if  he  get 
from  him.  He  is  like  unto  a  serpent,  saving  that  he  doth 
not  fly,  neither  hath  he  wings. 

There  is  west  out  of  Mexico  a  port  town  which  is  on  the  Port  of 
South  sea,  called  Puerto  de  Acapulco,  whereas  there  are  A03*"100 


20  Readings  in  American  History 

ships  which  they  have  ordinarily  for  the  navigation  of  China, 
which  they  have  newly  found.  This  port  is  three  score 
leagues  from  Mexico. 

There  is  another  port  town  which  is  called  Culiacun,  on 
the  South  sea,  which  lieth  west  by  north  out  of  Mexico  and 
is  200  leagues  from  the  same;  and  there  the  Spaniards  made 
two  ships  to  go  seek  the  strait  or  gulf,  which,  as  they  say, 
is  between  the  Newfoundland  and  Greenland;  and  they 
call  it  the  Englishmens'  strait;  which  as  yet  was  never  fully 
found.  They  say,  that  strait  lieth  not  far  from  the  main- 
land of  China,  which  the  Spaniards  account  to  be  marvel- 
lous rich. 

silver  Toward  the  north  from  Mexico,  there  are  great  store  of 

silver  mines.  There  is  greater  quantity  of  silver  found  in 
these  mines  toward  the  north  than  there  is  in  any  other 
parts.  These  mines  are  commonly  upon  great  hills  and 
stony  ground,  marvellous  hard  to  be  labored  and  wrought. 

Gold.  In  this  country  of  Nova  Hispania  there  are  also  mines  of 

gold,  although  the  gold  be  commonly  found  in  rivers,  or 
very  near  unto  rivers.  And  now,  in  these  days,  there  is  not 
so  much  gold  found  as  there  hath  been  heretofore. 

cities  of  The  Spaniards  have  notice  of  seven  cities  which  old  men 
of  the  Indians  show  them  should  lie  toward  the  northwest 
from  Mexico.  They  have  used,  and  use  daily,  much  diligence 
in  seeking  of  them,  but  they  cannot  find  any  one  of  them. 
They  say  that  the  witchcraft  of  the  Indians  is  such,  that 
when  they  come  by  these  towns,  they  cast  a  mist  upon  them 
so  that  they  cannot  see  them. 

They  have  understanding  of  another  city  which  they  call 
Copulla;  and  in  like  manner,  at  my  being  in  the  country, 
they  have  used  much  labor  and  diligence  in  the  seeking  of  it. 
They  have  found  the  lake  on  which  it  should  stand,  and  a 
canoe,  the  head  whereof  was  wrought  with  copper  curiously, 
and  could  not  find  nor  see  any  man,  nor  the  town  which  to 
their  understanding  should  stand  on  the  same  water,  or 
very  near  the  same. 
There  is  a  great  number  of  beasts  or  kine  in  the  country 


Spanish  Exploration  and  Colonization  21 

of  Cibola,  which  were  never  brought  hither  by  the  Spaniards,  Buffaloes, 
but  breed  naturally  in  the  country.  They  are  like  unto  our 
oxen,  saving  that  they  have  long  hair  like  a  lion,  and  short 
horns,  and  they  have  upon  their  shoulders  a  bunch  like  a 
camel,  which  is  higher  than  the  rest  of  their  body.  They 
are  marvellous  wild  and  swift  in  running.  They  call  them 
the  beasts  or  kine  of  Cibola. 

This  Cibola  is  a  city  which  the  Spaniards  found  now  of 
late,  without  any  people  in  the  same,  goodly  buildings,  fair 
chimneys,  windows  made  of  stone  and  timber  excellently 
wrought,  fair  wells  with  wheels  to  draw  their  water,  and  a 
place  where  they  buried  their  dead  people,  with  many  fair 
stones  upon  the  graves.  And  the  captain  would  not  suffer 
his  soldiers  to  break  up  any  part  of  these  graves,  saying,  he 
would  come  another  time  to  do  it. 

They  asked  certain  people  which  they  met,  whither  the 
people  of  this  city  were  gone;  and  they  made  answer,  they 
were  gone  down  a  river,  which  was  there  by,  very  great, 
and  there  had  builded  a  city  which  was  more  for  their  com- 
modity. 

The  captain,  lacking  things  necessary  for  himself  and  his 
men,  was  fain  to  return  back  again,  without  finding  any 
treasure  according  to  his  expectation;  neither  found  they 
but  few  people,  although  they  found  beaten  ways  which  had 
been  much  haunted  and  frequented.  The  captain  at  his 
coming  back  again,  had  a  great  check  of  the  governor,  be- 
cause he  had  not  gone  forwards,  and  seen  the  end  of  that 
river. 

The  people  of  the  country  are  of  good  stature,  tawny-  Indian 
colored,  broad-faced,  flat-nosed,  and  given  much  to  drink 
both  wine  of  Spain  and  also  a  certain  kind  of  wine  which  they 
make  with  honey  of  Magueiz,  and  roots,  and  other  things 
which  they  use  to  put  into  the  same.  They  call  the  same 
wine  Pulco.  They  are  soon  drunk,  and  given  to  much 
beastliness,  and  void  of  all  goodness.  Whereupon  they  are 
defended  from  the  drinking  of  wines,  upon  pains  of  money, 
as  well  he  that  selleth  the  wines  as  the  Indian  that  drinketh 


22  Readings  in  American  History 

the  same.     And  if  this  commandment  were  not,  all  the  wine 
in  Spain  and  France  were  not  sufficient  for  the  West  Indies 

only. 

They  are  of  much  simplicity  and  great  cowards,  void  of 
all  valor,  and  are  great  witches.  They  used  divers  times  to 
talk  with  the  devil,  to  whom  they  do  certain  sacrifices  and 
oblations;  many  times  they  have  been  taken  with  the  same, 
and  I  have  seen  them  most  cruelly  punished  for  that  offence. 

The  people  are  given  to  learn  all  manner  of  occupations 
and  sciences  (trades),  which  for  the  most  part,  they  learned 
since  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards;  I  say,  all  manner  of  arts. 
They  are  very  artificial  in  making  of  images  with  feathers, 
or  the  proportion  or  figure  of  any  man,  in  all  kind  of  manner 
as  he  is.  The  fineness  and  excellency  of  this  is  wonderful, 
that  a  barbarous  people  as  they  are,  should  give  themselves 
to  so  fine  an  art  as  this  is.  They  are  goldsmiths,  blacksmiths, 
and  coppersmiths,  carpenters,  masons,  shoemakers,  tailors, 
sadlers,  embroiderers,  and  of  all  other  kinds  of  sciences;  and 
they  will  do  work  so  good  cheap,  that  poor  young  men  that 
go  out  of  Spain  to  get  their  living,  are  not  set  on  work; 
which  is  the  occasion  there  are  many  idle  people  in  the 
country.  For  the  Indian  will  live  all  the  week  on  one  groat; 
which  the  Spaniard  cannot  do,  nor  any  man  else.  They  have 
no  care  for  anything,  but  only  from  day  to  day  for  that 
which  they  have  need  to  eat. 

The  Indians  have  the  friars  in  great  reverence.  The  occa- 
sion is  that  by  them  and  by  their  means  they  are  free  and 
out  of  bondage,  which  was  so  ordained  by  Charles  the  em- 
peror; which  is  the  occasion  that  now  there  is  not  so  much 
gold  and  silver  coming  into  Europe,  as  there  was  while  the 
Indians  were  slaves.  For  when  they  were  in  bondage  they 
could  not  choose  but  do  their  task  every  day,  and  bring 
their  masters  so  much  metal  out  of  their  mines;  but  now 
they  must  be  well  paid  and  much  entreated  to  have  them 
work.  So  it  hath  been,  and  is  a  great  hinderance  to  the 
owners  of  the  mines  and  to  the  kings  quinto  or  custom. 
There  are  many  mines  of  copper  in  great  quantity,  whereof 


Spanish  Exploration  and  Colonization  23 

they  spend  in  the  country  as  much  as  serveth  their  turns. 
There  is  some  gold  in  it,  but  not  so  much  as  will  pay  the  Copper 
costs  of  the  [rejfining.     The  quantity  of  it  is  such,  and  the  ands°ld- 
mines  are  so  far  from  the  sea,  that  it  will  not  be  worth  the 
freight  to  carry  it  into  Spain.     On  the  other  side,  the  king's 
officers  will  give  no  license  to  make  ordinance  thereof;  where- 
upon mines  lie  unlabored  and  of  no  valuation. 

The  pomp  and  liberality  of  the  owners  of  the  mines  is  Wealth 
marvellous  to  behold;  the  apparel  both  of  them  and  of  their  ownersT 
wives  is  more  to  be  compared  to  the  apparel  of  noble  persons 
than  otherwise.  If  their  wives  go  out  of  their  houses,  as 
unto  the  church,  or  any  other  place,  they  go  out  with  great 
majesty,  and  with  as  many  men  and  maids  as  though  she 
were  the  wife  of  some  nobleman.  I  will  assure  you,  I  have 
seen  a  miner's  wife  go  to  the  church  with  an  hundred  men, 
and  twenty  gentlewomen  and  maids.  They  keep  open 
house;  who  will,  may  come  to  eat  their  meat.  They  call 
men  with  a  bell  to  come  to  dinner  and  supper.  They  are 
princes  in  keeping  of  their  houses,  and  bountiful  in  all  man- 
ner of  things. 

A  good  owner  of  mines  must  have  at  the  least  an  hundred 
slaves  to  carry  and  to  stamp  his  metals;  he  must  have  many 
mules,  and  men  to  keep  the  mines;  he  must  have  mills  to 
stamp  his  metals;  he  must  have  many  wains  and  oxen  to 
bring  home  wood  to  fine  his  metals;  he  must  have  much 
quick-silver,  and  a  marvellous  quantity  of  salt  brine  for  the 
metals;  and  he  must  be  at  many  other  charges.  And  as 
for  this  charge  of  quick-silver,  it  is  a  ne"r  invention,  which 
they  find  more  profitable  than  to  fine  their  ore  with  lead. 
Howbeit,  the  same  is  very  costly;  for  there  is  never  a  hun- 
dred of  quick-silver  but  costeth  at  the  least  three  score 
pounds  sterling.  And  the  mines  fall  daily  in  decay  and  of 
less  value;  and  the  occasion  is,  the  few  Indians  that  men 
have  to  labor  their  mines. 

The  Indians  are  much  favored   by  the  Justices  of  the  Justice  to 
country,   and  they  call  them   their  orphans.     And   if  any 
Spaniard  should  happen  to  do  any  of  them  harm,  or  to  wrong 


24  Readings  in  American  History 

him  in  taking  anything  from  him,  as  many  times  they  do, 
or  to  strike  any  of  them,  being  in  any  town  where,  a  justice 
is,  they  are  as  well  punished  for  the  same  as  if  they  had 
done  it  one  Spaniard  to  another.  When  the  Spaniard  is  far 
from  Mexico  or  any  place  of  justice,  thinking  to  do  with  the 
poor  Indian  what  he  list,  considering  he  is  so  far  from  any 
place  of  remedy,  he  maketh  the  Indian  do  what  he  com- 
mandeth  him,  and  if  he  will  not  do  it,  he  beateth  and 
misuseth  him,  according  to  his  own  appetite.  The  Indian 
holdeth  his  peace  until  he  find  an  opportunity,  and  then 
taketh  a  neighbor  with  him  and  goeth  to  Mexico,  although 
it  be  twenty  leagues  off,  and  maketh  his  complaint.  This 
his  complaint  is  immediately  heard,  and  though  it  be  a 
knight  or  a  right  good  gentleman,  he  is  forthwith  sent  for, 
and  punished  both  by  his  goods  and  also  his  person  is  im- 
prisoned, at  the  pleasure  of  the  Justice.  This  is  the  occasion 
that  the  Indians  are  so  tame  and  civil,  as  they  are;  and  if 
they  should  not  have  this  favor,  the  Spanish  would  soon 
dispatch  all  the  Indians,  or  the  Indians  would  kill  them. 
But  they  may  call  them  dogs  or  other  evil  words,  and  the 
Indian  must  needs  put  it  up  and  go  his  way. 

Wealth  Montezuma,  which  was  the  last  king  of  this  country,  was 

of  Monto-  one  Of  tjjg  richest  princes  that  have  been  seen  in  our  time  or 
long  before.  He  had  all  kind  of  beasts  which  were  then  in 
the  country,  and  all  manner  of  birds  and  fishes,  and  all 
manner  of  worms  which  creep  upon  the  earth,  and  all  trees, 
and  flowers,  and  herbs,  all  fashioned  in  silver  and  gold, 
which  was  the  greatest  part  of  all  his  treasure,  and  in  these 
things  he  had  great  joy,  as  the  old  Indians  report.  And 
unto  this  day,  they  say  that  the  treasure  of  Montezuma  is 
hidden,  and  that  the  Spaniards  have  it  not.  This  King 
would  give  none  of  his  people  freedom,  nor  forgive  any  of 
them  that  should  pay  him  tribute,  though  he  were  never  so 
poor.  He  had  as  many  wives  and  concubines,  as  he  would 
have,  and  such  as  liked  him.  Always,  whenever  he  went 
out  of  his  Court  to  pass  the  time,  he  was  borne  upon  four  of 
his  noblemen's  shoulders  set  upon  a  table,  some  say  of  gold, 


/iima. 


Spanish  Exploration  and  Colonization  25 

and  very  richly  dressed  with  feathers  of  divers  and  many 
colors  and  flowers.  He  washed  all  his  body  every  day,  were 
it  never  so  cold.  And  unto  this  day,  so  do  all  the  Indians, 
and  especially  the  women. 

The  Spaniards  keep  the  Indians  in  great  subjection. 
They  may  have  in  their  houses  no  sword  nor  dagger,  nor 
knife  with  any  point,  nor  may  wear  upon  them  any  manner 
of  arms.  Neither  may  they  ride  upon  any  horse  nor  mule, 
in  any  saddle  nor  bridle,  neither  may  they  drink  wine,  which 
they  take  for  the  greatest  pain  of  all.  They  have  attempted 
divers  times  to  make  insurrections,  but  they  have  been  over- 
thrown immediately  by  their  own  great  and  beastly  coward- 
liness. 

5.     EXPEDITION  OF  DE  SOTO,  1539-42 

By  "A  Portugall  Gentleman  of  Eluas."  The  real  name  of  the 
writer  is  unknown,  but  he  accompanied  De  Soto  on  his  expedition. 
—(Richard  Hakluyt,  Voyages,  II,  pp.  1-131.  London,  1609.) 

Captaine  Soto  was  the  son  of  a  squire  of  Xcrcz  of  Badaioz.   De  Soto 
He  went  into  the  Spanish  Indies,  when  Peter  Arias  of  Auila  ^%^~ 

*  »  panies 

was  governour  of  the  West  Indies :  and  there  he  was  without  Pizarro 
any  thing  else  of  his  owne,  save  his  sword  and  target;  and 
for  his  good  qualities  and  valour,  Peter  Arias  made  him  . 
Captaine  of  a  troope  of  horsemen,  and  by  his  commandement 
hee  went  with  Fernando  Pizarro  to  the  conquest  of  Peru: 
where  (as  many  persons  of  credit  reported,  which  were  there 
present)  as  well  as  the  taking  of  Atabalipa,  Lord  of  Peru,  as 
at  the  assault  of  the  citie  of  Cusco,  and  in  all  other  places 
where  they  found  resistance,  wheresoeuer  hee  was  present, 
hee  passed  all  other  Captaines  and  principall  persons.  For 
which  cause,  besides  his  part  of  the  treasure  of  Atabalipa, 
he  had  a  good  share:  whereby  in  time  he  gathered  an  hundred 
and  four-score  thousand  Duckets  together,  with  that  which 
fell  to  his  part:  which  he  brought  into  Spainc :  whereof  the 
Emperour  borrowed  a  certaine  part,  which  he  repaied  againe 
with  60,000  Rials  of  plate  in  the  rent  of  the  silkes  of  Granada, 


26 


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and  all  the  rest  was  deliuered  him  in  the  Contractation  house 
of  Siuil  [Seville].  .  .  .  The  Emperour  made  him  the  govern- 
our  of  the  Isle  of  Cuba,  and  Adelantado  or  president  of 
Florida;  with  a  title  of  Marques  of  certaine  part  of  the  lands, 
that  he  should  conquer. 

When  Don  Ferdinando  had  obtained  the  gouernment, 
there  came  a  Gentleman  from  the  Indies  to  the  Court,  named 
Cabeca  dc  Vaca,  which  had  been  with  the  Governour  Pamphilo 
de  Naruaez  which  died  in  Florida,  who  reported  that  Naruacz 
was  cast  away  at  sea  with  all  the  companie  yt  went  with 
him.  And  how  he  with  foure  more  escaped  and  arriued  in 
Nucnua  Espanna;  Also  he  brought  a  relation  in  writing  of 
that  which  hee  had  seene  in  Florida ;  .  .  .  Generally  he  re- 
ported the  miserie  of  the  Countrie,  and  the  troubles  which 
he  passed;  and  hee  told  some  of  his  kinsfolke,  which  were 
desirous  to  goe  into  the  Indies,  and  urged  him  very  much  to 
tell  them  whether  he  had  seene  any  rich  country  in  Florida; 
.  .  .  And  hee  informed  them,  that  it  was  the  richest  Countrie 
of  the  world.  Don  Ferdinando  de  Soto  was  very  desirous  to 
have  him  with  him,  and  made  him  a  favourable  offer;  and 
after  they  were  agreed,  because  Soto  gave  him  not  a  summe  of 
money  which  he  demanded  to  buy  a  ship,  they  broke  off 
againe.  .  .  . 

.  In  the  yeere  of  our  Lord  1538,  in  the  month  of  Aprill,  the 
Adelantado  delivered  his  shippes  to  the  Captaines  which 
were  to  goe  in  them;  and  took  for  himself e  a  new  ship,  and 
good  of  saile,  .  .  . 

On  Sunday  the  18.  of  May,  in  the  yeere  of  our  Lord,  1539, 
the  Adelantado  or  president  departed .  from  Havana  in  Cuba 
with  his  fleete,  which  were  nine  vessels,  five  great  ships,  two 
carauels,  and  two  brigantines:  They  sailed  seven  dales  with 
a  prosperous  wind,  ...  On  Friday  the  30.  of  May  they 
landed  in  Florida,  .  .  .  They  set  on  land  two  hundred  and 
thirteene  horses,  .  .  .  Hee  landed  all  his  men,  and  only  the 
sea  men  remained  in  the  shippes,  . 

From  the  Port  dc  Spirito  Santo  where  the  Governour  lay, 
he  sent  the  Alcalde  Mayor  Baltasar  de  Gallegos  with  50  horse- 


Spanish  Exploration  and  Colonization  27 

men  and  30,  or  40,  footemen  to  the  province  of  Paracossi,  to 
view  the  disposition  of  the  countrie,  and  enforme  himselfe 
of  the  land  farther  inward,  and  to  send  him  word  of  such 
things  as  he  found.  .  .  .  Baltasar  came  to  the  Paracossi. 
.  .  .  He  asked  them  if  they  knew  or  had  notice  of  any  rich 
countrie  where  there  was  gold  or  silver.  They  told  them, 
they  did :  and  that  toward  the  West,  there  was  a  Prouince 
which  was  called  Cale;  and  that  others  that  inhabited  other 
Countries  had  warre  with  the  people  of  that  Countrie,  where 
the  most  part  of  the  yeere  was  sommer,  and  that  there  was 
much  gold ;  and  that  when  those  their  enemies  came  to  make 
warre  with  them  of  Cale,  these  inhabitants  of  Cale  did  weare 
hats  of  gold,  in  manner  of  head  pieces.  .  .  . 

Hee  [De  Soto]  left  Captaine  Calderon  at  the  Port,  with  DeSoto 
thirtie  horsemen,  and  seventie  footemen,  with  prouision  for  5?**!  °"t  *° 
two  yeeres,  and  himselfe  with  all  the  rest  marched  into  the  great  river. 
maine  land,  and  came  to  the  Paracossi,  at  whose  towne 
Baltasar  dc  Gallegos  was;   and  from  thence  with  all  his  men 
took  the  way  to  Cale.  .  .  . 

Upon  Monday  the  sixt  of  March  1542,  the  Gouvernour 
departed  from  Antiamque  to  seek  Nilco,  which  the  Indians 
said  was  neere  the  Great  river,  with  determination  to  come 
to  the  Sea,  and  procure  some  succour  of  men  and  horses; 
for  hee  had  now  but  three  hundred  men  of  warre,  and  fortie 
horses,  and  some  of  them  lame,  which  did  nothing  but  helpe 
to  make  up  the  number;  and  for  want  of  iron  they  had 
gone  above  a  yeere  unshod:  .  .  .  When  he  had  passed  the 
River  there  fell  out  such  weather,  that  foure  dales  he  could 
not  travell  for  snow.  Assoone  as  it  gave  ouer  snowing,  he 
went  three  daies  journey  through  a  Wildernesse,  and  a 
countrie  so  low,  and  so  full  of  lakes  and  ewill  waies,  that  hee 
travelled  one  time  a  whole  day  in  water,  sometimes  knee 
deepe,  sometimes  to  the  stirrup,  and  sometimes  they 
swamme.  .  .  . 

This  River  which  passed  by  Nilco  was  that  which  passed 
by  Coyas  and  Antiamque,  and  fell  into  Rio  grande,  or  the 
Great  Riuer  [Mississippi],  which  passed  by  Pachaba  and 


28  Readings  i/i  American  History 

Aqulw  neere  into  the  province  of  Guachoya:  .  .  .  Within 
few  daies  the  Governour  determined  to  goe  to  Guachoija,  to 
learne  there  whether  the  Sea  was  neere  ...  As  he  passed 
the  Riuer  of  Nilco,  there  came  in  canoes  Indians  of  Guachoya 
up  the  streame,  and  when  they  saw  him,  supposing  that  he 
came  to  seeke  them  to  doe  them  some  hurt,  they  returned 
downe  the  River  and  informed  the  Cacique  thereof;  who  with 
all  his  people,  spoiling  the  towne  of  all  that  they  could  carrie 
away,  passed  that  night  over  to  the  other  side  of  Rio  grandc, 
or  the  great  River.  The  Governour  sent  a  Captaine  with 
fifty  men  in  sixe  canoes  downe  the  Riuer,  and  went  himselfe 
by  land  with  the  rest;  hee  came  to  Guachoija  upon  Sunday 
the  17.  of  Aprill;  he  lodged  in  the  towne  of  the  Cacique 
which  was  inclosed  about,  and  seated  a  crossebow  shot  dis- 
tant from  the  River.  .  .  . 

The  As  soone  as  the  Governour  came  to  Guachoya,  hee  sent 

sippf5"  John  Danusco  with  as  many  men  as  could  goe  in  the  canoes 
reached.  up  the  River.  For  when  they  came  downe  from  Nilco  they 
saw  on  the  other  side  the  River  new  cabins  made.  John 
Damusco  went  and  brought  the  canoes  loden  with  Maiz, 
French  beanes,  Prunes,  and  many  loaves  made  of  the  sub- 
stance of  prunes.  That  day  came  an  Indian  to  the  Govern- 
our, from  the  Cacique  of  Guachoi/a,  and  said,  that  his  Lord 
would  come  next  day.  The  next  day  they  saw  many  canoes 
come  vp  the  River,  ...  In  them  came  the  Cacique  of 
Guachoya,  and  brought  with  him  manie  Indians  with  great 
store  of  Fish,  Dogges,  Deeres  skinnes,  and  mantles:  and 
assoone  as  they  landed,  they  went  to  the  lodging  of  the  Gov- 
ernour, and  presented  him  their  gifts,  .  .  . 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  RIVALRY  OF  NATIONS  IN   THE  SIXTEENTH 
CENTURY 

6.    THE  EXPEDITION  OF  JOHN  CABOT,  1497 

Letter  from  Lorenzo  Pasqualigo  to  his  Brothers  Alvise  and 
Francesco. — (Clements  R.  Markham,  translator  and  editor.  The 
Journal  of  Christopher  Columbus  and  Documents  Relating  to  the 
Voyages  of  John  Cabot  and  Caspar  Corte  Real,  pp.  201-206, 
Hakluyt  Society  Publications.  London,  1893.) 

London,  23rd  August,  1497. 

Our  Venetian,  who  went  with  a  small  ship  from  Bristol 
to  find  new  islands,  has  come  back,  and  says  he  has  discov- 
ered, 700  leagues  off,  the  mainland  of  the  country  of  the 
Gran  Cam  [China],  and  that  he  coasted  along  it  for  300 
leagues,  and  landed,  but  did  not  see  any  person.  But  he  has 
brought  here  to  the  king  certain  snares  spread  to  take  game 
and  a  needle  for  making  nets,  and  he  found  some  notched 
trees,  from  which  he  judged  that  there  were  inhabitants. 
Being  in  doubt,  he  came  back  to  the  ship.  He  has  been 
away  three  months  on  the  voyage,  which  is  certain,  and,  in 
returning,  he  saw  two  islands  to  the  right,  but  he  did  not 
wish  to  land,  lest  he  should  lose  time,  for  he  was  in  want  of 
provisions.  The  king  has  been  much  pleased.  He  says  that 
the  tides  are  slack,  and  do  not  make  currents  as  they  do  here. 
The  king  has  promised  for  another  time,  ten  armed  ships  as 
he  desires,  and  has  given  him  all  the  prisoners,  except  such 
as  are  confined  for  high  treason,  to  go  with  him  as  he  has 
requested;  and  has  granted  him  money  to  amuse  himself 

29 


30 


Readings  in  American  History 


Plan  for 
a  second 
expedition. 


Results  of 
the  flrst 
expedition 
of  John 
Cabot. 


till  then.  Meanwhile,  he  is  with  his  Venetian  wife  and  his 
sons  at  Bristol.  His  name  is  Zuam  Talbot  and  he  is  called 
the  Great  Admiral,  great  honour  being  paid  to  him,  and  he 
goes  dressed  in  silk.  The  English  are  ready  to  go  with  him, 
and  so  are  many  of  our  rascals.  The  discoverer  of  these 
things  has  planted  a  large  cross  in  the  ground  with  a  banner 
of  England,  and  one  of  St.  Mark,  as  he  is  a  Venetian;  so 
that  our  flag  has  been  hoisted  very  far  away. 

Extract  from  the  Privy  Purse  Accounts,  Henry  VII. 

Reward  for  John  Cabot,  10th  Aug.  1497.     To  hym  that 
founde  the  new  isle,  £10. 

First  Despatch  of  Raimondo  di  Soncino  to  the  Duke  of 
Milan  (extract). 

24th  August  1497. 

Some  months  afterwards  His  Majesty  sent  a  Venetian, 
who  is  a  distinguished  sailor,  and  who  was  much  skilled  in 
the  discovery  of  new  islands,  and  he  has  returned  safe,  and 
has  discovered  two  very  large  and  fertile  islands,  having  it 
would  seem,  discovered  the  seven  cities,  400  leagues  from 
England  to  the  westward.  These  successes  led  His  Majesty ' 
at  once  to  entertain  the  intention  of  sending  him  with  fifteen 
or  twenty  vessels. 

Second  Despatch  of  Raimondo  Di  Soncino  to  the  Duke  of 
Milan. 

18th.  December,  1497. 

My  most  illustrious  and  most  excellent  Lord, — 
Perhaps  amidst  so  many  occupations  of  your  Excellency 
it  will  not  be  unwelcome  to  learn  how  his  Majesty  has  ac- 
quired a  part  of  Asia  without  drawing  his  sword.  In  this 
kingdom  there  is  a  certain  Venetian  named  Zoanne  Caboto, 
of  gentle  disposition,  very  expert  in  navigation,  who  seeing 
that  the  most  serene  Kings  of  Portugal  and  Spain  had  occu- 
pied unknown  islands,  meditated  the  achievement  of  a  sim- 


Tfw  Rivalry  of  Nations 


31 


ilar  acquisition  for  the  said  Majesty.  Having  obtained 
royal  privileges  securing  to  himself  the  use  of  the  dominions 
he  might  discover,  the  sovereignty  being  reserved  to  the 
crown,  he  entrusted  his  fortune  to  a  small  vessel  with  a 
crew  of  18  persons,  and  set  out  from  Bristo,  a  port  in  the 
western  part  of  this  kingdom.  Having  passed  Ibernia, 
which  is  still  further  to  the  west  and  then  shaped  a  northerly 
course,  he  began  to  navigate  to  the  eastern  part,  leaving 
(during  several  days)  the  North  Star  on  the  right  hand;  and 
having  wandered  thus  for  a  long  time,  at  length  he  hit  upon 
land,  where  he  hoisted  the  royal  standard,  and  took  posses- 
sion for  his  Highness,  and,  having  obtained  various  proofs 
of  his  discovery,  he  returned.  The  said  Messer  Zoanne, 
being  a  foreigner  and  poor,  would  not  have  been  believed  if 
the  crew,  who  are  nearly  all  English,  and  belonging  to  Bristo, 
had  not  testified  that  what  he  said  was  the  truth.  This 
Messer  Zoanne  has  the  description  of  the  world  on  a  chart, 
and  also  on  a  solid  sphere,  which  he  has  constructed,  and  on 
which  he  shows  where  he  has  been;  and,  proceeding  towards 
the  east,  he  has  passed  as  far  as  the  country  of  the  Tanais. 
And  they  say  that  there  the  land  is  excellent  and  temperate,  character 
suggesting  that  brasil  [dye-wood]  and  silk  grow  there.  They  ^^dis- 
affirm that  the  sea  is  full  of  fish,  which  are  not  only  taken  covered, 
with  a  net,  but  also  with  a  basket,  a  stone  being  fastened  to 
it  in  order  to  keep  it  in  the  water;  and  this  I  have  heard 
stated  by  the  said  Messer  Zoanne. 

The  said  Englishmen,  his  companions,  say  that  they  took 
so  many  fish  that  this  kingdom  will  no  longer  have  need  of 
Iceland,  from  which  country  there  is  an  immense  trade  in 
the  fish  they  call  stock-fish.  But  Messer  Zoanne  has  set 
his  mind  on  higher  things,  for  he  thinks  that,  when  that 
place  has  been  occupied,  he  will  keep  on  still  further  to  the 
east,  where  he  will  be  opposite  to  an  island  called  Cipango 
[Japan]  situated  in  the  equinoctial  region,  where  he  believes 
that  all  the  spices  of  the  world,  as  well  as  the  jewels  are  found. 
He  further  says  that  he  was  once  at  Mecca,  whither  the  spices 
are  brought  by  caravans  from  distant  countries;  and  having 


32  Readings  in  American  History 

inquired  from  whence  they  were  brought  and  where  they 
grow,  they  answered  they  did  not  know,  but  that  such  mer- 
chandize was  brought  from  distant  countries  by  other  cara- 
vans to  their  home;  and  they  further  say  that  they  are  also 
conveyed  from  other  remote  regions.  And  he  adduced  this 
argument,  that  if  the  eastern  people  tell  those  in  the  south 
that  these  things  come  from  a  far  distance  from  them,  pre- 
supposing the  rotundity  of  the  earth,  it  must  be  that  the  last 
turn  would  be  by  the  north  towards  the  west;  and  it  is  said 
that  in  this  way  the  route  would  not  cost  more  than  it  costs 
now,  and  I  also  believe  it.  And  what  is  more,  His  Majesty, 
who  is  wise  and  not  prodigal,  reposes  such  trust  in  him  be- 
cause of  what  he  has  already  achieved,  that  he  gives  him  a 
good  maintenance,  as  Messer  Zoanne  has  himself  told  me. 
Plans  for  And  it  is  said  that  before  long  his  Majesty  will  arm  some 
a  second  n«  for  m'm  anc|  w;n  g;ve  m'm  &\\  tne  malefactors  to  go  to 

expedition.          r  111  u i-  r. 

that  country  and  form  a  colony,  so  that  they  hope  to  establish 
a  greater  depot  of  spices  in  London  than  there  is  in  Alex- 
andria. The  principal  people  in  the  enterprise  belong  to 
Bristo.  They  are  good  seamen,  and  now  that  they  know 
where  to  go,  they  say  that  the  voyage  thither  will  not  oc- 
cupy them  more  than  15  days  after  leaving  Ibernia.  I  have 
also  spoken  with  a  Burgundian,  who  was  a  companion  of 
Messer  Zoanne,  who  affirms  all  this,  and  who  wishes  to  re- 
turn because  the  Admiral  (for  so  Messer  Zoanne  is  so  entitled) 
has  given  him  an  island,  and  has  given  another  to  his  barber 
of  Castione  [Castiglione]  who  is  a  Genoese,  and  both  look 
upon  themselves  as  counts;  nor  do  they  look  upon  my  Lord 
the  Admiral  as  less  than  a  Prince.  I  also  believe  that  some 
poor  Italian^  friars  are  going  on  this  voyage,  who  have  all 
had  bishopricks  promised  to  them.  And  if  I  had  made 
friends  with  the  Admiral  when  he  was  about  to  sail,  I  should 
have  got  an  archbishoprick  at  least;  but  I  have  thought  that 
the  benefits  reserved  for  me  by  your  Excellency  will  be 
more  secure.  I  would  venture  to  pray  that,  in  the  event  of 
a  vacancy  taking  place  in  my  absence,  I  may  be  put  in  posses- 
sion, and  that  I  may  not  be  superseded  by  those,  who  being 


The  Rivalry  of  Nations  33 

present,  can  be  more  diligent  than  I,  who  am  reduced  in  this 
country  to  eating  at  each  meal  ten  or  twelve  kinds  of  victuals, 
and  to  being  three  hours  at  table  every  day,  two  for  love  of 
your  Excellency,  to  whom  I  humbly  recommend  myself. 
London,  18  Dec.  1497,  your  Excellency's  most  humble 
servant. 

RAIMUNDUS. 

7.    CARTIER'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  HOCHELAGA,  1535 

In  April,  1534,  Jacques  Cartier,  a  native  of  St.  Malo,  France, 
under  orders  from  Francis  I,  set  out  with  two  vessels  of  sixty  tons 
each  to  extend  the  bounds  of  France.  During  his  absence  of  six 
months  he  explored  the  St.  Lawrence  "until  land  could  be  seen  on 
either  side."  The  expedition  was  regarded  as  successful,  and  Car- 
tier  set  out  on  a  second  expedition  in  May,  1535.  The  account  of 
Hochelaga  was  written  by  Cartier  himself. — (Richard  Hakluyt, 
Voyages,  III,  pp.  213-236.  London,  1600.) 

In  the  yeere  of  our  Lord  1535,  upon  Whitsunday,  being  Theex- 
the  16  of  May,  by  the  commandement  of  our  Captaine  James  Pedltlon- 
Cartier,  and  with  a  common  accord,  in  the  Cathedrall 
Church  of  S.  Malo  we  devoutly  each  one  confessed  our 
selves,  and  received  the  Sacrament:  and  all  entring  into  the 
Quier  of  a  sayd  Church,  wee  presented  our  selves  before  the 
Reverend  Father  in  Christ,  the  Lord  Bishop  of  S.  Malo, 
who  blessed  us  all,  being  in  his  Bishops  roabes.  The 
Wednesday  following,  being  the  19  of  May,  there  arose  a 
good  gale  of  wind,  and  therefore  we  hoysed  sayle  with  three 
ships.  ...  So  we  sayled  with  a  good  and  prosperous  wind, 
untill  the  20  of  the  said  moneth. 

Now  our  Captaine  with  five  Gentlemen  and  twentie  armed 
men  all  well  in  order,  went  to  see  the  toune  of  Hochelaga, 
and  the  situation  of  it. 

Our  Captaine  the  next  day  very  earely  in  the  morning,   Cartier's 
having  very  gorgeously  attired  himself,  caused  all  his  com-   H^.he?ag 
puny  to  be  set  in  order  to  go  to  see  the  toune  and  habitation 
of  these  people,  and  a  certaine  mountaine  that  is  somewhat 
neere  the  citie:    with  whom  went  also  five  gentlemen  and 


34  Readings  in  American  History 

twentie  mariners,  leaving  the  rest  to  keepe  and  looke  to  our 
boates:  we  tooke  with  us  three  men  of  Hochelaga  to  bring 
us  to  the  place.  All  along  as  we  went  we  found  the  way  as 
well  beaten  and  frequented  as  can  be,  the  fairest  and  best 
country  that  possibly  can  be  scene,  full  of  as  goodly  great 
okes  as  are  in  an  wood  in  France,  under  which  the  ground 
was  all  covered  over  with  faire  Akornes.  After  we  had  gone 
about  foure  or  five  miles,  we  met  by  the  way  one  of  the 
chiefest  Lords  of  the  citie,  accompanied  with  many  more, 
who  so  soone  as  he  sawe  us  beckned  and  made  signes  upon 
us,  that  we  must  rest  in  that  place  where  they  had  made  a 
great  fire  and  so  we  did.  After  that  we  had  rested  our  selves 
there  awhile,  the  said  Lord  began  to  make  a  long  discourse, 
even  as  we  have  said  above,  they  are  accustomed  to  doe  in 
signe  of  mirth  and  friendship,  shewing  our  Capitaine  and  all 
his  company  a  joyfull  countenance,  and  good  will,  who  gave 
him  two  hatchets,  a  pair  of  knives  and  a  crosse  which  he 
made  him  to  kisse,  and  then  put  it  about  his  necke,  for  which 
he  gave  our  Captaine  heartie  thanks.  This  done,  we  went 
along,  and  about  a  mile  and  a  half  farther,  we  began  to  finde 
goodly  and  large  fieldes,  full  of  such  come  as  the  countrie 
yeeldeth.  It  is  even  as  the  Millet  of  Bresil,  as  great  and 
somewhat  bigger  than  small  peas,  wherewith  they  live  even 
as  we  do  with  ours.  In  the  midst  of  those  fields  is  the  citie 
of  Hochelaga,  placed  neere,  and  as  it  were  joyned  to  a  great 
mountaine  that  is  tilled  round  about,  very  fertill,  on  the 
top  of  which  you  may  see  very  farre,  we  named  it  Mount 
Descrip-  Roiall.  The  citie  of  Hochelaga  is  round,  compassed  about 
th^town.  witn  timber,  with  three  course  of  Rampires,  one  within 
another  framed  like  a  sharp  Spire  but  laid  across  above. 
The  middlemost  of  them  is  made  and  built,  as  a  direct  line 
but  perpendicular.  The  Rampires  are  framed  and  fashioned 
with  peeces  of  timber,  layd  along  on  the  ground,  very  well 
and  cunningly  joined  together  after  tMr  fas  'in.  TH 
closure  is  in  height  about  two  rods.  >, 

entry  thereat,  which  is  shut  with  p         M  v 

Over  it,  and  also  in  many  places  of  \> 


The  Rivalry  of  Nations  35 

to  runne  along,  and  ladders  to  get  up,  all  full  of  stones  for 
the  defence  of  it.  There  are  in  the  toune  about  fiftie  houses, 
about  fiftie  paces  long,  and  twelve  or  fiftiene  broad,  built  all 
of  wood,  covered  over  with  the  barke  of  the  wood  as  broad 
as  any  boord,  very  finely  and  cunningly  joined  together. 
Within  the  said  houses,  there  are  many  roomes,  lodgings  and 
chambers.  In  the  middest  of  every  one  there  is  a  great 
Court,  in  the  middle  whereof  they  make  their  fire.  They 
live  in  common  together:  there  doe  the  husbands,  wives  and 
children  each  one  retire  themselves  to  their  chambers. 
They  have  also  on  the  tops  of  their  houses  certaine  garrets, 
wherein  they  keepe  their  corne  'to  make  their  bread  withall : 
they  call  it  Carraconny,  which  they  make  as  hereafter  shall 
follow.  They  have  certain  peeces  of  wood,  made  hollow 
like  those  whereon  we  beate  our  hempe,  and  with  certain 
beetles  of  wood  they  beat  their  corne  to  powder:  then  they 
make  a  paste  of  it,  and  of  the  paste,  cakes  or  wreathes,  then 
they  lay  them  on  a  broad  and  hote  stone,  and  then  cover  it 
with  hot  stones,  and  so  they  bake  their  bread  instead  of 
Ovens.  They  make  also  sundry  sorts  of  pottage  with  the 
said  corne  and  also  of  pease  and  beanes,  whereof  they  have 
great  store,  as  also  with  other  fruits,  as  Mushe-Millions,  and 
very  great  cowcumbers.  They  have  also  in  their  houses 
certaine  vessels  as  bigge  as  any  But  or  Tun,  wherein  they 
preserve  and  keep  their  fish,  causing  the  same  in  sommer  to 
be  dried  in  the  sunne,  and  live  therewith  in  winter,  whereof 
they  make  great  provision,  as  we  by  experience  have  seene. 
All  their  viands  and  meates  are  without  any  taste  or  savor  of 
salt  at  all.  They  sleepe  upon  barkes  of  trees  laid  all  along 
upon  the  ground  being  overspread  with  the  skinnies  of  cer- 
taine wilde  Beastes,  wherewith  they  also  cloth  and  cover 
themselves.  .  .  . 

D- 
no-  !.  HI  'j 


CHAPTER  IV 

VIRGINIA  AND   MARYLAND 

8.     INSTRUCTIONS  FOR  THE  VOYAGE  TO  VIRGINIA 

(Captain  John  Smith,  Works,  edited  by  Edward  Arber,  Vol.  I, 
xxxiii.     Birmingham,  England,  1884.) 

Advice  of  the  Council  to  the  captains  and  company  sent 
to  Virginia. 

Place  for  When  it  shall  please  God  to  send  you  on  the  coast  of  Vir- 
settiement.  gjnia>  yOU  shall  do  your  best  endeavor  to  find  out  a  safe 
port  in  the  entrance  of  some  navigable  river,  making  choice 
of  such  a  one  as  runneth  farthest  into  the  land  and  if  you 
happen  to  discover  divers  portable  rivers,  and  amongst 
them  any  one  that  hath  two  main  branches,  if  the  difference 
be  not  great,  make  choice  of  that  which  bendeth  most  toward 
the  North-west  for  that  way  you  shall  soonest  find  the  other 
sea.  .  .  . 

And  to  the  end  that  you  be  not  surprized  as  the  French 
were  in  Florida  by  Melindus,  and  the  Spaniard  in  the  same 
the  enemy,  place  by  the  French,  you  shall  do  well  to  make  this  double 
provision.  First,  erect  a  little  stoure  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river  that  may  lodge  some  ten  men;  with  whom  you  shall 
leave  a  light  boat,  that  when  any  fleet  shall  be  in  sight,  they 
may  come  with  speed  to  give  you  warning.  Secondly,  you 
must  in  no  case  suffer  any  of  the  native  people  of  the  coun- 
try to  inhabit  between  you  and  the  sea  coast;  for  you  cannot 
carry  yourselves  so  towards  them,  but  they  will  grow  dis- 
contented with  your  habitation,  and  be  ready  to  guide  and 
assist  any  nation  that  shall  come  to  invade  you;  and  if  you 
neglect  this  you  neglect  your  safety.  .  .  . 

36 


Precau- 
tions 
against 


Virginia  and  Maryland 


37 


You  must  observe  if  you  can,  whether  the  river  on  which 
you  plant  doth  spring  out  of  mountains  or  out  of  lakes.  If 
it  be  out  of  any  lake,  the  passage  to  the  other  sea  will  be  more 
easy,  and  it  is  like  enough  that  out  of  the  same  lake  you  shall 
find  some  spring  which  runs  the  contrary  way  towards  the 
East  India  Sea:  for  the  great  and  famous  rivers  of  Volga, 
Tanais  and  Dwina  have  three  heads  near  joynid;  and  yet 
one  falleth  into  the  Caspian  Sea,  the  other  into  the  Euxine 
Sea,  and  the  third  into  the  Paelonian  Sea. 

In  all  your  passages  you  must  have  great  care  not  to  offend 
the  naturals,  if  you  can  eschew  it;  and  imploy  some  few  of 
your  company  to  trade  with  them  for  corn  and  all  other 
lasting  victuals  if  they  have  any:  and  this  you  must  do 
before  that  they  perceive  you  mean  to  plant  among  them: 
for  not  being  sure  how  your  own  seed  corn  will  prosper  the 
first  year,  to  avoid  the  danger  of  famine,  use  and  endeavor 
to  store  yourselves  of  the  country  corn.  .  .  . 

You  must  take  especial  care  that  you  choose  a  seat  for 
habitation  that  shall  not  be  over  burthened  with  woods  near 
your  town:  for  all  the  men  you  have,  shall  not  be  able  to 
cleanse  twenty  acres  a  year;  besides  that  it  may  serve  for 
a  covert  for  your  enemies  round  about. 

Neither  must  you  plant  in  a  low  or  moist  place,  because 
it  will  prove  unhealthfull.  You  shall  judge  of  the  good 
air  by  the  people;  ...  if  the  naturals  be  strong  and  clean 
made,  it  is  a  true  sign  of  a  wholesome  soil. 

You  must  take  care  that  your  marriners  that  go  for  wages 
do  not  marr  your  trade:  for  those  that  mind  not  to  inhabite, 
for  a  little  gain  will  debase  the  estimation  of  exchange  and 
hinder  the  trade  for  ever  after:  and  therefore  you  shall  not 
admit  or  suffer  any  person  whatsoever,  other  than  such  as 
shall  be  appointed  by  the  President  and  Counsel  there,  to 
buy  any  marchandises  or  other  things  whatsoever. 

And  seeing  order  is  at  the  same  price  with  confusion,  it 
shall  be  adviseably  done  to  set  your  houses  even  and  by  a 
line,  that  your  streets  may  have  a  good  breadth  and  be 
carried  square  about  your  market  place,  and  every  street's 


Plan  of 
town. 


456568 


38 


Readings  in  American  History 


end  opening  into  it;  that  from  thence  with  a  few  field  pieces, 
you  may  command  every  street  throughout;  which  market 
place  you  may  also  fortify  if  you  think  it  needfull.  .  .  . 

Lastly  and  chiefly  the  way  to  prosper  and  achieve  good 
success  is  to  make  yourselves  all  of  one  mind  for  the  good 
of  your  country  and  your  own,  and  to  serve  and  fear  God 
the  Giver  of  all  Goodness,  for  every  plantation  which  our 
Heavenly  Father  hath  not  planted  shall  be  rooted  out. 


Protec- 
tion of  the 
colony. 


Condi- 
tions after 
the  de- 
parture of 
Newport. 


9.    CONDITION  OF  THE  JAMESTOWN  COLONY,  1607 

On  May  14,  1607,  the  three  vessels  commanded  by  Captain 
Christopher  Newport  anchored  at  a  point  on  James  River,  some 
thirty-two  miles  from  its  mouth.  The  colonists  landed  and  began 
the  settlement  of  Jamestown.  June  22  Captain  Newport  sailed  for 
England,  leaving  one  hundred  and  four  settlers.  So  poorly  equipped 
were  the  settlers  for  the  hardships  encountered  that  by  September 
10  only  forty-six  of  their  number  were  still  alive. — (Gathered  out 
of  a  Discourse  of  the  Plantation  of  the  Southern  Colonie  in  Vir- 
ginia by  the  English,  1606.  Written  by  that  Honorable  Gentleman 
Master  George  Percy.  Purchas  His  Pilgrimes,  IV,  pp.  1685-90. 
London,  1625.) 

The  fifteenth  of  June,  1607,  we  had  built  and  finished  our 
Fort,  which  was  triangle  wise;  having  three  Bulwarkes,  one 
at  every  corner,  like  a  halfe  Moone,  and  four  or  five  pieces 
of  artillery  mounted  in  them;  this  we  had  made  ourselves  suf- 
ficiently strong  for  these  savages.  We  had  also  sown  most  of 
our  corn  on  two  mountains.  It  had  sprung  a  mans  height  from 
the  ground.  This  country  is  a  fruitful  soil,  bearing  many 
goodly  and  fruitful  trees,  as  Mulberries,  Cherries,  Walnuts, 
Cedars,  Cypresse,  Sassafras,  and  vines  in  great  abundance. 

Monday,  the  two  and  twentieth  of  June,  1607,  in  the  morn- 
ing Captain  Newport  in  the  Admirall  departed  from  James 
port  for  England. 

Captain  Newport  being  gone  for  England,  leaving  us,  one 
hundred  and  four  persons,  verie  bare  and  scantie  of  victuals: 
furthermore  in  warres  and  in  danger  of  the  Savages.  We 
hoped  after  a  supply,  which  Captain  Newport  promised 


Virginia  and  Maryland  39 

within  twentie  weeks.  But  if  the  beginners  of  this  action 
doe  carefully  further  us,  the  country  being  so  fruitful,  it 
would  be  as  great  a  profit  to  the  realm  of  England  as  the  Indies 
to  the  King  of  Spain.  If  this  river  which  we  have  found  had 
been  discovered  in  time  of  war  with  Spain,  it  would  have 
been  a  commoditie  to  our  realm,  and  a  great  annoyance  to 
our  enemies.  .  .  . 

Our  men  were  destroyed  with  cruell  diseases,  as  swellings, 
fluxes,  burning  fevers  and  by  warres:  and  some  departed 
suddenly,  but  for  the  most  part  they  died  of  meere  famine. 

There  were  never  Englishmen  left  in  a  foreign  country  in 
such  misery  as  we  were  in  this  new  discovered  Virginia. 
We  watched  every  three  nights,  lying  on  the  bare  cold  ground, 
what  weather  soever  came;  and  warded  all  the  next  day; 
which  brought  our  men  to  be  most  feeble  wretches.  Our 
food  was  but  a  small  can  of  barley,  sodden  in  water,  to  five 
men  a  day.  Our  drink,  cold  water  taken  out  of  the  river; 
which  was,  at  a  flood  very  salt;  at  low  tide  full  of  slime  and 
filth,  which  was  the  destruction  of  many  of  our  men.  Thus 
we  lived  for  the  space  of  five  months  [August,  1607- January, 
1608]  in  this  miserable  distress,  not  having  five  able  men  to 
man  our  bulwarkes  upon  any  occasion.  If  it  had  not  pleased 
God  to  have  put  a  terror  in  the  savages  hearts,  we  had  all 
perished  by  those  wild  and  cruel  Pagans,  being  in  that 
weake  estate  as  we  were;  our  men  night  and  day  groaning 
in  every  corner  of  the  fort  most  pitiful  to  hear.  If  there 
were  any  conscience  in  men,  it  would  make  their  hearts 
bleed,  to  hear  the  pitiful  murmurings  and  outcries  of  our 
sick  men  without  relief,  every  night  and  day  for  the  space  of 
six  weeks;  some  departing  out  of  this  world,  many  times 
three  or  four  in  a  night;  in  the  morning  their  bodies  trailed 
out  of  their  cabins  like  dogs  to  be  buried.  In  this  sort  did 
I  see  the  mortality  of  divers  of  our  people. 

It  pleased  God  after  a  while,  to  send  those  people  which 
were  our  mortal  enemies,  to  relieve  us  with  victuals,  as 
bread,  corne,  fish,  and  flesh  in  great  plenty,  which  was  the 
setting  up  of  our  feeble  men,  otherwise  we  had  all  perished. 


40  Readings  in  American  History 


10.    VALUE  OF  VIRGINIA  AS  A  COLONY 

(Virginia  More  Especially  the  South  part  thereof,  Richly  and  truly 
valued :  The  Discovery  of  Silkworms,  Also  The  Dressing  of  Vines, 
for  the  rich  Trade  of  making  Wines  in  Virginia.  Together  with  the 
making  of  the  Saw-mill,  very  usefull  in  Virginia,  by  E.  W.,  Gent., 
London,  1650.  Peter  Force,  Collection  of  Historical  Tracts,  III, 
No.  XI,  pp.  1-62.) 

Place  for  1.  It  will  disburthen  this  nation  of  many  indigent  persons, 
ers'  who  having  formerly  perhaps  enjoyed  a  fulnesse  of  abused 
or  forfeyted  plenty,  at  the  present  reduced  to  an  inequality 
of  such  subsistence,  are  commonly  prompted  to  their  owne 
and  other  mens  ruine  by  making  the  high  waves  (which 
should  be  as  public  and  inviolable  a  sanctuary  as  the  most 
sacred  places)  an  ambuscado  to  innocent  Travellers,  by  which 
interruption  of  passages,  there  is  commonly  occasioned  a 
decay  and  disincouragement  of  commerce,  and  dayly  ex- 
amples informs  us,  that  Prisons  at  present  are  almost  as 
full  of  criminal!  as  indebted  persons. 

Suitable          2.  It  will   take  off  all  Parish  charges,   in   providing  for 

orphan^  destitute  Minors  and  Orphans,  whereof  there  is  at  present  a 
burthensome  multitude,  whereby  the  Parishes  so  freed,  may 
with  greater  alacrity  and  ability,  part  with  contributory 
moneys  to  maintaine,  recruite,  and  incourage  your  Armies 
and  Navies. 

3.  Those  Orphans  so  provided  for  may  by  Gods  blessings 
upon  their  labours  become  happy  and  wealthy  instruments, 
advantageous  to  the  place  of  their  nativity  in  particular, 
and  their  whole  nation  in  generall.  Whereas  the  condition  of 
their  birth  and  the  usual  way  of  exposing  them,  makes  them 
capable  of  no  more  gainfull  calling  than  that  of  day-labourers, 
or  which  is  more  frequent,  hereditary  beggars. 

ten's0"'  4'  The  rePublic  in  its  P^sent  constitution  abounding  with 
so  dangerous  a  number  of  male  contents,  who  commonly  like 
Shrubs  under  high  and  spreading  Cedars,  imagine  the 
spacious  height  of  others  to  be  the  cause  of  their  owne  low- 


Virginia  and  Maryland 


41 


ness,  may  by  this  means  be  honourably  secured,  and  such 
men  removing  their  discontents  with  their  persons,  will  have 
a  brave  and  ample  theater  to  make  their  merits  and  abilities 
emergent,  and  a  large  field  to  sow  and  reap  the  fruit  of  all 
their  honest  industrious  and  public  intentions. 

5.  It  will  to  admiration  increase  the  number  of  Ships  and 
Seamen,  (the  brazen  wall  of  this  nation)  all  materiall  to  ad- 
vance  Navigation,  being  abundantly  to  be  furnished  out  of 
those  countries  and  the  more  Passengers  by  conference  and 
disputation  with  the  knowing  Mariner,  will  take  great  delight, 
satisfaction,  and  ambition,  to  attaine  to  the  Theory  of  that 
knowledge,  while  the  less  capable  being  accustomed  and  as- 
signed to  an  usuall  part  in  the  toyle  thereof,  and  instructed 
by  the  ordinary  Seaman,  will  be  brought  to  a  good  readinesse 
therein  and  speedy  perfection. 

6.  All  materialls  for  shipping,  as  Timber,  Cordage,  Sailes, 
Iron,  Brasse,  Ordnance,  of  both  metals,  and  whatever  else 
we  are  necesitated  to  supply  our  wants  with  out  of  the  East- 
erne  Countries,  who  make  it  not  unusuall  to  take  advantages 
of  their  neighbours  necessity,  and  often  times  upon  a  pre- 
tence of  difference  or  unintelligence  betwixt  us,  embrace  an 
occasion  to  over-rate  or  over-custome  their  commodities,  or  (a 
real  quarrell  widening)  sell  it  to  other  nations  from  whence  we 
are  forced  to  supply  our  selves  at  a  second  or  third  market. 

7.  It  will  give  us  the  liberty  of  storing  a  great  part  of 
Europe  with  a  large  plenty  of  incomparable  better  fish,  then 
the  Hollander  hath  found  meanes  to  furnish  it  withall,  and 
will  make  us  in  no  long  tract  of  time,  if  industriously  prose- 
cuted, equall,  if  not  transcend  him  in  that  his  most  bene- 
ficiall  Staple. 

8.  It  will  be  to  this  Common  wealth  a  standing  and  plenti- 
full  magazine  of  Wheat,  Rice,  Flax,  Cotton,  Salt,  Pot-ashes, 
Sope-ashes,    Segars,    Wines,    Silke,    Olives,    and    whatever 
single  is  the  staple  of  other  Nations  Shall  be  found  in  this 
joyntly  collected. 

9.  It  will  furnish  us  with  rich  Furrs,  Hides,  Tallow,  Biefe, 
Pork,  etc.,  the  growth  and  increase  of  Cattell  in  this  nation, 


42 


Headings  in  American  History 


Wealth  of 
Virginia. 


receiving  a  grand  interuption  and  stop,  by  killing  commonly 
very  hopefull  yong  breed  to  furnish  our  markets,  or  store 
our  shipping,  meerly  occasioned  by  wast  of  ground  to  feed 
them,  whereas  those  Provinces  afford  such  large  proportion 
of  rich  ground,  that  neither  the  increase  of  this  or  the  suc- 
ceeding age  can  in  any  reasonable  probability  overfeed  the 
moiety. 

10.  By  it  many  of  your  Honours  Reformadoes  and  dis- 
banded souldiers  being  dismist  with  the  payment  of  such  part 
of  their  arrears  as  your  own  judgment  (guided  by  the  rule 
of  your  immense  disbursements)  shall  thinke  a  convenient 
recompense,  by  transporting  themselves  thither  may  change 
their  desperate  fortunes  into  a  happy  certainty  of  condition, 
and  a  contented  lively  hood,  which  will  be  a  means  not  only 
to  disburden  this  Republick  (as  before)  but  to  remove  all 
those  clamors  usualy  disturbing  your  public  consultations, 
and  to  win  upon  them  by  your  bounty  to  invert  all  those 
fearfull  imprecations,  with  which  they  would  (as  much  as 
in  them  lies)  unblesse  your  proceedings,  into  a  joyfull  and 
fervent  concurrence  of  prayers  to  the  Almighty  to  shoure 
downe  blessings  upon  your  heads,  who,  next  under  him,  are 
the   glorious    and    visible   instruments    of    their   increasing 
happinesse. 

11.  It  will  be  a  generous  and  moving  incouragement  to  all 
industrious  and  publick  spirits,  to  imploy  those  parts  with 
which  God  and  nature  hath  blessed  them  in  the  discovery  of 
such  happy  inventions  as  may  drive  on  hopefull  designs  with 
a  lesser  number  of  hands  then  is  usually  assigned  to  them, 
which  issues  of  the  brain  are  legitimate  and  geniall  to  begin- 
ning Plantations,  where  the  greatest  want  is  that  of  people: 
but  for  our  own  or  other  popular  Kingdomes  where  we  are 
commonly  overprest  with  a  greater  multitude  of  labourers 
than  imployers,  by  much  lesse  acceptable,  since  our  indigent 
people   look  upon  such  Engins  meerly  as  monoppolies  to 
engrosse  their  livelihood.  .  .  . 

That  all  these,  and  many  inestimable  benefits  may  have 
their  rise,  increase,  and  perfection  from  the  South  parts  of 


Virginia  and  Maryland 


43 


Virginia,  a  country  unquestionably  our  own,  devolved  to  us 
by  a  just  title,  and  discovered  by  John  Cabot  at  the  English 
expences,  who  found  out  and  took  seisure,  together  with  the 
voluntary  submission  of  the  natives  to  the  English  obedience 
of  all  that  Continent  from  Cape  Florida  northward,  the 
excellent  temper  of  the  air,  the  large  proportion  of  ground, 
the  incredible  richnesse  of  soile,  the  admirable  abundance  of 
minerals,  vegetables,  medicinall  drugs,  timber,  scituation, 
no  less  proper  for  all  European  commodities,  than  all  those 
staples  which  entitle  China,  Persia,  and  other  the  more 
opulent  Provinces  of  the  East  to  their  wealth,  reputation, 
and  greatnes  (besides  the  most  Christian  of  all  improvements, 
the  converting  many  thousands  of  the  natives)  is  agreed  upon 
by  all  who  have  ever  viewed  the  Country:  To  which  the 
judgement  of  the  most  incomparable  Ralegh  may  be  a  con- 
vincing assertion,  whose  preferring  of  that  Country  before 
either  the  North  of  Virginia  or  New-England,  though  it  may 
sufficiently  command  my  submission  and  acquiescence;  yet 
for  more  particular  satisfaction  be  pleased  to  accept  these 
reasons  for  such  praelation. 

1.  The  apparent  danger  all  the  Colonies  may  be  in  if  this 
be  not  possessed  by  the  English,  to  prevent  the  Spaniard, 
who  already  hath  seated  himself  on  the  North  of  Florida, 
and  on  the  back  of  Virginia  in  34,  where  he  is  already  pos- 
sessed of  rich  silver  mines.  .  .  . 

5.  And  lastly,  the  planting  of  this  Collony  will  open  a 
most  compendious  passage  to  the  discovery  of  those  more 
opulent  Kingdomes  of  China,  Cochin  China,  Cathaga,  Japan, 
the  Phillipines,  Summatra,  and  all  those  beauteous  and 
opulent  Provinces  of  the  East  Indies  which  beyond  dispute 
lye  open  to  those  seas  which  wash  the  South- West  parts  of 
Virginia,  through  whose  bosome  all  those  most  precious 
commodities  which  enable  the  Chinesie,  Cathayan,  Persian, 
and  Indostant  Empires,  may  more  conveniently,  speedily, 
with  more  security  and  lesse  expences,  be  transported  thence 
from  Spawhann  or  other  remoter  Provinces  to  Gombroon, 
by  a  long  dangerous  and  expensive  caravane,  and  from 


44  Readings  in  American  History 

thence  to  Surat,  where  when  arrived  the  doubling  of  the 
Line,  calentures  Scurvies,  with  a  long  train  of  diseases  and 
Famine  attend  its  transportation  into  our  owne  Countrey. 

6.  Whereas  by  expandeing  our  selves  to  both  sides  and 
seas  of  Virginia,  our  commerce  to  those  noble  Nations  lies 
open  in  short  and  pleasant  voyages  to  the  encouragement, 
enriching  and  delight  of  the  Seamen  and  personal  adven- 
turers, who  will  share  in  the  delicacies  and  profits  of  those 
Kingdoms  without  participating  in  the  miseries  attending 
our  present  voyages  thither.  .  .  . 


CHAPTER  V 
NEW  ENGLAND 

11.    JOHN  SMITH'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  NEW  ENGLAND,  1614 

(Captaine  John  Smith's  Works,  Arber  edition,  pp.  187-229.     Lon- 
don, 1616.) 

In  the  moneth  of  Aprill,  1614,  with  two  Ships  from  London,  purpose  of 
of  a  few  merchants,  I  chanced  to  arive  in  New-England,  a  ^ionP6 
parte  of  Ameryca,  at  the  He  of  Monahiggan,  in  43^  of 
Northerly  latitude;  our  plot  was  there  to  take  whales  and 
make  tryalls  of  a  Myne  of  Gold  and  Copper.  If  those  failed, 
Fish  and  Furres  was  then  our  refuge,  to  make  our  selues 
sauers  howsoeuer;  we  found  this  Whalefishing  a  costly  con- 
clusion: we  saw  many,  and  spent  much  time  in  chasing  them; 
but  we  could  not  kill  any;  they  being  a  kinde  of  Jubartes, 
and  not  the  Whale  that  yeeldes  Finnes  and  Oyle  as  wee  ex- 
pected. For  our  golde,  it  was  rather  the  Masters  device  to 
get  a  voyage  that  projected  it,  than  any  knowledge  hee  had 
at  all  of  any  such  matter.  Fish  and  Furres  was  now  our 
guard:  and  by  our  late  arriual,  and  long  lingering  about  the 
Whale[s],  the  prime  of  both  those  seasons  were  past  ere  wee 
perceiued  it;  we  thinking  that  their  seasons,  serued  at  all 
times;  but  wee  found  it  otherwise;  for  by  the  midst  of 
June,  the  fishing  failed.  Yet  in  July  and  August  some  were 
taken,  but  not  sufficient  to  defray  so  great  a  charge  as  our 
stay  required.  Of  dry  fish  we  made  about  40,000.,  of  Cor- 
fish  about  7000. 

Whilest  the  sailors  fished,  my  selfe  with  eight  or  nine  others   Expiora- 
of  them  [that]  might  best  bee  spared;   ranging  the  coast  in  a   £J^tof  the 
small  boat,  wee  got  for  trifles  neer  1100  Beuer  skinnes,  100 

45 


46 


Readings  in  American  History 


Success  of 
the  expe- 
dition. 


Situation 
of  New 
England. 


Martins  [skins],  and  near  as  many  Otters;   and  the  most  of 
them  within  the  distance  of  twenty  leagues. 

We  ranged  the  Coast  both  East  and  West  much  furder; 
but  Eastwards  our  commodities  were  not  esteemed,  they 
were  so  neare  the  French  who  affords  them  better:  and  right 
against  us  in  the  main  [the  mainland]  was  a  ship  of  Sir  Frances 
Popphames,  that  had  there  such  acquaintance,  having  many 
yeares  used  onely  that  porte,  that  the  most  parte  there,  was 
had  by  him.  And  40  leagues  westwards  were  two  French 
Ships,  that  had  made  there  a  great  voyage  by  trade;  during 
the  time  we  tryed  those  conclusions,  not  knowing  the  Coast, 
nor  Saluages  habitation. 

With  these  Furres,  the  Traine  [train  oil],  and  cor-fish,  I 
returned  for  England  in  the  Bark:  where  within  six  monthes 
after  our  departure  from  the  Downcs,  we  safe  arriued  back. 
The  best  of  this  fish  was  solde  for  five  pound  the  hundredth, 
the  rest  by  ill  usage  betwixt  three  pound  and  fifty  shillings. . . . 
New  England  is  that  part  of  America  in  the  Ocean  Sea 
opposite  to  Nova  Albyon  in  the  South  Sea;  discovered  by 
the  most  memorable  Sir  Francis  Drake  in  his  voyage  about 
the  worlde.  In  regarde  whereto  this  is  stiled  New  England, 
beeing  in  the  same  latitude.  New  France,  off  it,  is  North- 
ward; Southwardes  is  Virginia,  and  all  the  adioyning  Con- 
tinent with  New  Granado,  New  Spain,  New  Andalosia  and 
the  West  Indies.  Now  because  I  have  been  so  oft  asked 
such  strange  questions,  of  the  goodnesse  and  greatnesse  of 
these  spatious  Tracts  of  land,  how  they  can  bee  thus  long 
unknown,  or  not  possessed  by  the  Spaniard,  and  many  such 
like  demands;  I  intreat  your  pardens  if  I  chance  to  be  too 
plaine  or  tedious  in  relating  my  knowledge  for  plaine  mens 
satisfaction.  Florida  is  next  adioyning  to  the  Indies,  which 
unprosperously  was  attempted  to  bee  planted  by  the  French. 
A  country  far  bigger  than  England,  Scotland,  France  and 
Ireland,  yet  little  known  to  any  Christian,  but  by  the  wonder- 
ful endevors  of  Ferdinando  de  Soto  a  valiant  Spaniard: 
whose  writings  in  this  age  is  the  best  guide  knowne.  to  search 
these  parts.  .  .  . 


New  England  47 

That  part  wee  call  New  England  is  betwixt  the  degrees  of 
41  and  45;  but  that  parte  this  discourse  speaketh  of,  stretcheth 
but  from  Pennobscot  to  Cape  Cod,  some  75  leagues  by  a 
right  line  distant  from  each  other:  within  which  bounds  I 
have  seene  at  least  40  severall  habitations  upon  the  Sea 
Coast  and  sounded  about  25  excellent  good  harbours:  In 
many  whereof  there  is  anchorage  for  500  sayle  of  ships  of 
any  burthen:  in  some  of  them  for  5000:  And  more  than  200 
lies  over  growne  with  good  timber,  of  divers  sorts  of  wood, 
which  doe  make  so  many  harbours  as  requireth  a  longer 
time  than  I  had,  to  be  well  discovered.  .  .  . 

Betwixt  Sagadahock  and  Sowocatuck  there  is  but  two  or 
three  sandy  Bayes,  but  betwixt  that  and  Cape  Cod  very 
many;  especialy  the  Coast  of  the  Massachusetts  is  so  in- 
differently mixed  with  high  clayie  or  sandy  cliffes  in  one 
place,  and  then  tracts  of  large  long  ledges  of  divers  sorts; 
and  quarries  of  stones  in  other  places  so  strangely  divided 
with  trinctured  veines  of  divers  colors;  as  Free  stone  for 
building,  Slate  for  tiling,  smooth  stone  to  make  Furnaces 
and  Forges  for  glasse  or  iron,  and  iron  ore  sufficient,  conveni- 
ently to  melt  in  them;  but  the  most  part  so  resembleth  the 
Coast  of  Devonshire,  I  thinke  most  of  the  cliffs  would  make 
such  limestone:  If  they  be  not  of  these  qualities  they  are  so 
like,  they  may  deceive  a  better  judgement  than  mine;  all 
which  are  soe  neere  adjoyning  to  these  other  advantages  I 
observed  in  these  parts,  that  if  the  Ore  prove  as  good  iron 
and  steele  in  these  parts,  as  I  know  it  is  within  the  bounds 
of  the  Countrey,  I  dare  engage  my  head  (having  but  men 
skillful  to  worke  the  simples,  there  growing)  to  have  all  things 
belonging  to  the  building  the  rigging  of  shippes  of  any  pro- 
portion, and  good  merchandize  for  the  fraught,  within  a 
square  of  10  or  14  leagues;  and  were  it  for  a  good  rewarde,  I 
would  not  feare  to  produce  it  in  a  lesse  limitation. 

And  surely  by  reason  of  these  sandy  cliffes  and  cliffes  of   Riches  of 
rocks,  both  which  we  saw  so  planted  with  Gardens  and  ^n^Eng" 
Come  fields,  and  so  well  inhabited  with  a  goodly,  strong  and 
well   proportioned   people,    besides   the   greatenesse   of   the 


4.8  Readings  in  American  History 

Timber  growing  on  them,  the  greatnesse  of  the  fish  and 
moderate  temper  of  the  ayre  (for  of  twenty-five  not  any  was 
sicke,  but  two  that  were  many  years  diseased  before  they 
went  notwithstanding  our  bad  lodging  and  accidental!  diet) 
who  can  but  approve  this  a  most  excellent  place  both  for 
health  and  fertility?  And  of  all  the  foure  parts  of  the  world 
that  I  have  yett  scene  not  inhabited,  could  I  but  have  the 
meanes  to  transport  a  Colonie,  I  would  rather  live  here  than 
anywhere:  and  if  it  did  not  maintaine  it  selfe,  were  wee  but 
once  indifferently  well  fitted,  let  us  starve. 

Value  as          The  maine  Staple,  from  hence  to  bee  extracted  for  the 

flrhund  present  to  produce  the  rest,  is  fish;  which  however  it  may 
seeme  a  meane  and  base  commoditie;  yet  who  will  but  truely 
take  the  pains  and  consider  the  sequell,  I  thinke  will  allow  it 
well  worth  the  labour.  It  is  strange  to  see  what  great  ad- 
ventures the  hopes  of  setting  forth  men  of  war  [privateers] 
to  rob  the  industrious  innocent,  would  produce;  or  such 
massie  promises  in  grosse;  though  more  are  choked  than 
well  fedde  with  such  hastie  hopes.  But  who  doth  not  know 
that  the  poor  Hollanders,  chiefly  by  fishing,  at  a  great  charge 
and  labour  in  all  weathers  in  the  open  Sea,  are  made  a  people 
so  hardy  and  industrious?  .  .  .  And  never  could  the  Span- 
iard with  all  his  Mynes  of  golde  and  silver,  pay  his  debts, 
his  friends  and  his  army,  halfe  so  truely,  as  the  Hollanders 
stil  have  done  by  this  contemptible  trade  of  fish.  .  .  . 

Conver-  Who  can  desire  more  content  that  hath  small  meanes; 

savages.1110  or  ^ut  on^v  ^s  merit  to  advance  his  fortune,  than  to  treat, 
and  plant  that  ground  hee-hath  purchased  by  the  hazard  of 
his  life?  If  he  have  but  the  taste  of  virtue  and  magnanimity, 
what  to  such  a  mind  can  be  more  pleasant,  than  planting 
and  building  a  foundation  for  his  Posteritie,  gotte  from  the 
rude  earth,  by  God's  blessing  and  his  own  industrie,  without 
prejudice  to  any?  If  he  have  any  graine  of  faith  or  zeal  in 
religion,  what  can  hee  doe  less  hurtfull  to  any;  or  more 
agreeable  to  God,  than  to  seeke  to  convert  these  poore 
Salvages  to  know  Christ,  and  humanitie,  whose  labours  with 
discretion  will  triple  requite  thy  charge  and  paines?  What 


Neiv  England  49 

so  truely  sutes  with  honour  and  honestie,  as  the  discovering 
things  unknowne?  erecting  Townes,  peopling  Countries,  in- 
forming the  ignorant,  reforming  things  unjust,  teaching  vir- 
tue; and  to  gain  to  our  Native  mother  Countrie  a  kingdom 
to  attend  her?  finde  imployment  for  those  that  are  idle,  be- 
cause they  know  not  what  to  doe:  so  farre  from  wronging 
any  as,  to  cause  Posteritie  to  remember  thee;  and  remember- 
ing thee,  ever  honour  that  remembrance  with  praise? 


12.    INCIDENTS  IN  THE  HISTORY  OF  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION. 

William  Bradford  was  Governor  of  Plymouth  between  the  years 
1621  and  1657,  with  the  exception  of  the  three  years  when  Edward 
Winslow  was  chosen,  1633,  1636,  and  1644,  and  the  two  years,  1634 
and  1638,  when  Thomas  Pence  was  chosen.  Governor  Bradford's 
History  of  Plymouth,  from  which  the  extracts  are  taken,  is  a  work 
of  greatest  value. — (William  Bradford,  History  of  Plymouth  Planta- 
tion, 1629-1648,  pp.  90-94;  110  passim.  Boston,  1856.) 

Tn  these  hard  and  difficult  beginnings  they  found  some  Condi- 
discontents  and  murmurings  arise  amongst  some,  and  muti-  ^^  i 
nous  speeches  and  carriags  in  others,  but  they  were  soon 
quelled  and  overcome  by  the  wisdom,  patience,  and  just 
and  equal  carriage  of  things  by  the  Governor  and  better 
part,  which  clave  together  faithfully  in  the  main.  But  that 
which  was  most  sad  and  lamentable  was,  that  in  two  or  three 
months  time  half  of  their  company  died,  especially  in  January 
and  February,  being  the  depth  of  winter  and  wanting  houses 
and  other  comforts ;  being  infected  with  the  scurvy  and  other 
diseases,  which  this  long  voyage  and  their  inaccomodate 
condition  had  brought  upon  them ;  so  as  there  died  sometimes 
two  or  three  of  a  day,  in  the  aforesaid  time;  that  of  one  hun- 
dred and  odd  persons  scarce  fifty  remained.  And  of  these, 
in  the  time  of  most  distress,  there  was  but  six  or  seven  sound 
persons,  who,  to  their  great  commendation  be  it  spoken, 
spared  no  pains,  night  or  day,  but  with  abundance  of  toil 
and  hazard  of  their  own  health,  fetched  them  wood,  made 
them  fires,  dressed  them  meat,  made  their  beds,  clothed  and 


50  Readings  in  American  History 

unclothed  them;  and  all  this  willingly  and  cheerfully,  with- 
out any  grudging  in  the  least,  showing  herein  their  true  love 
unto  their  friends  and  brethren.  A  rare  example  and  worthy 
to  be  remembered.  Two  of  these  seven  were  Mr.  William 
Brewster,  their  reverend  elder,  and  Miles  Standish  their  cap- 
tain and  military  commander,  unto  whom  myself  and  many 
others  were  much  beholden  in  our  low  and  sick  condition. 
And  yet  the  Lord  so  up  held  these  persons,  as  in  this  general 
calamity  they  were  not  at  all  infected  either  with  sickness  or 
lameness.  And  what  I  have  said  of  these  I  may  say  of 
many  others  who  died  in  this  general  visitation  and  others 
yet  living,  that  whilst  they  had  health,  yea,  or  any  strength 
continuing  they  were  not  wanting  to  any  that  had  need  of 
them.  And  I  doubt  not  but  their  recompense  is  with  the 
Ix>rd. 

Relations  All  this  while  the  Indians  came  skulking  about  them,  and 
Indians.  would  sometimes  show  themselves  aloof  of  [at  a  distance], 
but  when  any  one  approached  near  them  they  would  run 
away.  And  once  they  stole  away  their  tools,  where  they  had 
been  at  work  and  were  gone  to  dinner.  But  about  the  16th 
of  March,  a  certain  Indian  came  boldly  among  them,  and 
spoke  to  them  in  broken  English,  which  they  could  well 
understand  but  marvelled  at  it.  At  length  they  understood 
by  discourse  with  him,  that  he  was  not  of  these  parts,  but 
belonged  to  the  eastern  parts  where  some  English  ships  came 
to  fish,  with  whom  he  was  acquainted  and  could  name  sundry 
of  them  by  their  names,  among  whom  he  had  gott  his  lan- 
guage. He  became  profitable  to  them  in  acquainting  them 
with  many  things  concerning  the  state  of  the  country  in  the 
east  parts  where  he  lived,  which  was  afterwards  profitable 
unto  them;  as  also  of  the  people  here,  of  their  names,  num- 
ber, and  strength;  of  their  situation  and  distance  from  this 
place,  and  who  was  chief  among  them.  His  name  was 
Samoset.  He  told  them  also  of  another  Indian  whose  name 
was  Squanto,  a  native  of  this  place,  who  had  been  in  England 
and  could  speak  better  English  than  himself.  Being,  after 
some  time  of  entertainment  and  gifts,  dismissed,  a  while 


New  England 


51 


after  he  came  again  and  five  men  with  him,  and  they  brought 

again  all  the  tools  that  were  stolen  away  before,  and  made 

way  for  the  coming  of  their  great  Sachem  called  Massasoit,   Massasoit. 

who,  about  four  or  five  days  after,  came  with  the  chief  of  his 

friends  and  other  attendants,  with  the  aforesaid  Squanto. 

With  whom,  after  friendly   entertainment   and   some  gifts 

given  him,  they  made  a  peace  which  hath  now  continued 

these  twenty-four  years. 

1621.  After  the  departure  of  this  ship  [the  Fortune],  which  Put  on 
stayed  not  above  fourteen  days,  the  Governor  and  his  assist-  ance^lm 
ant  having  disposed  these  late  comers  into  several  families, 
as  they  best  could,  took  an  exact  account  of  all  their  provisions 
in  store,  and  proportioned  the  same  to  the  number  of  persons, 
and  found  that  it  would  not  hold  out  above  six  months  at 
half  allowance  and  hardly  that.  And  they  could  not  well 
give  less  this  winter  time  till  fish  came  in  again.  So  they  were 
presently  put  to  half  allowance,  one  as  well  as  another, 
which  began  to  be  hard,  but  they  bore  it  patiently  under 
hope  of  supply. 

Soon   after   this   ships   departure    (November    1621)    the  Exchange 
great  people  of  the  Narragansetts,  in  a  braving  manner,  sent  ^ififthe 
a  messenger  unto  them  with  a  bundle  of  arrows  tied  about  natives. 
with  a  great  snake-skin,  which  their  interpreters  told  them  was 
a  threatening  and  a  challenge.     Upon  which  the  Governor, 
with  the  advice  of  others,  sent  them  a  round  answer,  that  if 
they  had  rather  have  war  than  peace,  they  might  begin  when 
they  would  ;  they  had  done  them  no  wrong,  neither  did  they 
fear  them,  nor  should  they  find  them  unprovided.     And  by 
another  messenger  sent  the  snake-skin  back  with  bullets  in 
it;  but  they  would  not  receive  it  but  sent  it  back  again.  .  .  . 

But  this  made  them  the  more  carefully  to  look  to  them-  Means  of 
selves,  so  they  agreed  to  inclose  their  dwellings  with  a  good  {j^f* 
strong  pale,  and  make  flankers  in  convenient  places,  with  gates 
to  shut,  which  were  every  night  locked  and  a  watch  kept,  and 
when  need  required  there  was  also  warding  in  the  daytime. 
And  the  company  was,  by  the  Captain's  and  Governor's 
advice,  divided  into  four  squadrons,  and  every  one  had  their 


52  Readings  in  American  History 

quarter  appointed  them,  unto  which  they  were  to  repair 
upon  any  sudden  alarm.  And  if  there  should  be  any  cry  of 
fire,  a  company  were  appointed  for  a  guard  with  muskets, 
while  others  quenched  the  same,  to  prevent  Indian  treachery. 
This  was  accomplished  very  cheerfully,  and  the  town  impaled 
round  by  the  beginning  of  March,  in  which  every  family  had 
a  pretty  garden  plot  secured.  And  herewith  I  shall  end  this 
year.  Only  I  shall  remember  one  passage  more  rather  of 
mirth  than  of  weight.  On  the  day  called  Christmas  day,  the 
Governor  called  them  out  to  work,  as  was  used,  but  the  most 
of  this  new  company  excused  themselves  and  said  it  went 
against  their  consciences  to  work  on  that  day.  So  the 
Governor  told  them  that  if  they  made  it  a  matter  of  conscience, 
he  would  spare  them  until  they  were  better  informed.  So 
he  led  away  the  rest  and  left  them ;  but  when  they  came  home 
at  noon  from  their  work,  he  found  them  in  the  street  at  play 
openly;  some  pitching  the  bar  and  some  at  stool-ball  and 
such  like  sports.  So  he  went  to  them  and  took  away  their 
implements,  and  told  them  that  was  against  his  conscience, 
that  they  should  play  and  others  work.  If  they  made  the 
keeping  of  it  a  matter  of  devotion,  let  them  keep  their  houses, 
but  there  should  be  no  gaming  or  revelling  in  the  streets. 
Since  which  time  nothing  hath  been  attempted  that  way,  at 
least  openly.  .  .  . 

13.    NEW  ENGLAND  AS  A  PLACE  FOR  SETTLEMENT,   1629 

Reverend  Francis  Higginson,  a  minister  of  Salem,  wrote  an  ac- 
count of  the  conditions  incident  to  making  homes  in  Massachusetts. 
—(New  England's  Plantation  or  a  Short  and  True  Description  of 
the  Commodities  and  Discommodities  of  That  Country,  London, 
1630;  Peter  Force,  Historical  Tracts,  I,  No.  XII,  1-14.  Washing- 
ton, 1836.) 

Though,  as  the  idle  proverb  is,  "Travellers  may  lie  by 
authority,"  and  so  may  take  too  much  sinful  liberty  that  way, 
yet  I  may  say  of  myself,  as  once  Nehemiah  did  in  another 
case,  "Shall  such  a  man  as  I  lie? "  No,  verilv.  It  becometh 


New  England  53 

not  a  preacher  of  truth  to  be  a  writer  of  falsehood  in  any 
degree;  and  therefore  I  have  been  careful  to  report  nothing 
of  New  England  but  what  I  have  partly  seen  with  my  own 
eyes,  and  partly  heard  and  inquired  from  the  mouths  of  very 
honest  and  religious  persons,  who  be  living  in  the  country  a 
good  space  of  time  have  had  experience  and  knowledge  of 
the  state  thereof,  and  whose  testimonies  I  do  believe  as 
myself. 

The  fertility  of  the  soil  is  to  be  admired  at,  as  appeareth   Fertility 
in  the  abundance  of  grass  that  groweth  everywhere,  both  very  °QjJhe 
thick,  very  long  and  very  high  in  divers  places.     But  it 
groweth  very  wildly,  with  a  great  stalk,  and  a  broad  and 
ranker  blade,  because  it  never  had  been  eaten  with  cattle, 
nor  mowed  with  a  scythe,  and  seldom  trampled  on  by  foot. 
It  is  scarcely  to  be  believed  how  our  kine  and  goats,  horses 
and  hogs  do  thrive  and  prosper  here,  and  like  well  of  this 
country. 

In  our  plantation  we  have  already  a  quart  of  milk  for  a  Growth 
penny.  But  the  abundant  increase  of  corn  proves  this  coun-  of  com* 
try  to  be  a  wonderment.  Thirty,  forty,  fifty,  sixty,  are 
ordinary  here.  Yea,  Joseph's  increase  in  Egypt  is  outstripped 
here  with  us.  Our  planters  hope  to  have  more  than  a  hun- 
dred fold  this  year.  And  all  this  while  I  am  within  compass; 
what  will  you  say  of  two-hundred  fold  and  upwards?  It  is 
almost  incredible  what  great  gain  some  of  our  English 
planters  have  had  by  our  Indian  corn.  Credible  persons  have 
assured  me,  and  the  party  himself  avouched  the  truth  of  it 
to  me,  that  of  the  setting  of  thirteen  gallons  of  corn  he  hath 
had  increase  of  it  fifty-two  hogsheads,  every  hogshead  hold- 
ing seven  bushels  of  London  measure,  and  every  bushel  was 
by  him  sold  and  trusted  to  the  Indians  for  so  much  beaver 
as  was  worth  eighteen  shillings;  and  so  of  the  thirteen  gallons 
of  corn,  which  was  worth  six  shillings  eight  pence,  he  made 
about  £327  of  it  the  year  following,  as  by  reckoning  will 
appear;  where  you  may  see  how  God  blesseth  husbandry  in 
this  land.  There  is  not  such  great  and  plentiful  ears  of  corn 
I  suppose  anywhere  else  to  be  found  but  in  this  country, 


54  Readings  in  American  History 

being  also  of  a  variety  of  colours  as  red,  blue,  and  yellow; 
and  of  one  corn  there  springeth  four  or  five  hundred.  I 
have  sent  you  many  ears  of  diverse  colors  that  you  might 
see  the  truth  of  it. 

The  abundance  of  sea  fish  are  almost  beyond  believing; 
and  sure  I  should  scarce  have  believed  it  except  I  had  seen  it 
with  mine  own  eyes.  I  saw  great  store  of  whales,  and  gram- 
puses, and  such  abundance  of  mackerels  that  it  would  as- 
tonish one  to  behold;  likewise  codfish,  abundance  on  the 
coast,  and  in  their  season  are  plentifully  taken.  There  is  a 
fish  called  a  bass,  a  most  sweet  and  wholesome  fish  as  ever 
I  did  eat;  it  is  altogether  as  good  as  our  fresh  salmon;  and 
the  season  of  their  coming  was  begun  when  we  came  first 
to  New  England  in  June,  and  so  continued  about  three 
months  space.  Of  this  fish,  our  fishers  have  taken  many 
hundreds  together,  which  I  have  seen  lying  on  the  shore,  to 
my  admiration.  Yea,  their  nets  ordinarily  take  more  than 
they  are  able  to  haul  to  land,  and  for  want  of  boats  and  men 
they  are  constrained  to  let  many  go  after  they  have  taken 
them;  and  yet  sometimes  they  fill  two  boats  at  a  time  with 
them.  And  besides  bass,  we  take  plenty  of  skate  and  thorn- 
back,  and  abundance  of  lobsters,  and  the  least  boy  in  the 
Plantation  may  both  catch  and  eat  what  he  will  of  them. 
For  my  own  part,  I  was  soon  cloyed  with  them,  they  were  so 
great,  and  fat,  and  lucious. 

Healthful-  The  temper  of  the  air  in  New  England  is  one  special  thing 
taxation!*16  that  commends  this  place.  Experience  doth  manifest  that 
there  is  hardly  a  more  healthful  place  to  be  found  in  the 
world  that  agreeth  better  with  our  English  bodies.  Many 
that  have  been  weak  and  sickly  in  Old  England,  by  coming 
here  have  been  thoroughly  healed,  and  grown  healthful  and 
strong.  For  here  is  an  extraordinary  clear  and  dry  air,  that 
is  of  a  most  healing  nature  to  all  such  as  are  of  a  cold,  melan- 
choly, phlegmatic,  rheumatic  temper  of  body.  None  can 
more  truly  speak  hereof  by  their  own  experience  than  myself. 
My  friends  that  knew  me  can  well  tell  how  very  sickly  I 
have  been,  being  much  troubled  with  a  tormenting  pain 


New  England  55 

through  an  extraordinary  weakness  of  my  stomach,  and 
abundance  of  melancholic  humors.  But  since  I  came  hither 
on  this  voyage,  I  thank  God  I  have  had  perfect  health,  and 
freed  from  pain  and  vomiting,  having  a  stomach  to  digest  the 
hardest  and  coarsest  fare,  who  before  could  not  eat  finest 
meat;  and  whereas  my  stomach  could  only  digest  and  did 
require  such  drink  as  was  both  strong  and  stale,  now  I  can 
and  do  often  times  drink  New  England  water  very  well. 
And  I  that  have  not  gone  without  a  cap  for  many  years  to- 
gether, neither  durst  leave  off  the  same,  have  now  cast  away 
my  cap,  and  do  wear  none  at  all  in  the  day  time;  and  whereas 
before  time  I  clothed  myself  with  double  clothes  and  thick 
waistcoats  to  keep  me  warm,  even  in  the  summer  time,  I  do 
now  go  as  thin  clad  as  any,  only  wearing  a  light  stuff  cassock 
upon  my  shirt,  and  stuff  breeches  of  one  thickness  without 
linings.  Besides,  I  have  one  of  my  children,  that  was 
formerly  most  lamentably  handled  with  sin  breaking  out  of 
both  his  hands  and  feet  of  the  king's  evil ;  but  since  he  came 
here  he  is  very  well  as  ever  he  was,  and  there  is  hope  of  per- 
fect recovery  shortly,  even  by  the  very  wholesomeness  of  the 
air,  altering,  digesting,  and  drying  up  the  cold  and  crude 
humors  of  the  body;  and  therefore  I  think  it  is  a  wise  course 
for  all  cold  complexions  to  come  to  take  physic  in  New  Eng- 
land; for  a  sup  of  New  England's  air  is  better  than  a  whole 
draught  of  Old  England's  ale. 

Though  it  be  here  somewhat  cold  in  the  winter,  yet  here  Condi- 
we  have  plenty  of  fire  to  warm  us,  and  that  a  great  deal  ^^ 
cheaper  than  they  sell  billets  and  fagots  in  London;  nay, 
all  Europe  is  not  able  to  afford  to  make  so  great  fires  as  New 
England.  A  poor  servant  here,  that  is  to  possess  but  fifty 
acres  of  land,  may  afford  to  give  more  wood  for  timber  and 
fire  as  good  as  the  world  yields,  than  many  noble  men  in 
England  can  afford  to  do.  Here  is  good  living  for  those  that 
love  good  fires.  And  although  New  England  have  no 
tallow  to  make  candles  of,  yet  by  the  abundance  of  fish 
thereof  it  can  afford  oil  for  lamps.  Yea,  our  pine  trees,  that 
are  the  most  plentiful  of  all  wood,  doth  allow  us  plenty  of 


56  Readings  in  American  History 

candles  which  are  very  useful  in  a  house;  and  they  are  such 
candles  as  the  Indians  commonly  use,  having  no  other;  and 
they  are  nothing  else  but  the  wood  of  the  pine  tree  cloven  in 
two  little  slices  something  thin,  which  are  so  full  of  the  mois- 
ture of  turpentine  and  pitch  that  they  burn  as  clear  as  a  torch. 
Now  I  will  tell  you  of  some  discommodities,  that  are  here 
to  be  found. 

MOS-  First,  in  the  summer  season;  for  these  three  months,  June, 

quitoes.  Juiv>  and  4ugust>  we  are  much  troubled  with  little  flies 
called  mosquitoes,  being  the  same  they  are  troubled  with 
in  Lincolnshire  and  the  fens;  and  they  are  nothing  but  gnats 
which,  except  they  be  smoked  out  of  their  houses,  are 
troublesome  in  the  night  season. 

severe  Secondly,  in  the  winter  season  for  two  months  space,  the 

earth  is  commonly  covered  with  snow,  which  is  accompanied 
with  sharp  biting  frosts,  something  more  sharp  than  is  in 
Old  England,  and  therefore  are  forced  to  make  great  fires. 
Snakes.  Thirdly,  this  country  being  very  full  of  woods  and  wilder- 

nesses, doth  also  much  abound  with  snakes  and  serpents,  of 
strange  colors  and  huge  greatness.  Yea,  there  are  some  ser- 
pents, called  rattle  snakes,  that  have  rattles  in  their  tails, 
that  will  not  fly  from  a  man  as  others  will,  but  will  fly  upon 
him  and  sting  him  so  mortally  that  he  will  die  within  a  quarter 
of  an  hour  after,  except  the  party  stinged  have  about  him 
some  of  the  root  of  an  herb  called  snake-weed  to  bite  on,  and 
then  he  shall  receive  no  harm.  But  yet  it  seldom  falls  out 
that  any  hurt  is  done  by  these.  About  three  years  since  an 
Indian  was  stung  to  death  by  one  of  them ;  but  we  have  heard 
of  none  since  that  time. 

Homes  for       Fourthly  and  lastly,  here  wants  as  yet  the  good  company 

population  °f  nonest  Christians,  to  bring  with  them  horses,  kine,  and 

iandng         -sneeP>  to  make  use  of  this  fruitful  land.     Great  pity  it  is  to 

see  so  much  good  ground  for  corn  and  for  grass  as  is  any  under 

the  heavens,  to  lie  altogether  unoccupied,  when  so  many 

honest  men  and  their  families  in  old  England,  through  the 

populousness  thereof,  do  make  very  hard  shift  to  live  one  bv 

the  other.   , 


New  England  57 


14.    PROGRESS  OF  THE  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY  COLONY,  1631 

Governor  Dudley  came  from  England  with  the  charter  for  Massa- 
chusetts in  1630.  For  some  nine  or  ten  years  he  had  lived  in  the 
family  of  the  Countess  of  Lincoln.  The  letter  was  written  nine 
months  after  his  arrival  in  America. — (Governor  Thomas  Dud- 
ley's Letter  to  the  Countess  of  Lincoln,  March  28,  1631;  Peter 
Force,  Historical  Tracts,  II,  No.  IV,  pp.  1-19.  Washington,  1838.) 

For  the  satisfacon  of  your  honour  and  some  freinds,  and 
for  use  of  such  as  shall  hereafter  intend  to  increase  our  plan- 
tation in  New  England,  I  have  in  the  throng  of  domestick, 
and  not  altogeather  free  from  publique  businesse,  thought  fitt 
to  comit  to  memory  our  present  condition,  and  what  hath 
befallen  us  since  our  arrivall  here;  which  I  will  doe  shortly, 
after  my  usual  manner,  and  must  doe  rudely,  having  yet  no 
table,  nor  other  room  to  write  in,  than  by  the  fire  side  upon 
my  knee,  in  this  sharp  winter;  to  which  my  family  must 
have  leave  to  resorte,  though  they  break  good  manners,  and 
make  mee  many  times  forget  what  I  would  say,  and  say  what 
I  would  not.  .  .  . 

Touching  the  plantacon  which  wee  here  have  begun,  it  Organiza- 
fell  out  thus  about  the  year  1627  some  friends  beeing  togeather  company16 
in  Lincolnesheire,  fell  into  some  discourse  about  New  England 
and  the  plantinge  of  the  gospell  there;  and  after  some  de- 
liberation, we  imparted  our  reasons  by  letters  and  messages 
to  some  in  Ix>ndon  and  the  west  country  where  it  was  like- 
wise deliberately  thought  vppon,  and  at  length  with  often 
negotiation  soe  ripened  that  in  the  year  1628,  wee  procured 
a  patent  from  his  Majesty  for  our  planting  between  the 
Matachusetts  Bay,  and  Charles  river  on  the  South;  and  the 
River  of  Merimack  on  the  North  and  3  miles  on  ether  side 
of  these  Rivers  and  Bay,  as  allso  for  the  government  of  those 
who  did  or  should  inhabit  with  in  that  compass,  and  the 
same  year  we  sent  Mr.  John  Endicott  and  some  with  him  to 
beginne  a  plantacon  and  to  strengthen  such  as  he  should  Bfegl?tIJlng 
find  there  which  wee  sent  thether  from  Dorchester  and  some  ment. 


58  Readings  in  American  History 

places  adjoyning;    ffrom  whom  the  same  year  receivinge 
hopefull  news.     The  next  year,  1629,  wee  sent  diverse  shipps 
over  with  about  300  people,  and  some  Cowes,  Goates,  and 
horses  many  of  which  arrived  safely.     Theis  by  their  too 
large  comendacons  of  the  country,  and  the  comodities  thereof, 
invited  us  soe  strongly  to  goe  on  that  Mr.  Wenthropp  of 
Soffolke  (who  was  well  knowen  in  his  own  country  and  well  ap- 
proved heere  for  his  pyety,  liberality,  wisedome  and  gravity) 
comeinge  in  to  us,  wee  came  to  such  resolution  that  in  April 
1630,  wee  set  saile  from  Old  England  with  four  good  shipps. 
And  in  May  following  8  more  followed,  2  having  gone  before 
us  in  February  and  March,  and  2  more  following  in  June  and 
August,   besides  another  set  out  by   a  private  merchant. 
Theis  17  Shipps  arrived  all  safe  in  New  England,  for  the  in- 
crease of  the  plantacon  here  this  year,  1630,  but  made  a 
long,  a  troublesome,  and  a  costly  voyage,  beeing  all  wind 
bound  long  in  England,  and  hindered  with  contrary  winds 
after  they  set  saile  and  so  scattered  with  mists  and  tempests 
that  few  of  them  arrived  togeather.     Our  4  shipps  which 
sett  out  in  Aprill  arrived  here  in  June  and  July,  where  we 
found  the  colony  in  a  sadd  and  unexpected  condicon,  above 
80  of  them  beeing  dead  the  winter  before  and  many  of  those 
alive,  weake  and  sicke;  all  the  corne  and  bread  amongst  them 
all  hardly  sufficient  to  feed  them  a  fortnight ;  insoe  much  that 
the  remainder  of  180  servants  wee  had  the  2  years  before 
sent  over,  comeing  to  us  for  victualls  to  sustaine  them,  wee 
found  ourselves  wholly  unable  to  feed  them  by  reason  that 
the  provisions  shipped  for  them  were  taken  out  of  the  shippe 
they  were  put  in,  and  they  who  were  trusted  to  shippe  them 
in  another  failed  us,  and  left  them  behind ;  whereupon  neces- 
sity enforced  us  to  our  extreme  loss  to  give  them  all  libertie; 
who  had  cost  us  about  16  or  20£  a  person  furnishing  and 
Settlement  sending  over.     But  bearing  theis  things  as  wee  might,  wee 
at^Charies-  beganne  to  consuJt  of  the  place  of  our  sitting  doune:  for  Salem 
where  we  landed  pleased  us  not.     And  to  the  purpose  some 
were  sent  to  the  Bay  to  search  upp  the  rivers  for  a  convenient 
place;    who  uppon  their  returne  reported  to  have  found  a 


59 


good  place  uppon  Mistick;  but  some  other  of  us  seconding 
theis  to  approve  or  dislike  of  their  judgement;  we  found  a 
place  liked  us  better  3  leagues  up  Charles  river —  And  there 
uppon  unshipped  our  goods  into  other  vessels  and  with  much 
cost  and  labour  brought  them  in  July  to  Charles  Towne;  but 
there  receiveing  advertisements  by  some  of  the  late  arived 
shipps  from  London  and  Amsterdam  of  some  Ffrench  prepara- 
tions against  us  (many  of  our  people  brought  with  us  beeing 
sick  of  ffeavers  and  the  scurvy  and  wee  thereby  unable  to 
cary  up  our  ordinance  and  baggage  soe  farre)  wee  were  forced 
to  change  counsaile  and  for  our  present  shelter  to  plant  dis- 
persedly,  some  at  Charles  Towne  which  standeth  on  the  North 
Side  of  the  mouth  of  Charles  River;  some  on  the  South  Side 
thereof,  which  place  we  named  Boston  (as  wee  intended  to 
have  done  the  place  wee  first  resolved  on)  some  of  us  uppon 
Mistick,  which  wee  named  Meadford;  some  of  us  westwards 
on  Charles  river,  four  miles  from  Charles  Towne,  which  place 
we  named  Watertoune;  others  of  us  2  miles  from  Boston  in 
a  place  wee  named  Rocksbury,  others  upon  the  river  of  Saugus 
betweene  Salem  and  Charles  Toune.  And  the  western  men 
4  miles  South  of  Boston  at  a  place  wee  named  Dorchester. 
This  dispersion  troubled  some  of  us;  but  helpe  it  wee  could 
not,  wanting  abillity  to  remove  to  any  place  fit  to  build  a 
Toune  uppon,  and  the  time  too  short  to  deliberate  any 
longer  least  the  winter  should  surprize  us  before  wee  had 
builded  our  houses.  The  best  counsel  wee  could  find  out 
was  to  build  a  fort  to  retire  to,  in  some  convenient  place  if 
any  enemy  pressed  there  unto,  after  wee  should  have  forti- 
fyed  ourselves  against  the  injuries  of  wett  and  cold.  So 
ceasing  to  consult  further  for  that  time  they  who  had  health 
to  labour  fell  to  building,  wherein  many  were  interrupted 
with  sicknes  and  many  dyed  weekley,  yea  almost  dayley. 
Insomuch  that  the  shipps  beeing  now  uppon  their  returne, 
some  for  England,  some  for  Ireland,  there  was  as  I  take  it 
not  much  less  than  an  hundred  (some  think  many  more) 
partly  out  of  dislike  of  our  government  which  restrained  and 
punished  their  excesses,  and  partly  through  feare  of  famine 


60  Readings  in  American  History 

(not  seeing  other  meanes  than  by  their  labour  to  feed  them- 
selves) which  returned  back  againe.  And  glad  were  wee  so 
to  be  ridd  of  them.  Others  also  afterwards  hearing  of  men 
of  their  own  disposition,  which  were  planted  at  Piscataway 
went  from  us  to  them,  whereby  though  our  numbers  were 
lessened  yet  wee  accounted  ourselves  nothing  weakened  by 
their  removeall.  .  .  .  But  now  haveing  some  leasure  to  dis- 
course of  the  motives  for  other  mens  comeinge  to  this  place 
or  their  abstaineing  from  it,  after  my  breife  manner  I  say  this. 
— That  if  any  come  hether  to  plant  for  worldly  ends  that 
canne  live  well  at  home  hee  comits  an  error  of  which  hee  will 
soon  repent  him.  But  if  for  spirittuall  and  that  noe  particu- 
lar obstacle  hinder  his  removeall,  he  may  finde  here  what 
may  well  content  him:  vizt:  materialls  to  build,  fewell  to 
burn,  ground  to  plant,  seas  and  rivers  to  ffish  in,  a  pure  ayer 
to  breath  in,  good  water  to  drink  till  wine  or  beare  canne  be 
made,  which  togeather  with  the  cowes,  hoggs,  and  goates 
brought  hether  all  ready  may  suffice  for  food,  for  as  for  foule 
and  venison,  they  are  dainties  here  as  well  as  in  England. 
Ffor  cloaths  and  beddinge  they  must  bring  them  with  them 
till  time  and  industry  produce  them  here.  In  a  word,  wee 
yett  enjoy  little  to  be  envyed  but  endure  much  to  bee  pittyed 
in  the  sicknes  and  mortalitye  of  our  people.  And  I  do  the 
more  willingly  use  this  open  and  plain  dealeinge  least  other 
men  should  fall  short  of  their  expectacons  when  they  come 
hether  as  wee  to  our  great  prejudice  did,  by  meanes  of  letters 
sent  us  from  hence  into  England,  wherein  honest  men  out  of 
a  desire  to  draw  over  others  to  them  wrote  somewhat  hyper- 
bolically  of  many  things  here.  If  any  godly  men  out  of 
religious  ends  will  come  over  to  helpe  us  in  the  good  work  wee 
are  about  I  think  they  cannot  dispose  of  themselves  nor  of 
their  estates  more  to  God's  glory  and  the  furtherance  of 
their  own  reckoninge,  but  they  must  not  bee  of  the  poorer 
sort  yett  for  diverse  yeares.  Ffor  we  have  found  by  experi- 
ence that  they  have  hindered,  not  furthered  the  work. — And 
for  profane  and  deboshed  persons  their  oversight  in  comeinge 
hether  is  wondered  at,  where  they  shall  find  nothing  to  con- 


New  England  61 

tent  them.  If  there  bee  any  endued  with  grace  and  furnished 
with  meanes  to  feed  themselves  and  theirs  for  18  months, 
and  to  build  and  plant  lett  them  come  into  our  Macedonia 
and  helpe  us,  and  not  spend  themselves  and  their  estates  in 
a  less  profitable  employment;  for  others  I  conceive  they  are 
not  fitted  for  this  busines.  . 


CHAPTER  VI 
FURTHER  ENGLISH   COLONIZATION 

15.    RESOURCES  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 

The  following  account  of  conditions  in  Pennsylvania  was  pre- 
pared by  William  Penn,  as  a  letter  to  his  friends  in  London,  1683. 
— (American  Museum,  or  Universal  Magazine.  Philadelphia, 
January,  1787-December,  1792). 

Philadelphia,  the  16th  of  the  6th  month, 

called  August,  1683. 
MY  KIND  FRIENDS. 

The  kindness  of  yours  by  the  ship  Thomas  and  Anne,  doth 
much  oblige  me;  for  by  it  I  perceive  the  interest  you  take 
in  my  health  and  reputation  and  the  prosperous  beginning 
of  this  province,  which  you  are  so  kind  as  to  think  may  much 
depend  upon  them.  In  return  of  which,  I  have  sent  you  a 
long  letter,  and  yet  containing  as  brief  an  account  of  myself, 
and  the  affairs  of  this  province,  as  I  havCj  been  able  to 
make.  .  .  . 

But  if  I  have  been  unkindly  used  by  some  I  left  behind 
me,  I  found  love  and  respect  enough  where  I  came — an 
universal  kind  welcome,  every  sort  in  their  way.  For  here 
are  some  of  several  nations,  as  well  as  divers  judgments;  nor 
were  the  natives  wanting  in  this;  for  their  kings,  queens, 
and  great  men,  both  visited  and  presented  me;  to  whom  I 
made  suitable  returns,  etc. 

For  the  province,  the  general  condition  of  it  take  as  fol- 
loweth. 

I.  The  country  itself,  in  its  soil,  air,  water,  seasons,  and 
produce,  both  natural  and  artificial,  is  not  to  be  despised. 

62  * 


Further  English  Colonization 


63 


The  land  containeth  divers  sorts  of  earth,  as  sand,  yellow  and 
black,  poor  and  rich;  also  gravel  both  loamy  and  dusty; 
and  in  some  places,  a  fast,  fat  earth,  like  to  our  best  vales  in 
England,  especially  by  inland  brooks  and  rivers;  God  in  his 
wisdom  having  ordered  it  so  that  the  advantages  of  the 
country  are  divided,  the  back  lands,  being  generally,  three 
to  one,  richer  than  those  that  lie  by  navigable  waters.  We 
have  much  of  another  soil,  and  that  is  a  black  hasel-mould, 
upon  a  stony  or  rocky  bottom. 

II.  The  air  is  sweet  and  clear,  the  heavens  serene,  like  the 
south  parts  of  France,  rarely  overcast;    and  as  the  woods 
come,  by  numbers  of  people,  to  be  more  cleared,  that  itself 
will  refine. 

III.  The  waters  are  generally  good;    for  the  rivers  and 
brooks  have  mostly  gravel  and  stony  bottoms,  and  in  num- 
ber hardly  credible.     We  have  also  mineral  waters  not  two 
miles  from  Philadelphia. 

IV.  For  the  seasons  of  the  year,  having,  by  God's  good- 
ness, now  lived  over  the  coldest  and  hottest,  that  the  oldest 
liver  in  the  province  can  remember,  I  can  say  something  to 
an  English  understanding. 

First,  of  the  fall,  for  then  I  came  in:  I  found  it,  from  the 
24th  of  October,  to  the  beginning  of  December,  as  we  have 
it  usually  in  England  in  September,  or  rather  like  an  Eng- 
lish mild  spring.  From  December,  to  the  beginning  of  the 
month  called  March,  we  had  sharp,  frosty  weather,  not  foul, 
thick,  black  weather,  as  our  north-east  winds  bring  with 
them  in  England;  but  a  sky  as  clear  as  in  summer,  and  the 
air  dry,  cold,  piercing,  and  hungry;  yet  I  remember  not  that 
I  wore  more  cloaths,  than  in  England.  The  reason  for  this 
cold  is  given  from  the  great  lakes,  that  are  fed  by  the  foun- 
tains of  Canada.  The  winter  before  was  as  mild,  scarce  any 
ice  at  all ;  while  this,  for  a  few  days,  froze  up  our  great  river 
Delaware.  From  that  month,  to  the  month  called  June, 
we  enjoyed  a  sweet  spring,  no  gusts,  but  gentle  showers,  and 
a  fine  sky. 

V.  The  natural  produce  of  the  country — of  vegetables* 


Soil  and 
climate  of 
Pennsyl- 
vania. 


Rivera. 


6-1  Readings  in  American  History 

is  trees,  fruits,  plants,  flowers.  The  trees  of  most  note,  are 
the  black  walnut,  cedar,  cypress,  chestnut,  poplar,  gumwood, 
hickery,  sassafras,  ash,  beech,  and  oak  of  divers  sorts,  as  red, 
white,  and  black,  Spanish  chestnut  and  swamp,  the  most 
durable  of  all:  of  all  which,  there  is  plenty  for  the  use  of 
man. 

The  fruits  that  I  find  in  the  woods,  are  the  white  and 
black  mulberry,  chestnut,  walnut,  plumbs,  strawberries, 
cranberries,  hurtleberries,  and  grapes  of  divers  sorts.  The 
great  red  grape,  now  ripe,  called  by  ignorance,  "the  fox 
grape"  (because  of  the  relish  it  hath  with  unskilful  palates), 
is  in  itself  an  extraordinary  grape,  and  by  art,  doubtless, 
may  be  cultivated  to  an  excellent  wine,  if  not  so  sweet,  yet 
little  inferior  to  the  fronteniac;  as  it  is  not  much  unlike  in 
taste,  ruddiness  set  aside;  which  in  such  things,  as  well  as 
mankind,  differs  the  case  much.  There  is  a  white  kind  of 
muskadil,  and  a  little  black  grape,  like  the  cluster-grape  of 
England,  not  yet  so  ripe  as  the  other;  but  they  tell  me,  when 
ripe,  sweeter,  and  that  they  only  want  skilful  vinerons  to  make 
good  use  of  them.  I  intend  to  venture  on  it  with  my  French- 
man this  season,  who  shews  some  knowledge  in  those  things. 
Here  are  also  peaches,  very  good,  and  in  great  quantities; 
not  an  Indian  plantation  without  them:  but  whether  natu- 
rally here  at  first,  I  know  not :  however,  one  may  have  them 
by  bushels,  for  little.  They  make  a  pleasant  drink,  and  I 
think,  not  inferior  to  any  peach  you  have  in  England,  except 
the  true  Newington.  It  is  disputable  with  me,  whether  it 
be  best  to  fall  to  fining  the  fruits  of  the  country,  especially 
the  grape,  by  the  care  and  skill  of  art,  or  send  for  foreign 
stems  and  sets,  already  good  and  approved.  It  seems  most 
reasonable  to  believe,  that  not  only  a  thing  groweth  best, 
where  it  naturally  grows,  but  will  hardly  be  equalled  by 
another  species  of  the  same  kind  that  doth  not  naturally 
grow  there.  But  to  solve  the  doubt,  I  intend,  if  God  give 
me  life,  to  try  both,  and  hope  the  consequence  will  be  as 
good  wine,  as  any  European  countries,  of  the  same  latitude, 
do  yield. 


Further  English  Colonization  65 

VI.  The  artificial  produce  of  the  country,  is  wheat,  *  bar-  Agricul-    . 
ley,  oats,  rye,  pease,  beans,  squashes,  pumkins,  water-melons,   J^™1  prod" 
musk-melons,  and  all  herbs  and  roots,  that  our  gardens  in 
England  usually  bring  forth. 

VII.  Of  living  creatures,  fish,  fowl,  and  the  beasts  of  the  Animal 
woods,  here  are  divers  sorts,  some  for  food  and  profit,  and  life' 
some  for  profit  only:   for  food  as  well  as  profit,  the  elk,  as 

big  as  a  small  ox;  deer  bigger  than  ours;  beaver,  raccoon, 
rabbits,  squirrels;  and  some  eat  young  bear,  and  commend 
it.  Of  fowl  of  the  land,  there  is  the  turkey  (forty  and  fifty 
pounds  weight)  which  is  very  great;  pheasants,  heath-birds, 
pigeons,  and  partridges  in  abundance.  Of  the  water,  the 
swan,  goose,  white  and  grey;  brants,  ducks,  teal;  also  the 
snipe  and  curlew,  and  that  in  great  numbers;  but  the  duck 
and  teal  excel ;  not  so  good  have  I  ever  eat  in  other  countries. 
Of  fish,  there  is  the  sturgeon,  herring,  rock,  shad,  catshead, 
sheepshead,  eel,  smelt,  perch,  roach,  and  in  inland  rivers, 
trout,  some  say  salmon  above  the  falls.  Of  shell  fish,  we 
have  oysters,  crabs,  cockles,  conchs,  and  muscles;  some 
oysters  six  inches  long;  and  one  sort  of  cockles,  as  big  as  the 
stewing  oysters;  they  make  a  rich  broth.  The  creatures  for 
profit  only,  by  skin  or  fur,  and  that  are  natural  to  these  parts, 
are  the  wild  cat,  panther,  otter,  wolf,  fox,  minx,  musk-rat: 
and  of  the  water,  the  whale  for  oil,  of  which  we  have  good 
store;  and  two  companies  of  whalers,  whose  boats  are  built 
will  soon  begin  their  work,  which  hath  the  appearance  of  a 
considerable  improvement;  to  say  nothing  of  our  reasonable 
hopes  of  good  cod  in  the  bay. 

VIII.  We  have  no  want  of  horses,  and  some  are  very  good  Exports, 
and  shapely  enough;   two  ships  have  been  freighted  to  Bar- 
badoes  with  horses  and  pipe-staves  since  my  coming.     Here 

is  also  plenty  of  cow-cattle,  and  some  sheep;  the  people 
plow  mostly  with  oxen. 

*  Edward  Jones,  son-in-law  to  Thomas  Wynn,  living  on  the  Schuylkill, 
had,  with  ordinary  cultivation,  from  one  grain  of  English  barley,  seventy 
stalks  and  ears  of  barley;  and  it  is  common  in  this  country,  from  one 
bushel  sown,  to  reap  forty,  often  fifty,  and  sometimes  sixty — and  three 
pecks  of  wheat  sow  an  acre  here. 


66 


Readings  in  American  History 


Medicinal 
plants. 


Flowers. 


IX.  There  are  divers  plants,  that  not  only  the  Indians 
tell  us,  but  we  have  had  occasion  to  prove,  by  swellings, 
burnings,  cutts  etc.  that  they  are  of  great  virtue,  suddenly 
curing  the  patient:    and  for  smell,  I  have  observed  several, 
especially  one,  the  wild  myrtle;  the  others,  I  know  not  what 
to  call,  but  are  most  fragrant. 

X.  The  woods  are  adorned  with  lovely  flowers,  for  colour, 
greatness,  figure,  and  variety.     I  have  seen  the  gardens  of 
London  best  stored  with  that  sort  of  beauty;  but  think  they 
may  be  improved  by  our  woods.     I  have  sent  a  few  to  a 
person  of  quality  this  year,  for  a  trial.     Thus  much  of  the 
country;  next  of  the  natives,  or  Aborigines.  .  .  . 


CHAPTER  VII 
THE   COLONIES   AFTER   THE   RESTORATION,    1660-90 

16.    REVOLT  AGAINST  THE  AUTHORITY  OF  GOVERNOR 

ANDROS 

(An  Account  of  the  Late  Revolution  in  New-England  Together 
with  the  Declaration  of  the  Gentlemen,  Merchants,  and  Inhabitants 
of  Boston,  and  the  Country  Adjacent,  April  18,  1689.  Written  by 
Mr.  Nathanael  Byfield,  a  merchant  of  Bristol,  in  New-England,  to 
his  Friends  in  London. — Peter  Force,  Collection  of  Historical  Tracts, 
IV,  No.  X,  1-17.) 

We  were  put  under  a  President  and  Council,  without  any  NO  repre- 
liberty  for  an  Assembly,  which  the  other  American  Planta-  ^Sembiy 
tians  have,  by  a  Commission  from  his  Majesty. 

III.  The  Commission  was  as  Illegal  for  the  form  of  it,  Attitude 
as  the  way  of  obtaining  it  was  malicious  and  unreasonable:  change  of 
yet  we  made  no  Resistance  thereunto  as  we  could  easily  govern- 
have  done;  but  chose  to  give  all  Mankind  a  Demonstration 
of  our  being  a  people  sufficiently  dutiful  and  loyal  to  our 
King;  and  this  with  yet  more  satisfaction,  because  we  took 
pains  to  make  our  selves  believe  as  much  as  ever  we  could  of 
the  Whedle  then  offer'd  unto  us;  That  his  Majesty's  desire 
was  no  other  than  the  happy  encrease  and  advance  of  these 
Provinces  by  their  more  immediate  Dependance  on  the 
Crown  of  England.  And  we  were  convinced  of  it  by  the  courses 
immediately  taken  to  damp  and  spoyl  our  Trade;  whereof 
decoyes  and  complaints  presently  filled  all  the  Country; 
while  in  the  mean  time  neither  the  Honour  nor  the  Treasure 
of  the  King  was  at  all  advanced  by  this  new  Model  of  our 
Affairs,  but  a  considerable  Charge  added  unto  the  Crown. 

67 


68 


Readings  in  American  History 


IV.  In  little  more  than  half  a  year  we  saw  this  Commis- 
sion superseded  by  another,  yet  more  Absolute  and  Arbitrary, 
with  which  Sir  Edmund  Andros  arrived  as  our  Governour: 
who  besides  his  Power,  with  the  Advice  and  Consent  of  his 
Council,  to  make  Laws  and  raise  Taxes  as  he  pleased;    had 
also  Authority  by  himself  to  Muster  and  Imploy  all  Persons 
residing  in  the  Territory  as  occasion  shall  serve;    and  to 
transfer  such  Forces  to  any  English  Plantation  in  America, 
as  occasion  shall  require.    And  several  Companies  of  Souldiers 
were  now  brought  from  Europe,  to  support  what  was  to  be 
imposed  upon  us,  not  without  repeated  Menaces  that  some 
hundreds  more  were  intended  for  us. 

V.  The  Government  was  no  sooner  in  these  Hands,  but 
care  was  taken  to  load  Preferments  principally  upon  such 
men  as  were  strangers  to,  and  haters  of  the  People:    and 
every  ones  Observation  hath  noted,  what  Qualifications  rec- 
ommended a  man  to  publick  Offices  and  Employments,  only 
here  and  there  a  good  man  was  used,  where  others  could  not 
easily  be  had;    the  Governour  himself,  with  Assertions  now 
and  then  falling  from  him,  made  us  jealous  that  it  would  be 
thought  for  his  Majesties  Interest,  if  this  people  were  re- 
moved and  another  succeeded  in  their  room:    And  his  far- 
fetch'd    Instruments    that   were   growing    rich   among   us, 
would  gravely  inform  us,  that  it  was  not  for  his  Majesties 
Interest  that  we  should  thrive.     But  of  all  our    oppressors 
we  were  chiefly  squeezed  by  a  crew  of  abject  Persons,  fetched 
from  New  York,  to  be  the  Tools  of  the  Adversary,  standing 
at  our  right  hand ;   by  these  were  extraordinary  and  intoller- 
able  Fees  extorted  from  every  one  upon  all  occasions,  without 
any  Rules  but  those  of  their  own  insatiable  Avarice  and 
Beggary;   and  even  the  probate  of  a  will  must  now  cost  as 
many  Pounds  perhaps  as  it  did   Shillings    heretofore;    nor 
could  a  small  Volume  contain  the  other  Illegalities  done  by 
these  Horse-Leeches  in  the  two  or  three  Years  that  they  have 
been  sucking  of  us;    and  what  Laws  they  made  it  was  as 
impossible  for  us  to  know,  as  dangerous  for  us  to  break;  .  .  . 

VI.  It  was  now  plainly  affirmed,  both  by  some  in  open 


The  Colonies  after  tiie  Restoration  69 

Council,  and  by  the  same  in  private  converse,  that  the  peo- 
ple in  New-England  were  all  Slaves  and  the  only  difference 
between  them  and  Slaves  is  their  not  being  bought  and  sold; 
and  it  was  a  maxim  delivered  in  open  Court  unto  us  by  one 
of  the  Council,  that  ice  must  not  think  the  Privilcdges  of  English- 
men would  follow  -us  to  the  end  of  the  World,:  Accordingly  we 
have  been  treated  with  multiplied  contradictions  to  Magna 
Charta,  the  rights  of  which  we  laid  claim  unto.  Persons 
who  did  not  peaceably  object  against  the  raising  of  Taxes 
without  an  Assembly,  have  been  for  it  fined,  some  twenty, 
some  thirty,  and  others  fifty  Pounds.  Packt  and  pickt 
Juries  have  been  very  common  things  among  us,  when,  under 
a  pretended  form  of  Law,  the  trouble  of  some  honest  and 
worthy  men  had  been  aimed  at;  but  when  some  of  this 
Gang  have  been  brought  upon  the  stage  for  the  most  detest- 
able Enormities  that  ever  the  Sun  beheld,  all  men  have  with 
admiration  seen  what  methods  have  been  taken  that  they 
might  not  be  treated  according  to  their  Crimes.  Without 
a  Verdict,  yea,  without  a  Jury  sometimes  have  people  been 
fined  most  unrighteously;  and  some  not  of  the  meanest 
Quality  have  been  kept  in  long  and  close  Imprisonment 
without  any  the  least  Information  appearing  against  them, 
or  an  Habeas  Corpus  allowed  unto  them.  In  short,  when 
our  Oppressors  have  been  a  little  out  of  mony,  'twas  but 
pretending  some  offence  to  be  enquired  into,  and  the  most 
innocent  of  men  were  continually  put  to  no  small  Expence  to 
answer  the  Demands  of  the  Officers,  who  must  have  mony 
of  them,  or  a  prison  for  them  tho  none  could  accuse  them 
of  any  Misdemeanour. 

VIII.     Because  these  things  could  not  make  us  miserable  Titles  to 
fast  enough,  there  was  a  notable  Discovery  made  of  we  know  ^d  nulu" 
not  what  flaw  in  all  our  Titles  to  our  Lands;  and,  tho  besides 
our  purchase  of  them  from  the  Natives;    and,  besides  our 
actual  peaceable  unquestioned  possession  of  them  for  near 
threescore  Years,  and  besides  the  Promise  of  K.  Charles  II. 
in  his  Proclamation  sent  over  to  us  in  the  Year  1683,  That  no 
man  here  shall  receive  any  Prejudice  in  his  Free-hold  or  Estate; 


70 


Readings  in  American  History 


Yet  we  were  every  day  told,  That  no  man  was  owner  of 
a  Foot  of  Land  in  all  the  Colony.  Accordingly  Writs  of  Intru- 
sion began  every  where  to  be  served  on  People,  that  after  all 
their  Sweat  and  their  Cost  upon  their  formerly  purchased 
Lands,  thought  themselves  Free-holders  of  what  they  had. 
And  the  Governor  caused  the  Lands  pertaining  to  these  and 
those  particular  Men,  to  be  measured  out  for  his  Creatures 
to  take  possession  of;  and  the  Right  Owners,  for  pulling  up 
the  Stakes,  have  passed  through  molestations  enough  to 
tire  all  the  patience  in  the  world.  .  .  . 

IX.  All  the  Council  were  not  ingaged  in  these  ill  Actions, 
but  those  of  them  which  were  true  Lovers  of  their  Country, 
were  seldom  admitted  to,  and  seldomer  consulted  at  the 
Debates  which  produced  these  unrighteous  Things;  Care 
was  taken  to  keep  them  under  Disadvantages;  and  the 
Governor,  with  five  or  six  more,  did  what  they  would.  We 
bore  all  these,  and  many  more  such  Things,  without  making 
any  attempt  for  any  Relief;  only  Mr.  Mather,  purely  out 
of  respect  unto  the  Good  of  his  Afflicted  Country,  undertook 
a  Voyage  into  England;  which  when  these  who  suspected 
him  to  be  preparing  for,  they  used  all  manner  of  Craft  and 
Rage,  not  only  to  interrupt  his  Voyage,  but  to  ruin  his  Per- 
son too.  God  having  through  many  Difficulties  given  him 
to  arrive  at  White-hall,  the  King,  more  than  once  or  twice, 
promised  him  a  certain  Magna  Charta  for  a  speedy  Redress  of 
many  things  which  we  were  groaning  under;  and  in  the  mean- 
time said  That  our  Governor  should  be  written  unto,  to  forbear 
the  Measures  that  he  icas  upon.  However,  after  this,  we  were 
injured  in  those  very  Things  which  were  complained  of;  ... 

XII.  We  do  therefore  seize  upon  the  Persons  of  those 
few  ///  men  which  have  been  (next  to  our  Sins)  the  grand 
Authors  of  our  Miseries;  resolving  to  secure  them,  for  what 
Justice,  Orders  from  his  Highness,  with  the  English  Parlia- 
ment shall  direct;  lest,  ere  we  are  aware,  we  find  what  we 
may  fear,  being  on  all  sides  in  danger  our  selves  to  be  by 
them  given  away  to  a  Foreign  Power,  before  such  Orders 
can  reach  unto  us;  for  which  Orders  we  now  humbly  wait. 


The  Colonies  after  the  Restoration  71 

In  the  mean  time  firmly  believing,  that  we  have  endeavoured 
nothing  but  what  meer  Duty  to  God  and  our  Country  calls 
for  at  our  Hands:  We  commit  our  Enterprise  unto  the 
blessing  of  Him,  who  hears  the  cry  of  the  oppressed,  and  advise 
all  our  Neighbours,  for  whom  we  have  thus  ventured  our- 
selves to  joyn  with  us  in  Prayers  and  all  just  Actions  for  the 
Defence  of  the  Land. 


PROCLAMATION   SENT  TO   SIR   EDMOND   ANDROS 
AT  THE  TOWN-HOUSE   IN   BOSTON, 

April  18,  1689. 

oIRJ 

Our  Selves  and  many  others  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Town, 
and  the  Places  adjacent,  being  surprized  ivith  the  peoples  sudden 
taking  of  Arms;  in  the  first  notion  whereof  we  were  wholly 
ignorant,  being  driven  by  the  present  Accident,  are  necessitated 
to  acquaint  your  Excellency,  that  for  the  quieting  and  securing 
of  the  People  inhabiting  in  this  Country  from  the  imminent 
Dangers  they  many  ways  lie  open  and  exposed  to,  and  tending 
your  ou'n  Safety,  We  judge  it  necessary  you  forthwith  surrender 
and  deliver  up  the  Government  and  Fortification  to  be  preserved 
and  disposed  according  to  Order  and  Direction  from  the  Crown 
of  England,  which  suddenly  is  expected  may  arrive;  promising 
all  security  from  violence  to  your  Self  or  any  of  your  Gentlemen 
or  Souldiers  in  Person  and  Estate;  Otherwise  we  are  assured 
they  will  endeavour  the  taking  of  the  Fortification  by  Storm,  if 
any  Opposition  be  made. 

To  SIR  EDMOND  ANDROSS  KT. 

WAITE  WINTHROP,  ELISHA  COOK, 

SIMON  BRADSTREET,  ISAAC  ADDINGTON, 

WILLIAM  STOUGHTON,  JOHN  NELSON, 

SAMUEL  SHRIMPTON,  ADAM  WINTHROP, 

BARTHOLEMEW  GIDNEY,  PETER  SERGEANT, 

WILLIAM  BROWN,  JOHN  FOSTER, 

THOMAS  DANFORTH,  DAVID  WATERHOUSE. 
JOHN  RICHARDS, 


72 


Readings  in  American  History 


17.     CONFESSION  AND  RECANTATION  OF  WITCHES 
(Massachusetts  Historical  Collections, Vol.  I,  third  series,  124-126.) 

The  Examination  of  Elizabeth  Johnson,  taken  before  me, 
Dudley  Bradstreet,  one  of  their  Majesties'  Justices  of  the  Peace 
for  Essex,  this  IQth  of  August,  1692. 

Elizabeth  Johnson,  being  accused  of  witchcraft,  confessed 
as  followeth: 

That  Goody  Carrier  brought  a  book  to  her,  and  that  she 
set  her  hand  to  it, 

That  Goody  Carrier  baptized  her  when  she  baptized  her 
daughter  Sarah.  And  that  Goody  Carrier  told  her  she  should 
be  saved  if  she  would  be  a  witch, 

That  she  had  been  at  Salem  village  with  Goody  Carrier, 
and  that  she  had  been  at  the  mock  sacrament  there,  and  saw 
-  Mr.  Burroughs  there. 

She  confessed  also,  that  she  had  afflicted  several  persons. 
That  the  first  she  afflicted  was  Lawrence  Lacy.  And  that 
she  and  Thomas  Carrier  afflicted  Sarah  Phelps,  and  Mary 
Walcutt,  and  Ann  Putnam,  the  9th  instant,  and  that  she 
had  afflicted  them  this  day  as  she  came  to  town.  And  that 
she  had  afflicted  a  child  of  Ephraim  Davis,  the  9th  instant 
and  this  day,  by  pinching  it.  And  that  she  afflicted  Ann  Put- 
nam with  a  spear. 

That  she  and  Goody  Carrier  afflicted  Benjamin  Abbott.  .  . . 
DUDLEY  BRADSTREET,  Justice  Peace. 

GENTLEMEN; 

I  thought  it  meet  to  give  you  this  broken  account,  hoping 
it  may  be  of  some  service,  I  am  wholly  unacquainted  with 
affairs  of  this  nature,  neither  have  the  benefit  of  books  for 
forms,  etc.;  but  being  unadvisedly  entered  upon  service,  I 
am  wholly  unfit  for,  beg  that  my  ignorance  and  failings  may 
be  as  much  covered  as  conveniently  may  be;  which  will  be 
ever  acknowledged  by 

Your  poor  and  unworthy  servant, 

DUDLEY  BRADSTREET. 


The  Colonies  after  the  Restoration  73 

I  know  not  whether  to  make  any  returns.     Bonds  I  have 
taken.     The  custos  rotulorum  I  know  not,  etc. 

To  the  Honoured  Bartholemew  Gedney,  John  Hathorne,  Esq., 
or  any  of  their  Majesties'  Justices  of  the  Peace  in  Salem, 
these  humbly  present. 


18.     EXAMINATION  FOR  WITCHCRAFT 
(Thomas  Hutchinson,  History  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  II,  31-33.) 

The  examination  and  confession  (8  Sept.  92.)  of  Mary 
Osgood,  wife  of  Captain  Osgood  of  Andover,  taken  before 
John  Hawthorne  and  other  their  Majesties  justices. 

She  confesses,  that  about  11  years  ago,  when  she  was  in 
a  melancholy  state  and  condition,  she  used  to  walk  abroad 
in  her  orchard ;  and  upon  a  certain  time,  she  saw  the  appear- 
ance of  a  cat,  at  the  end  of  the  house,  which  yet  she  thought 
was  a  real  cat.  However,  at  that  time,  it  diverted  her  from 
praying  to  God,  and  instead  thereof  she  prayed  to  the  devil; 
about  which  time  she  made  a  covenant  with  the  devil,  who, 
as  a  black  man,  came  to  her  and  presented  her  a  book,  upon 
which  she  laid  her  finger  and  that  left  a  red  spot:  and  that 
upon  her  signing,  the  devil  told  her  he  was  her  God,  and  that 
she  should  serve  and  worship  him,  and  she  believes,  she  con- 
sented to  it.  She  says  further,  that  about  two  years  agone, 
she  was  carried  through  the  air,  in  company  with  deacon 
Frye's  wife,  Ebenezer  Baker's  wife  and  Goody  Tyler,  to 
five  mile  pond,  where  she  was  baptized  by  the  devil,  who 
dipped  her  face  in  the  water  and  made  her  renounce  her 
former  baptism,  and  told  her  she  must  be  his,  soul  and  body, 
forever,  and  that  she  must  serve  him,  which  she  promised 
to  do.  She  says,  the  renouncing  her  first  baptism  was  after 
her  dipping,  and  that  she  was  transported  back  again 
through  the  air,  in  company  with  the  forenamed  persons, 
in  the  same  manner  as  she  went,  and  believes  they  were 
carried  on  a  pole. 

Q.     How  many  persons  were  on  the  pole? 


74  Readings  in  American  History 

A.  As  I  said  before,  viz.  four  persons  and  no  more  but 
whom  she  had  named  above.— She  confesses  she  had  afflicted 
three  persons,  John  Sawdy,  Martha  Sprague,  and  Rose 
Foster,  and  that  she  did  it  by  pinching  her  bed  cloaths,  and 
giving  consent  the  devil  should  do  it  in  her  shape,  and  that 
the  devil  could  not  do  it  without  her  consent. — She  confesses 
the  afflicting  persons  in  the  court,  by  the  glance  of  her  eye. 
She  says  as  she  was  coming  down  to  Salem  to  be  examined, 
she  and  the  rest  of  the  company  with  her  stopped  at  Mr. 
Phillips's  to  refresh  themselves,  and  the  afflicted  persons 
being  behind  them  upon  the  road,  came  up  just  as  she  was 
mounting  again  and  were  then  afflicted,  and  cried  out  upon 
her,  so  that  she  was  forced  to  stay  until  they  were  all  past, 
and  said  she  only  looked  that  way  towards  them. 

Q.  Do  you  know  the  devil  can  take  the  shape  of  an  inno- 
cent person  and  afflict? 

A.     I  believe  he  cannot. 

Q.    Who  taught  you  this  way  of  witchcraft? 

A.  Satan,  and  that  he  promised  her  abundance  of  satis- 
faction and  quietness  in  her  future  state,  but  never  performed 
anything;  and  that  she  had  lived  more  miserably  and  more 
discontented  since,  than  ever  before.  She  confesses  further, 
that  she  herself,  in  company  with  Goody  Parker,  Goody 
Tyler,  and  Goody  Dean,  had  a  meeting  at  Moses  Tyler's 
house  last  Monday  night,  to  afflict,  and  that  she  and  Goody 
Dean  carried  the  shape  of  Mr.  Dean,  the  minister,  between 
them,  to  make  persons  believe  that  Mr.  Dean  afflicted. 

Q.  What  hindered  you  from  accomplishing  what  you 
intended? 

A.  The  Lord  would  not  suffer  it  to  be,  that  the  devil 
should  afflict  in  an  innocent  person's  shape. 

Q.     Have  you  been  at  any  other  witch  meetings? 

A.  I  know  nothing  thereof,  as  I  shall  answer  in  the 
presence  of  God  and  his  people;  but  said,  that  the  black  man 
stood  before  her,  and  told  her,  that  what  she  had  confessed 
was  a  lie;  notwithstanding,  she  said  that  what  she  had  con- 
fessed was  true;  and  there  to  put  her  hand.  Her  husband 


The  Colonies  after  the  Restoration  75 

being  present  was  asked,  if  he  judged  his  wife  to  be  any 
ways  discomposed.  He  answered,  that  having  lived  with 
her  so  long,  he  doth  not  judge  her  to  be  any  ways  discom- 
posed, but  has  cause  to  believe  what  she  says  is  true. — When 
Mistress  Osgood  was  first  called,  she  afflicted  Martha  Sprague 
and  Rose  Foster,  by  the  glance  of  her  eyes,  and  recovered 
them  out  of  their  fits  by  the  touch  of  her  hand.  Mary  Lacey 
and  Betty  Johnson  and  Hannah  Post  saw  Mistress  Osgood 
afflicting  Sprague  and  Foster. — The  said  Hannah  Post  and 
Mary  Lacey  and  Betty  Johnson,  jun.  and  Rose  Foster,  and 
Mary  Richardson  were  afflicted  by  Mistress  Osgood,  in  the 
time  of  their  examination,  and  recovered  by  her  touching  of 
their  hands. 

I  underwritten,  being  appointed  by  authority,  to  take  this 
examination,  do  testify  upon  oath,  taken  in  court,  that  this 
is  a  true  copy  of  the  substance  of  it,  to  the  best  of  my  knowl- 
edge, 5  Jan.  1692-3.  The  within  Mary  Osgood  was  examined 
before  their  Majesties  justices  of  the  peace  in  Salem. 

Attest.  JOHN  HIGGINSON,  Just.  Pac. 

19.    RECANTATION  OF  CONFESSORS  OF  WITCHCRAFT 

(Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  Vol.  Ill,  second  series, 
221-225.) 

Salem,  Oct.  19,  '92. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  I.  Mather  went  to  Salem  [to  visit]  the  con- 
fessours  (so  called) :  He  conferred  with  several  of  them,  and 
they  spoke  as  follows:  Mrs.  Osgood  freely  and  relentingly 
said,  that  the  confession  which  she  made  upon  her  examina- 
tion for  witchcraft,  and  afterwards  acknowledged  before  the 
honourable  judges,  was  wholly  false,  and  that  she  was  brought 
to  the  said  confession  by  the  violent  urging  and  unreason- 
able pressings  that  were  used  toward  her;  she  asserted  that 
she  never  signed  to  the  devill's  book,  was  never  baptised  by 
the  devill,  never  afflicted  any  of  the  accusers,  or  gave  her 
consent  for  their  being  afflicted.  Being  asked,  why  she  pre- 
fixed a  time  and  spoke  of  her  being  baptised  etc.,  about 


76  Readings  in  American  History 

twelve  years  since;  she  replyed,  and  said,  that  when  she  had 
owned  the  thing,  they  asked  the  time;  to  which  she  answered, 
that  she  knew  not  the  time;  but  being  told  that  she  did 
know  the  time  and  must  tell  the  time,  and  the  like;  she  qon- 
sidered  that  about  twelve  years  before  she  had  a  fitt  of  sick- 
nesse,  and  was  melancholy;  and  so  thought  that  that  time 
might  be  as  proper  a  time  to  mention  as  any,  and  accord- 
ingly did  prefix  the  said  time. 

Being  asked  about  the  cat,  in  the  shape  of  which  she  had 
confessed  the  devill  appeared  to  her  etc. ;  she  replyed,  that 
being  told  that  the  devill  had  appeared  to  her,  and  must 
needs  appear  to  her  etc. ;  (she  being  a  witch)  she  at  length  did 
own  that  the  devill  had  appeared  to  her;  and  being  press'd 
to  say  in  what  creature's  shape  he  appeared  in,  she  at  length 
did  say,  that  it  was  in  the  shape  of  a  cat;  remembering  that 
some  time  before  her  being  apprehended,  as  she  went  out  at 
her  door,  she  saw  a  cat  etc.:  not  as  though  she  any  whitt 
suspected  the  said  cat  to-  be  the  devill  in  the  day  of  ...  but 
because  some  creature  she  must  mention,  and  this  came  thus 
into  her  mind  at  that  time.  .  .  . 

Goodwife  Tyler  did  say,  that  when  she  was  first  appre- 
hended, she  had  no  fears  upon  her,  and  did  think  that 
nothing  could  have  made  her  confesse  against  herself;  but 
since,  she  had  found  to  her  great  grief,  that  she  had  wronged 
the  truth,  and  falsely  accused  herself;  she  said;  that  when 
she  was  brought  to  Salem,  her  brother  Bridges  rode  with 
her,  and  that  all  along  the  way  from  Andover  to  Salem,  her 
brother  kept  telling  her  that  she  must  needs  be  a  witch, 
since  the  afflicted  accused  her,  and  at  her  touch  were  raised 
out  of  their  fitts,  and  urging  her  to  confess  herself  a  witch; 
she  as  constantly  told  him,  that  she  was  no  witch,  that  she 
knew  nothing  of  witchcraft,  and  begg'd  of  him  not  to  urge 
her  to  confesse;  however  when  she  came  to  Salem,  she  was 
carried  to  a  room,  where  her  brother  on  one  side,  and  Mr. 
John  Emerson  on  the  other  side  did  tell  her  that  she  was 
certainly  a  witch,  and  that  she  saw  the  devill  before  her 
eyes  at  that  time  (and  accordingly  the  said  Emerson  would 


The  Colonies  after  the  Restoration  77 

attempt  with  his  hand  to  beat  him  away  from  her  eyes)  and 
they  so  urged  her  to  confesse,  that  she  wished  herself  in  any 
dungeon,  rather  than  be  so  treated;  Mr.  Emerson  told  her 
once  and  again,  Well!  I  see  you  will  not  confesse!  Well!  I 
will  now  leave  you,  and  then  you  are  undone,  body  and  soul 
forever:  Her  brother  urged  her  to  confesse,  and  told  her 
that  in  so  doing  she  could  not  lye;  to  which  she  answered, 
good  Brother,  do  not  say  so,  for  I  shall  lye  if  I  confesse,  and 
then  who  shall  answer  unto  God  for  my  lye?  He  still  as- 
serted it,  and  said  that  God  would  not  suffer  so  many  good 
men  to  be  in  such  an  errour  about  it,  and  that  she  would  be 
hang'd,  if  she  did  not  confesse,  and  continued  so  long  and  so 
violently  to  urge  and  presse  her  to  confesse,  that  she  thought 
verily  her  life  would  have  gone  from  her,  and  became  so  terry- 
fied  in  her  mind,  that  she  own'd  at  length  almost  anything 
that  they  propounded  to  her;  but  she  had  wronged  her  con- 
science in  so  doing,  she  was  guilty  of  a  great  sin  in  belying  of 
herself,  and  desired  to  mourn  for  it  as  long  as  she  lived; 
This  she  said  and  a  great  deal  more  of  the  like  nature,  and 
all  of  it  with  such  affection,  sorrow,  relenting,  grief,  and 
mourning,  as  that  it  exceeds  any  pen  for  to  describe  and 
expresse  the  same. 


Organiza- 
tion of 
Iroquois. 


Military 
prowess. 


CHAPTER  VIII 
THE  FRENCH   IN   AMERICA 

20.    CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  IROQUOIS  INDIANS 

(William  Smith,  The  History  of  the  Province  of  New  York  from 
the  First  Discovery  to  the  Year  1732,  Part  II,  34,  36  passim. 
London,  1757.) 

These,  of  all  those  innumerable  Tribes  of  Savages,  which 
inhabit  the  northern  part  of  America,  are  of  most  importance 
to  us  and  the  French,  both  on  account  of  their  vicinity  and 
warlike  disposition.  Before  the  late  incorporation  of  the 
Tuscaroras,  a  People  driven  by  the  inhabitants  of  Carolina 
from  the  frontiers  of  Virginia,  they  consisted  of  five  confed- 
erate Cantons.  What  in  particular  gave  rise  to  this  League, 
and  when  it  took  place,  are  questions  which  neither  the 
Natives,  nor  Europeans,  pretend  to  answer.  Each  of  these 
Nations  is  divided  into  three  families,  or  Clans,  of  different 
ranks,  bearing  for  their  arms,  and  being  distinguished  by  the 
names  of  the  Tortoise,  the  Bear,  and  the  Wolf. 

No  people  in  the  world  perhaps,  have  higher  notions  than 
these  Indians  of  military  glory.  All  the  surrounding  nations 
have  felt  the  effects  of  their  prowess;  and  many  not  only 
became  their  Tributaries,  but  were  so  subjugated  to  their 
power,  that  without  their  consent,  they  durst  not  commence 
either  peace  or  war. 

Though  a  regular  police  for  the  preservation  of  harmony 
within,  and  the  defence  of  the  State  against  invasions  from 
without,  is  not  to  be  expected  from  the  people  of  whom  I 
am  now  writing,  yet  perhaps,  they  have  paid  more  attention 
to  it  than  is  generally  allowed.  Their  government  is  suited 

78 


The  French  in  America  79 

to  their  condition.  A  people  whose  riches  consist  not  so 
much  in  abundance,  as  in  a  freedom  from  want;  who  are 
circumscribed  by  no  boundaries,  who  live  by  hunting,  and 
not  by  agriculture,  must  always  be  free,  and  therefore  sub- 
ject to  no  other  authority,  than  such  as  consists  with  the 
liberty  necessarily  arising  from  their  circumstances.  All  The 
their  affairs,  whether  respecting  peace  or  war,  are  under  the  Sachems- 
direction  of  their  Sachems,  or  chief  men.  Great  exploits  and 
public  virtue  procure  the  esteem  of  a  people,  and  qualify  a 
man  to  advise  in  Council,  and  execute  the  plan  concerted  for 
the  advantage  of  his  country:  thus  whoever  appears  to  the 
Indians  in  this  advantageous  light,  commences  as  a  Sachem 
without  any  other  ceremony. 

As  there  is  no  other  way  of  arriving  at  this  dignity,  so  it 
ceases,  unless  an  uniform  zeal  and  activity  for  the  common 
good,  is  uninterruptedly  continued.  Some  have  thought  it 
hereditary,  but  that  is  a  mistake.  The  son,  is  indeed,  re- 
spected for  his  father's  services,  but  without  personal  merit, 
he  can  never  share  in  the  government;  wThich  were  it  other- 
wise, must  sink  into  perfect  disgrace.  The  children  of  such 
are  distinguished  for  their  patriotism,  moved  by  the  con- 
sideration of  their  birth,  and  the  perpetual  incitements  to 
virtue  constantly  inculcated  into  them,  imitate  their  father's 
exploits,  and  thus  attain  to  the  same  honours  and  influence; 
which  accounts  for  the  opinion  that  the  Title  and  Power  of 
Sachem  is  hereditary. 

Each  of  these  republics  has  its  own  particular  chiefs,  who 
hear  and  determine  all  complaints  in  Council,  and  though 
they  have  no  officers  for  the  execution  of  Justice,  yet  their 
decrees  are  always  obeyed,  from  the  general  reproach  that 
would  follow  a  contempt  of  their  advice.  The  condition  of 
this  people  exempts  them  from  factions,  the  common  disease 
of  popular  governments.  It  is  impossible  to  gain  a  party 
amongst  them  by  indirect  means;  for  no  man  has  either 
honour,  riches,  or  power  to  bestow. 

All  affairs  which  concern  the  general  interest  are  deter-  Assembly 
mined  in  a  great  assembly  of  the  chiefs  of  each  Canton,  usually  of  Chlefs- 


so 


Readings  in  American  History 


French 

and 

Iroquois. 


Houses. 


L<>ve  of 
ornaments 


Not 
laborers. 


Food. 


held  at  Onondaga,  the  center  of  their  country.  Upon  emer- 
gencies, they  act  separately,  but  nothing  can  bind  the  League 
but  the  voice  of  the  general  convention. 

The  French,  upon  the  maxim,  "divide  et  impera,"  have 
tried  all  possible  means  to  divide  these  Republics,  and  some- 
times have  even  sown  great  jealousies  amongst  them.  In 
consequence  of  this  plan,  they  have  seduced  many  families 
to  withdraw  to  Canada,  and  there  settled  them  in  regular 
towns,  under  the  command  of  a  fort,  and  the  tuition  of 
missionaries. 

The  manners  of  these  savages  are  as  simple  as  their  govern- 
ment. Their  houses  are  a  few  crotched  stakes  thrust  into 
the  ground,  and  over-laid  with  bark.  A  fire  is  kindled  in 
the  middle,  and  an  aperture  left  at  the  top  for  the  convey- 
ance of  the  smoke.  Whenever  a  considerable  number  of 
those  huts  are  collected,  they  have  a  Castle,  as  it  is  called, 
consisting  of  a  square  without  bastions,  surrounded  with 
Pallisades.  They  have  no  other  fortification;  and  this  is 
only  designed  as  an  asylum  for  their  old  men,  their  wives 
and  children,  when  the  rest  are  gone  out  to  war.  They  live 
almost  entirely  without  care.  While  the  women,  or  squaws, 
cultivate  a  little  spot  of  ground  for.  corn,  the  men  employ 
themselves  in  hunting.  .  .  .  Many  of  them  are  fond  of 
ornaments,  and  their  taste  is  very  singular.  I  have  seen 
rings  affixed,  not  only  to  their  ears,  but  their  noses.  Bracelets 
of  silver  and  brass  around  their  wrists,  are  very  common. 
The  women  plait  their  hair,  and  tie  it  up  behind  in  a  bag, 
perhaps  in  imitation  of  the  French  beaux  in  Canada. 
Though  the  Indians  are  capable  of  sustaining  great  hard- 
ships, yet  they  cannot  endure  much  labor,  being  rather  fleet, 
than  strong.  Their  men  are  taller  than  the  Europeans, 
rarely  corpulent,  always  beardless,  straight  limbed,  of  a 
tawny  complexion,  and  black  uncurled  hair.  In  their  food 
they  have  no  manner  of  delicacy,  for  though  venison  is  their 
ordinary  diet,  yet  sometimes  they  eat  dogs,  bears,  and  even 
snakes.  Their  cookery  is  of  two  kinds,  boiled  or  roasted;  to 
perform  the  latter,  the  meat  is  penetrated  by  a  short  sharp 


The  French  in  America  81 

stick  set  in  the  ground,  inclining  towards  the  fire,  and  turned 
as  occasion  requires.  They  are  hospitable  to  strangers, 
though  few  Europeans  would  relish  their  highest  favors  of 
this  kind,  for  they  are  very  nasty  both  in  their  garments  and 
food.  .  .  . 

Since  they  became  acquainted  with  the  Europeans,  their  Weapons, 
warlike  apparatus  is  a  musket,  hatchet,  and  a  long  knife. 
Their  boys  still  accustom  themselves  to  bows  and  arrows, 
and  are  so  dextrous  in  the  use  of  them,  that  a  lad  of  sixteen, 
will  strike  an  English  shilling  five  times  in  ten  at  twelve  or 
fourteen  yards  distance.  Their  men  are  excellent  marks- 
men, both  with  the  gun  and  hatchet;  their  dexterity  at  the 
latter  is  very  extraordinary,  for  they  rarely  miss  the  object, 
though  at  a  considerable  distance.  The  hatchet  in  the  flight 
perpetually  turns  round,  and  yet  always  strikes  the  mark 
with  the  edge. 

Before  they  go  out,  they  have  a  feast  upon  dog's  flesh,  War- 
and  a  great  war  dance.  At  these,  the  warriors,  who  are  dance- 
frightfully  painted  with  vermilion,  rise  up  and  sing  their 
own  exploits,  or  those  of  their  ancestors,  and  thereby  kindle 
a  military  enthusiasm  in  the  whole  company.  The  day 
after  the  dance,  they  march  out  a  few  miles  in  a  row,  observ- 
ing a  profound  silence.  The  procession  being  ended,  they 
strip  the  bark  from  a  large  oak,  and  paint  the  design  of  their 
expedition  on  the  naked  trunk.  The  figure  of  a  canoe,  with 
the  number  of  men  in  it,  determines  the  strength  of  their 
party;  and  by  a  deer,  a  fox,  or  some  other  emblem  painted 
at  the  head  of  it,  we  discover  against  what  nation  they  are 
gone  out. 

The  Five  Nations  being  devoted  to  war,  every  art  is  con-  Return 
trived  to  diffuse  a  military  spirit  through  the  whole  body  of  pa^.Tar" 
their   people.     The  ceremonies   attending   the  return   of  a 
party;   seem  calculated  in  particular  for  that  purpose.     The 
day  before  they  enter  the  Village,  two  heralds  advance,  and 
at  a  small  distance  set  up  a  yell,  which  by  its  modulation  in- 
timates either  good  or  bad  news.     If  the  former,  the  Village 
is   alarmed,   and   an   entertainment   provided   for  the  con- 


82 


Readings  in  American  History 


Methods 
of  attack. 


Treatment 
of  prison- 
ers. 


Peace 
cere- 
monies. 


querors,  who  in  the  mean  time  approach  in  sight:  one  of  them 
bears  the  scalps  stretched  over  a  bow,  and  elevated  upon  a 
long  pole.  The  boldest  man  in  the  town  comes  out,  and  re- 
ceives it,  and  instantly  flies  to  the  hut  where  the  rest  are  col- 
lected. If  he  is  overtaken,  he  is  beaten  unmercifully;  but 
if  he  outruns  the  pursuer,  he  participates  in  the  honour  of 
the  victors,  who  at  their  first  entrance  receive  no  compli- 
ments, nor  speak  a  single  word  till  the  end  of  the  feast. 
Their  parents,  wives,  and  children  then  are  admitted,  and 
treat  them  with  the  profoundest  respect.  After  these  salu- 
tations, one  of  the  conquerors  is  appointed  to  relate  the  whole 
adventure,  to  which  the  rest  attentively  listen,  without  ask- 
ing a  question,  and  the  whole  concludes  with  a  savage 
dance. 

The  Indians  never  fight  in  the  field,  or  upon  equal  terms, 
but  always  skulk  and  attack,  by  surprise,  in  small  parties, 
meeting  every  night  at  a  place  of  rendezvous.  Scarce  any 
enemy  can  escape  them,  for  by  the  disposition  of  the  grass 
and  leaves,  they  follow  his  track  with  great  speed  anywhere 
but  over  a  rock.  Their  barbarity  is  shocking  to  human 
nature.  Women  and  children  they  generally  kill  and  scalp, 
because  they  would  retard  their  progress,  but  the  men  they 
carry  into  captivity.  If  any  woman  has  lost  a  relation,  and 
inclines  to  receive  the  prisoner  in  his  stead,  he  not  only 
escapes  a  series  of  the  most  inhuman  tortures,  and  death  it- 
self, but  enjoys  every  immunity  they  can  bestow,  and  is 
esteemed  a  member  of  the  family,  into  which  he  is  adopted. 
To  part  with  him  would  be  the  most  ignominious  conduct, 
and  considered  as  selling  the  blood  of  the  deceased;  and  for 
this  reason  it  is  not  without  the  greatest  difficulty,  that  a 
Captive  is  redeemed. 

When  the  Indians  incline  to  peace,  a  messenger  is  sent  to 
the  enemy  with  a  pipe,  the  bowl  of  which  is  made  of  soft,  red, 
marble;  and  a  long  reed  beautifully  painted,  and  adorned 
with  the  gay  plummage  of  birds,  forms  the  stem.  This  is 
his  infallible  protection  from  any  assault  on  the  way.  The 
envoy  makes  his  proposals  to  the  enemy,  who  if  they  ap- 


The  French  in  America  83 

prove  them,  ratify  the  preliminaries  to  the  peace,  by  smoking 
through  the  pipe,  and  from  that  instant,  a  general  cessation 
of  arms  takes  place.  The  French  call  it  a  Calumet.  It  is 
used,  as  far  as  I  can  learn,  by  all  the  Indian  nations  upon  the 
Continent.  The  rights  of  it  are  esteemed  sacred,  and  have 
been  only  invaded  by  the  Flat  Heads;  in  just  indignation 
for  which,  the  Confederates  maintained  a  war  with  them  for 
near  thirty  years.  .  .  . 

21.    FATHER  MARQUETTE'S  Two  JOURNEYS 

Jacques  Marquette  joined  the  order  of  Jesuits  and  came  to 
America  in  1666.  After  spending  five  years  in  the  missions  along 
the  Saint  Lawrence  River,  he  came  to  the  mission  of  Saint  Ignace, 
then  located  on  Mackinac  Island,  but  later  removed  to  the  main- 
land. Here  he  was  joined  by  Joliet,  who  had  been  engaged  in  making 
explorations  for  deposits  of  copper.  Joliet  brought  orders  from  the 
governor  of  New  France  commanding  him,  with  Marquette  for  his 
companion,  to  search  for  a  Great  River  which  was  supposed  to  flow 
into  the  Gulf  of  California. — (Jesuit  Relations,  Marquette's  Journal. 
Thwaites's  translation.  With  permission  of  Burrows  Brothers, 
Cleveland,  Ohio.) 

THE    FIRST    VOYAGE    OF    FATHER    MARQUETTE 

We  were  not  long  in  preparing  all  our  equipment,  although  Prepara- 
we  were  about  to  begin  a  voyage,  the  duration  of  which  we  expedition6 
could  not  foresee.     Indian  corn,  with  some  smoked  meat, 
constituted  all  our  provisions;    with  these  we  embarked — 
Monsieur  Jollyet  and  myself,  with  five  men — in  two  bark 
canoes,  fully  resolved  to  do  and  suffer  everything  for  so 
glorious  an  undertaking. 

Accordingly,  on  the  17th  day  of  May,  1673,  we  started 
from  the  Mission  of  St.  Ignace  at  Michilimakinac,  where  I 
then  was.  The  joy  that  we  felt  at  being  selected  for  this 
expedition  animated  our  courage,  and  rendered  the  labor  of 
paddling  from  morning  to  night  agreeable  to  us.  And  be- 
cause we  were  going  to  seek  unknown  countries,  we  took 
every  precaution  in  our  power,  so  that,  if  our  undertaking 


84 


Readings  in  American  History 


were  hazardous,  it  should  not  be  foolhardy.  To  that  end 
we  obtained  all  the  information  that  we  could  from  savages 
who  had  frequented  those  regions;  and  we  even  traced  out 
from  their  reports  a  map  of  the  whole  of  that  new  country; 
on  it  we  indicated  the  rivers  which  we  were  to  navigate,  the 
names  of  the  peoples  and  of  the  places  through  which  we 
were  to  pass,  the  course  of  the  great  river,  and  the  direction 
we  were  to  follow  when  we  reached  it. 

The  seven  men  rowed  west  from  the  mission  at  Mackinac,  crossed 
northern  Lake  Michigan,  and  turned  south  on  Green  Bay  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Fox  River,  and  crossed  a  portage  to  the  Wisconsin 
River. 

The  river  on  which  we  embarked  is  called  Meskousing 
[Wisconsin].  It  is  very  wide;  it  has  a  sandy  bottom,  which 
forms  various  shoals  that  render  its  navigation  very  difficult. 
.  .  .  Our  route  lay  to  the  southwest,  and,  after  navigating 
about  thirty  leagues,  we  saw  a  spot  presenting  all  the  appear- 
ances of  an  iron  mine;  and,  in  fact,  one  of  our  party  who 
had  formerly  seen  such  mines,  assures  us  that  the  one  which 
we  found  is  very  good  and  very  rich.  It  is  covered  with 
three  feet  of  good  soil,  and  is  quite  near  a  chain  of  rocks,  the 
base  of  which  is  covered  by  very  fine  trees.  After  proceed- 
ing forty  leagues  on  this  same  route,  we  arrived  at  the  mouth 
of  our  river;  and,  at  forty-two  and  a  half  degrees  of  latitude 
we  safely  entered  Mississippi  on  the  17th  of  June,  with  a  joy 
that  I  cannot  express. 

We  gently  followed  its  course,  which  runs  toward  the 
south  and  southeast,  as  far  as  the  42nd  degree  of  latitude. 
Here  we  plainly  saw  that  its  aspect  was  completely  changed. 
There  are  hardly  any  woods  or  mountains;  the  islands  are 
more  beautiful,  and  are  covered  with  finer  trees.  W7e  saw 
only  deer  and  cattle,  bustards,  and  swans  without  wings, 
because  they  drop  their  plumage  in  this  country.  .  .  .  When 
we  cast  our  nets  into  the  water,  we  caught  sturgeon.  .  .  . 

When  we  reached  the  parallel  of  41  degrees  28  minutes, 
following  the  same  direction,  we  found  that  the  turkeys  had 


The  French  in  America  85 

taken  the  place  of  game;   and  the  pisikious,*  or  wild  cattle, 
that  of  the  other  animals. 

We  call  them  "wild  cattle,"  because  they  are  very  similar  Buffalo, 
to  our  domestic  cattle.  They  are  not  longer,  but  are  nearly 
as  large  again,  and  more  corpulent.  When  our  people  killed 
one,  three  persons  had  much  difficulty  in  moving  it.  The 
head  is  very  large;  the  forehead  is  flat,  and  a  foot  and  a  half 
wide  between  the  horns,  which  are  exactly  like  those  of  our 
oxen,  but  black  and  much  larger.  Under  the  neck  they 
have  a  sort  of  large  dewlap,  which  hangs  down;  and  on  the 
back  is  a  rather  high  hump.  The  whole  of  the  head,  the  neck, 
and  a  portion  of  the  shoulders,  are  covered  with  a  thick  mane 
like  that  of  horses;  it  forms  a  crest  a  foot  long,  which  makes 
them  hideous,  and,  falling  over  their  eyes,  prevents  them  from 
seeing  what  is  before  them.  The  remainder  of  the  body  is 
covered  with  a  heavy  coat  of  curly  hair,  almost  like  that  of 
our  sheep,  but  much  stronger  and  thicker.  It  falls  off  in 
summer,  and  the  skin  becomes  as  soft  as  velvet.  At  that 
season,  the  savages  use  the  hides  for  making  fine  robes, 
which  they  paint  in  various  colors.  The  flesh  and  the  fat 
of  the  pisikious  are  excellent,  and  constitute  the  best  dish  at 
feasts.  Moreover,  they  are  very  fierce;  and  not  a  year 
passes  without  their  killing  some  savages.  When  attacked, 
they  catch  a  man  on  their  horns,  if  they  can,  toss  him  in  the 
air,  and  then  throw  him  on  the  ground,  after  which  they 
trample  him  under  foot,  and  kill  him.  If  a  person  fire  at 
them  from  a  distance,  with  either  a  bow  or  a  gun,  he  must, 
immediately  after  the  shot,  throw  himself  down  and  hide  in 
the  grass;  for  if  they  perceive  him  who  has  fired,  they  run 
at  him,  and  attack  him.  As  their  legs  are  thick  and  rather 
short,  they  do  not  run  very  fast,  as  a  rule,  except  when  angry. 
They  are  scattered  about  the  prairie  in  herds;  I  have  seen 
one  of  400.  .  .  . 

Marquette  and  Joliet  came  upon  a  tribe  of  Illinois  Indians,  on 
the  west  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  possibly  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Des  Moines  River. 

*  The  Indian  name  for  the  bison  or  buffalo. 


86  Readings  in  American  History 

Seeing  all  assembled  and  silent,  I  spoke  to  them  by  four 
presents  that  I  gave  them.  By  the  first,  I  told  them  that 
we  were  journeying  peacefully  to  visit  the  nations  dwelling 
on  the  river  as  far  as  the  sea.*  By  the  second,  I  announced 
to  them  that  God,  who  had  created  them,  had  pity  on  them, 
inasmuch  as,  after  they  had  been  so  long  ignorant  of  him, 
he  wished  to  make  himself  known  to  all  the  peoples;  that  I 
was  sent  by  him  for  that  purpose;  and  that  it  was  for  them 
to  acknowledge  and  obey  him.  By  the  third,  I  said  that  the 
great  captain  of  the  French  informed  them  that  it  was  he 
who  restored  peace  everywhere;  and  that  he  had  subdued  the 
Iroquois.  Finally,  by  the  fourth,  we  begged  them  to  give  us 
all  the  information  that  they  had  about  the  sea,  and  about 
the  nations  through  whom  we  must  pass  to  reach  it.  ... 

The  council  was  followed  by  a  great  feast,  consisting  of 
four  dishes,  which  had  to  be  partaken  of  in  accordance  with 
all  their  fashions.  The  first  course  was  a  great  wooden 
platter  full  of  sagamite — that  is  to  say,  meal  of  Indian  corn 
boiled  in  water,  and  seasoned  with  fat.  The  master  of  cere- 
monies filled  a  spoon  with  sagamite  three  or  four  times,  and 
put  it  to  my  mouth  as  if  I  were  a  little  child.  He  did  the 
sajne  to  Monsieur  Jollyet.  As  a  second  course,  he  caused  a 
second  platter  to  be  brought,  on  which  were  three  fish.  He 
took  some  pieces  of  them,  removed  the  bones  therefrom,  and, 
after  blowing  upon  them  to  cool  them,  he  put  them  in  our 
mouths  as  one  would  give  food  to  a  bird.  For  the  third 
course,  they  brought  a  large  dog,  that  had  just  been  killed; 
but,  when  they  learned  that  we  did  not  eat  this  meat,  they 
removed  it  from  before  us.  Finally,  the  fourth  course  was 
a  piece  of  wild  ox,  the  fattest  morsels  of  which  were  placed 
in  our  mouths. 

Account  of      When  one  speaks  the  word  "Illinois,"  it  is  as  if  one  said 
note.  '        in  tneir  language,  "the  men," — as  if  the  other  savages  were 
looked  upon  by  them  merely  as  animals.  .  .  . 

*  It  had  been  supposed  that  the  Mississippi  River  flowed  into  the  Gulf 
of  California.  But  on  this  journey,  as  Marquette  and  Joliet  noted  the 
direction  the  stream  was  taking,  they  became  convinced  that  it  emptied 
into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 


The  French  in  America  87 

When  the  Illinois  depart  to  go  to  war,  the  whole  village 
must  be  notified  by  a  loud  shout,  which  is  uttered  at  the 
doors  of  their  cabins,  the  night  and  morning  before  their 
departure.  The  captains  are  distinguished  from  the  war- 
riors by  wearing  red  scarfs.  These  are  made,  with  consider- 
able skill,  from  the  hair  of  bears  and  wild  cattle.  They  paint 
their  faces  with  red  ocher,  great  quantities  of  which  are  found 
at  a  distance  of  some  days'  journey  from  the  village.  They 
live  by  hunting,  game  being  plentiful  in  that  country,  and  on 
Indian  corn,  of  which  they  always  have  a  good  crop;  con- 
sequently, they  have  never  suffered  from  famine.  They 
also  sow  beans  and  melons,  which  are  excellent,  especially 
those  that  have  red  seeds.  Their  squashes  are  not  of  the 
best;  they  dry  them  in  the  sun,  to  eat  them  during  the 
winter  and  the  spring.  Their  cabins  are  very  large,  and  are 
roofed  and  floored  with  mats  made  of  rushes.  They  make 
all  their  utensils  of  wood,  and  their  ladles  out  of  the  heads 
of  cattle,  whose  skulls  they  know  so  well  how  to  prepare 
that  they  use  these  ladles  with  ease  for  eating  their  saga- 
mite.  .  .  . 

Here  is  one  of  the  songs  they  are  in  the  habit  of  singing. 
They  give  it  a  certain  turn  which  cannot  be  sufficiently 
expressed  by  note:  Ninahani,  ninahani,  ninahani,  nani  ongo. 

We  take  leave  of  our  Illinois  at  the  end  of  June,  about 
three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  We  embark  in  the  sight  of 
all  the  people  who  admire  our  little  canoes,  for  they  have 
never  seen  any  like  them. 

Some  distance  below  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio  they  met  a  band  cf 
Indians  who  informed  them  that  they  were  not  more  than  ten  days 
from  the  sea. 

This  news  animated  our  courage,  and  made  us  paddle 
with  fresh  ardor.  We  thus  push  forward,  and  no  longer  see 
so  many  prairies,  because  both  shores  of  the  river  are  bor- 
dered with  lofty  trees.  The  cottonwood,  elm,  and  bass-wood 
trees  there  are  admirable  for  their  height  and  thickness. 
The  great  numbers  of  wild  cattle,  which  we  heard  bellowing, 


88  Readings  in  American  History 

led  us  to  believe  that  the  prairies  are  near.  We  also  saw 
quail  on  the  water's  edge.  We  killed  a  little  paroquet,  one 
half  of  whose  head  was  red,  the  other  half  and  the  neck  yellow, 
and  the  whole  body  green.  .  .  . 

Monsieur  Jollyet  and  I  held  another  council,  to  deliberate 
upon  what  we  should  do — whether  we  should  push  on,  or 
remain  content  with  the  discovery  which  we  had  made. 
After  attentively  considering  that  we  were  not  far  from  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  the  basin  of  which  is  at  the  latitude  of  31 
degrees  GO  minutes,  while  we  were  at  33  degrees  40  minutes, 
we  judged  that  we  could  not  be  more  than  two  or  three  days' 
journey  from  it;  and  that,  beyond  a  doubt,  the  Mississippi 
River  discharges  into  the  Florida  or  Mexican  gulf,  and  not 
to  the  east  in  Virginia,  whose  sea-coast  is  at  34  degrees  lati- 
tude— which  we  had  passed,  without,  however,  having  as 
yet  reached  the  sea — or  to  the  west  in  California,  because  in 
that  case  our  route  would  have  been  to  the  west,  or  the  west 
southwest,  .  .  .  We  had  obtained  all  the  information  that 
could  be  desired  in  regard  to  this  discovery.  All  these 
reasons  induced  us  to  decide  upon  returning;  this  we  an- 
nounced to  the  savages,  and,  after  a  day's  rest,  made  our 
preparations  for  it. 

After  a  month's  navigation,  while  descending  the  Missis- 
sippi from  the  42nd  to  the  34th  degree,  and  beyond,  and 
after  preaching  the  Gospel  as  well  as  I  could  to  the  nations 
that  I  met,  we  start  on  the  17th  of  July  from  the  village  of 
the  Akensea,  to  retrace  our  steps.  We  therefore  reascend 
the  Mississippi,  which  gives  us  much  trouble  in  breasting 
its  currents.  It  is  true  that  we  leave  it,  at  about  the  38th 
degree,  to  enter  another  river,  which  greatly  shortens  our 
road,  and  takes  us  with  but  little  effort  to  the  lake  of  the 
Illinois  [Lake  Michigan]. 

We  have  seen  nothing  like  this  river  that  we  enter,  as 
regards  its  fertility  of  soil,  its  prairies  and  woods;  its  cattle, 
elk,  deer,  wildcats,  bustards,  swans,  ducks,  paroquets,  and 
even  beaver.  There  are  many  small  lakes  and  rivers.  That 
on  which  we  sailed  is  wide,  deep,  and  still,  for  sixty-five 


The  French  in  America  89 

leagues.  In  the  spring  and  during  part  of  the  summer  there 
is  only  one  portage  of  half  a  league.  We  found  on  it  a  vil- 
lage of  Illinois  called  Kaskasia,  consisting  of  74  cabins. 
They  received  us  very  well,  and  obliged  me  to  promise  that 
I  would  return  to  instruct  them.  One  of  the  chiefs  of  this 
nation,  with  his  young  men,  escorted  us  to  the  lake  of  the 
Illinois,  whence,  at  last,  at  the  end  of  September,  we  reached 
the  Bay  des  Puantz  [Green  Bay],  from  which  we  had  started 
at  the  beginning  of  June. 

THE  SECOND  VOYAGE  OF  FATHER  MARQUETTE,  WRITTEN  BY 
HIMSELF  AND  SUPPLEMENTED  BY  FATHER  DABLON's 
RELATION 

Marquette  passed  the  winter  at  the  mission  of  St.  Francis,  near 
Green  Bay.  Late  the  next  summer,  with  two  Frenchmen  as  com- 
panions, Marquette  set  out  for  the  Illinois  along  the  western  shore 
of  Lake  Michigan.  They  wintered  on  the  Chicago  portage. 

Having  been  compelled  to  remain  at  St.  Francois  through- 
out the  summer  on  account  of  an  ailment,  of  which  I  was 
cured  in  the  month  of  September,  I  awaited  there  the  return 
of  our  people  from  down  below  [Quebec],  in  order  to  learn 
what  I  was  to  do  with  regard  to  my  wintering.  They 
brought  me  orders  to  proceed  to  the  mission  of  la  Concep- 
tion among  the  Illinois.  .  .  . 

Having  encamped  near  the  portage,  two  leagues  up  the 
river,  we  resolved  to  winter  there,  as  it  was  impossible  to  go 
farther,  since  we  were  too  much  hindered  and  my  ailment 
did  not  permit  me  to  give  myself  too  much  fatigue.  .  .  . 

DABLON'S  CONTINUATION  OF  MARQUETTE'S  JOURNEY* 

On  at  last  arriving  at  the  village,  he  was  received  as  an 
angel  from  Heaven.  He  resolved  to  address  all  in  public,  in 
a  general  assembly  which  he  called  together  in  the  open  air, 

*  Marquette  was  too  ill  to  continue  the  daily  entries  in  his  journal. 


90  Readings  in  American  History 

the  cabins  being  too  small  to  contain  all  the  people.  It  was 
a  beautiful  prairie,  close  to  a  village,*  which  was  selected  for 
the  great  council;  this  was  adorned  after  the  fashion  of  the 
country,  by  covering  it  with  mats  and  bear-skins.  Then 
the  father,  having  directed  them  to  stretch  out  upon  lines 
several  pieces  of  Chinese  taffeta,  attached  to  these  four  large 
pictures  of  the  blessed  Virgin,  which  were  visible  on  all  sides. 
The  audience  was  composed  of  500  chiefs  and  elders,  seated 
in  a  circle  around  the  father,  and  of  all  the  young  men,  who 
remained  standing.  They  numbered  more  than  1,500  men, 
without  counting  the  women  and  children,  who  are  always 
numerous — the  village  being  composed  of  5  or  600  fires. 
The  father  addressed  the  whole  body  of  people,  and  conveyed 
to  them  ten  messages,  by  means  of  ten  presents  which  he 
gave  them.  He  explained  to  them  the  principal  mysteries 
of  our  religion,  and  the  purpose  that  had  brought  him  to 
their  country.  .  .  . 

After  the  Illinois,  filled  with  great  esteem  for  the  Gospel, 
had  taken  leave  of  the  father,f  he  continued  his  journey, 
and  shortly  after  reached  the  lake  of  the  Illinois,  upon  whose 
waters  he  had  to  journey  nearly  a  hundred  leagues,  by  an 
unknown  route,  whereon  he  had  never  before  traveled;  for 
he  was  obliged  to  coast  along  the  southern  [Eastern]  shore  of 
the  lake,  having  come  by  the  northern  [Western].  But  his 
strength  was  so  rapidly  diminishing  that  his  two  men  de- 
spaired of  being  able  to  bring  him  alive  to  the  end  of  their 
journey.  .  .  . 

They  accordingly  brought  him  to  the  land,  lighted  a  little 
fire  for  him,  and  prepared  for  him  a  wretched  cabin  of  bark. 
.  .  .  And  so,  with  a  countenance  beaming  and  all  aglow,  he 
expired  without  any  struggle,  and  so  gently  that  it  might 
have  been  regarded  as  a  pleasant  sleep.  .  .  . 

*  Near  Starved  Rock,  Illinois. 

t  Marquette,  after  remaining  about  two  weeks,  was  forced,  because  of 
ill  health,  to  set  out  for  Saint  Ignace. 


The  French  in  America  91 


22.    LA  SALLE  AND  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MOUTH  OF 
THE  MISSISSIPPI  RIVER 

Rene  Robert  Cavalier,  Sieur  de  La  Salle,  was  born  in  1643,  of  an 
old  and  wealthy  family  of  Rouen,  France.*  In  the  year  1666  he  came 
to  Canada  and  soon  began  his  labors  as  an  explorer. 

A  friendship  sprang  up  between  La  Salle  and  the  new  governor, 
Count  Frontenac.  When  the  latter,  in  1673,  in  his  desire  to  shut 
out  the  English  at  Albany  from  the  trade  with  the  Indians  of  the 
Northwest,  erected  a  fort,  at  the  outlet  of  Lake  Ontario,  he  placed 
La  Salle  in  command.  Going  to  France,  the  following  year,  La 
Salle  was  granted,  by  the  King,  the  right  of  seigneur  over  Fort  Fron- 
tenac and  extensive  surrounding  territory  and  was  also  given  a  title 
of  nobility.  In  return,  he  was  to  rebuild  the  fort  of  masonry  at  his 
own  expense  and  become  responsible  for  its  maintenance.  For  two 
years  he  was  engaged  in  developing  the  resources  of  Fort  Frontenac 
as  a  frontier  post,  and  a  village  of  French  families  was  established 
under  the  protection  of  the  fort.  But  the  ambition  of  La  Salle  was 
not  satisfied.  He  dreamed  of  the  great  river,  partially  explored  by 
Joliet  and  Marquette,  which  he  believed  flowed  into  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico.  It  became  his  desire  to  discover  its  mouth,  gain  control 
of  the  trade  and  make  it  a  stronghold  against  the  encroachments  of 
the  Spaniards  and  the  English,  and  possibly  from  its  headwaters 
reach  China  and  Japan. 

In  order  to  gain  authority  to  carry  out  his  plan,  La  Salle,  in  1677, 
again  visited  France.  His  description  of  the  wealth  of  the  wonder- 
ful country  which  he  desired  to  explore  and  its  future  value  to 
France  won  the  favor  of  Colbert,  then  chief  minister  of  Louis  XIV. 
The  King  granted  him  letters  patent  for  five  years,  f 

On  his  return  in  September,  1678,  La  Salle  brought  with  him 
iron,  cordage  and  sails,  and  also  ship-carpenters  who  were  to  con- 
struct two  vessels  for  fur-trading  on  the  Lakes  and  on  some  branch 
of  the  Mississippi.  Among  the  thirty-two  men  who  accompanied 
him  to  Canada,  none  proved  of  as  much  service  to  La  Salle  as  Henri 
de  Tonty,  a  young  adventurous  Italian  officer,  full  of  energy  and 
courage.  Father  Louis  Hennepin,  who  was  anxious  to  join  the  ex- 
pedition, and  other  missionaries  of  the  order  of  Recollects,  met  the 
party  at  Quebec.  Arriving  at  the  head  of  the  Niagara  river,  in 

*  He  signed  his  name  De  la  Salle.  His  name  was  Robert  Cavalier. 
The  name  by  which  he  is  known,  Sieur  de  La  Salle,  was  derived  from  an 
estate  of  his  family  near  Rouen. 

t  An  official  document  issued  by  a  king  (or  other  sovereign)  which  granted 
some  privilege  to  an  individual  or  company  was  called  "Letters  Patent." 


92  Readings  in  American  History 

January,  a  fortified  warehouse  was  built,  By  spring  a  vessel  of 
forty  tons  burden,  the  Griffin,  was  also  completed.* 

On  the  seventh  of  August,  La  Salle  and  his  companions,  thirty- 
four  in  all,  embarked  on  the  Griffin  and  set  sail  on  the  waters  of 
Lake  Erie.  After  a  voyage  of  twenty  days,  the  Jesuit  mission  at 
St.  Ignace  was  reached.  Early  in  September,  they  again  embarked 
and  proceeded  to  the  entrance  of  Green  Bay.  Here  the  vessel  was 
loaded  with  furs,  which  had  been  collected  by  an  advance  party  sent 
out  by  La  Salle  the  year  before,  and  was  started  back  to  Fort  Niagara. 

La  Salle  with  fourteen  men,  in  four  canoes,  then  advanced  along 
the  western  shore  of  Lake  Michigan.  Tonty  with  twenty  men  pro- 
ceeded along  the  eastern  shore  and  the  two  leaders,  after  escaping 
death  from  hunger,  from  storms  and  at  the  hands  of  Indians,  met 
at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Joseph  River,  where  they  built  a  fort.  On 
December  3,  they  ascended  that  river  some  seventy  miles  to  the 
portage,  near  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  South  Bend,  Indiana. 

TONTY'S   DESCRIPTION  OF  LA   SALLE'S   DISCOVERY    OF   THE 
MOUTH  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI 

We  made  the  portage,  which  extends  about  two  leagues, 
and  came  to  the  source  of  the  Illinois  river.  We  embarked 
there,  and  ascending  [descending]  the  river  for  100  leagues 
arrived  at  a  village  of  the  savages. f  They  were  absent  hunt- 
ing, so  as  we  had  no  provisions  we  opened  some  caches  of 
Indian  corn.  During  this  journey  some  of  our  Frenchmen 
were  so  fatigued  that  they  determined  to  leave  us,  but  the 
night  they  intended  to  go  was  so  cold  that  their  plan  was 
broken  up. 

As  it  was  necessary  to  fortify  ourselves  during  the  winter, 
we  made  a  fort  which  we  called  Crevecoeur.J  Part  of  our 

*  The  vessel  was  built  at  the  mouth  of  Cayuga  Creek,  which  flows  into 
Niagara  River  above  the  cataract.  La  Salle,  in  the  meantime,  with  two 
companions  returned  to  Fort  Frontenac  for  supplies,  a  distance  of  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  miles,  passing  through  the  territory  of  the  Iroquois.  They 
had  for  food  only  a  bag  of  parched  corn,  which  failed  them  two  days  before 
they  reached  the  fort.  See  Parkman,  La  Salle,  p.  135. 

t  Located  near  the  site  of  the  present  village  of  Utica,  Illinois.  Across 
the  river  stands  the  lofty  cliff  known  as  "Starved  Rock."  This  Indian 
village  contained  several  distinct  tribes  of  the  Illinois.  The  population 
changed  from  time  to  time.  In  1675  Marquette  is  said  to  have  addressed 
at  this  place  1,500  men,  beside  women  and  children. 

t  Crevecoeur  was  a  stronghold  in  the  Netherlands  which  had  been  cap- 
tured by  Louis  XIV.  The  fort  was  located  near  the  site  of  Peoria,  Illinois. 


The  French  in  America 


93 


people  deserted  and  they  had  even  put  poison  into  our  kettle. 
M.  de  la  Salle  was  poisoned,  but  he  was  saved  by  some  anti- 
dote a  friend  had  given  him  in  France.  The  desertion  of 
these  men  gave  us  less  annoyance  than  the  effect  which  it 
had  on  the  minds  of  the  savages. 

M.  de  la  Salle  commenced  building  a  boat  to  descend  the  Father 
river.     He  sent  a  Father  Recollect   [Hennepin],   with  the  2nt"oPln 
Sieur  Deau  to  discover  the  nation  of  the  Sioux  400  leagues   find  the 
from  the  Illinois  on  the  Mississippi  river  southwards  [north-  the  Missis- 
ward],  a  river  that  runs  not  less  than  800  leagues  to  the  sea  ^PP*- 
without  rapids.*     He  determined  to  go  himself,  by  land,  to 
Fort  Frontenac,  because  he  had  heard  nothing  of  the  boat 
which  he  had  sent  to  Niagara.     He  gave  me  the  command  of 
this  place,  and  left  us  on  the  22d  of  March  with  five  men.  .  .  . 

La  Salle  had  directed  Tonty  to  go  to  "Starved  Rock"  and  there 
build  a  strong  fort.  On  the  way  Tonty  was  deserted  by  all  of  his 
companions  save  five  men.  Early  in  September  the  Illinois  Indiana 
were  attacked  by  the  Iroquois.  Tonty  and  his  companions  were 
made  prisoners  by  the  Iroquois,  a  young  warrior  attempting  to  kill 
Tonty.  They  were  finally  allowed  to  escape.  One  of  the  number 
met  his  death,  within  a  few  hours,  at  the  hands  of  the  Kickapoos. 
The  survivors  journeyed  by  the  way  of  the  Des  Plaines  River  and 
Chicago  River  to  Lake  Michigan,  and  after  great  suffering  finally 
reached  the  Jesuit  mission  on  Green  Bay.  Had  they  gone  by  the 
Saint  Joseph  River,  they  would  doubtless  have  met  La  Salle,  who  had 
learned  of  their  disaster  and  was  hastening  with  a  party  to  their 
relief.  La  Salle  found  the  fort  at  the  mouth  of  that  river  in  ruins. 
He  left  some  of  his  men  to  rebuild  it,  and  with  six  others  again 
advanced  to  the  Illinois  River.  He  found  that  the  Illinois  tribes 
had  been  driven  from  their  homes.  December  4  he  set  out  to 
follow  the  river  to  its  mouth,  and  reached  the  Mississippi.  Con- 

*  During  the  winter  several  delegations  of  Indians  from  distant  tribes 
came  to  visit  the  Illinois  in  order  to  see  the  white  men.  Among  them  were 
the  Sioux  who  dwelt  near  the  sources  of  the  Mississippi.  They  invited  the 
French  to  visit  them  in  their  homes,  which  they  said  were  near  the  "  western 
sea."  Hennepin  is  spoken  of  as  the  leader  of  the  party  of  three  selected 
to  go  to  explore  the  upper  Mississippi.  Michel  Accault  (Ako),  noted  for 
his  bravery  and  for  his  knowledge  of  Indian  languages,  was  the  real  leader. 
Hennepin  told  the  story  of  the  expedition  and  assumed  a  large  place  for 
himself.  The  party  ascended  the  Mississippi,  to  the  Falls  of  Saint  Anthony, 
some  five  hundred  miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  Illinois.  They  were  taken 
prisoners  by  the  Sioux,  but  were  rescued  by  Uuluth,  who,  with  four  other 
Frenchmen,  was  visiting  the  Sioux  to  secure  their  trade  in  furs. 


94  Readings  in  American  History 

trary  to  the  wishes  of  his  comrades,  who  desired  to  descend  the 
river,  La  Salle  turned  northward,  hoping  to  find  some  trace  of 
Tonty.  Day  after  day  the  party  plunged  through  the  snow  up  to 
the  waist,  suffering  from  extreme  cold  and  hunger,  and  finally,  at 
the  end  of  January,  were  again  at  the  mouth  of  the  Saint  Joseph. 
Here  he  learned  from  some  hunting  Indians  that  Tonty  was  safe 
at  Green  Bay.  Fort  Miami  was  rebuilt,  and  on  May  25  La  Salle 
set  out  for  Mackinac.  Here,  to  the  great  joy  of  both,  the  two 
leaders  met  again.  Neither  of  them  thought  of  abandoning  the 
enterprise.  After  going  to  Canada,  partially  satisfying  his  creditors, 
and  obtaining  fresh  supplies,  La  Salle  and  his  party  returned  to 
Fort  Miami,  reaching  there  December  19.  Tonty's  narration  con- 
tinues as  follows: 

We  went  in  canoes  to  the  River  Chicagou,  where  there  is 
a  portage  which  joins  that  of  the  Illinois.*  The  rivers  being 
frozen,  we  made  sledges  and  dragged  our  baggage  thirty 
leagues  below  the  village  of  Illinois,  where,  finding  the  navi- 
gation open,  we  arrived  at  the  end  of  Januaryf  at  the  great 
River  Mississippi.  We  descended  the  river,  and  found  six 
leagues  below,  on  the  right,  a  great  river,  J  which  comes  from 
the  west,  on  which  there  are  numerous  nations.  We  slept 
at  its  mouth.  The  next  day  we  went  on  to  the  village  of 
Tamarous,  six  leagues  off  on  the  left.  There  was  no  one 
there,  all  the  people  being  at  their  winter  quarters  in  the 
woods.  We  made  marks  to  inform  the  savages  that  we  had 
passed,  and  continued  our  route  as  far  as  the  River  Ouabache,§ 
which  is  eighty  leagues  from  that  of  Illinois.  It  comes  from 
the  east,  and  is  more  than  500  leagues  in  length.  It  is  by 
this  river  that  the  Iroqiiois  advance  to  make  war  against 
the  nations  of  the  south.  Continuing  our  voyage  about 
sixty  leagues,  we  came  to  a  place  which  was  named  Fort 
Prudhomme,  because  one  of  our  men  lost  himself  there  when 
out  hunting  and  was  nine  days  without  food.  As  they  were 
looking  for  him  they  fell  in  with  two  Chikasas  savages, 
whose  village  was  three  days'  journey  inland.  They  have 

*  There  were  54  members  in  the  party,  23  being  Frenchmen,  18  Indian 
warriors,  10  squaws  and  3  Indian  children. 

t  February  6. 
I    J  The  Missouri — called  by  the  French,  Emissourita. 

$  The  Ohio — Oyo  of  the  Iroquois. 


The  French  in  America  95 

2,000  warriors,  the  greatest  number  of  whom  have  flat  heads, 
which  is  considered  a  beauty  among  them.  .  .  .  We  pro- 
ceeded on  our  course,  and  after  sailing  40  leagues,  arrived  at 
the  sea  on  the  7th  of  April,  1682. 

M.  de  la  Salle  sent  canoes  to  inspect  the  channels;  some  The  mouth 
of  them  went  to  the  channel  on  the  right  hand,  some  to  the  j^issfs- 
left,  and  M.  de  la  Salle  chose  the  centre.  In  the  evening  sippi 
each  made  his  report,  that  is  to  say,  that  the  channels  were 
very  fine,  wide,  and  deep.  We  encamped  on  the  right 
bank;  we  erected  the  arms  of  the  King,*  and  returned  several 
times  to  inspect  the  channels.  The  same  report  was  made. 
The  river  is  800  leagues  long,  without  rapids,  400  from  the 
country  of  the  Scioux,  and  400  from  the  mouth  of  the  Illinois 
river  to  the  sea.  The  banks  are  almost  uninhabitable,  on 
account  of  the  spring  floods.  The  woods  are  all  those  of  a 
boggy  district,  the  country  one  of  canes  and  briars  and  of 
trees  torn  up  by  the  roots ;  but  a  league  or  two  from  the  river, 
the  most  beautiful  country  in  the  world,  prairies,  woods  of 
mulberry  trees,  vines,  and  fruits  that  we  were  not  acquainted 
with.  The  savages  gather  the  Indian  corn  twice  a  year. 
In  the  lower  part  of  the  river,  which  might  be  settled,  the 
river  makes  a  bend  north  and  south,  and  in  many  places 
every  now  and  then  is  joined  by  streams  on  the  right  and 
left.  The  river  is  only  navigable  (for  large  vessels)  as  far  as 
the  village  of  Natches,  for  above  that  place  the  river  winds 
too  much;  but  this  does  not  prevent  the  navigation  of  the 
river  from  the  confluence  of  the  Ouabache  and  the  Missis- 
sippi as  far  as  the  sea.  There  are  but  few  beavers,  but,  to 
make  amends,  there  is  a  large  number  of  buffaloes,  bears, 
large  wolves,  stags  and  hinds  in  abundance,  and  some  lead 
mines,  which  yield  two-thirds  of  ore  to  one  of  refuse.  As 
these  savages  are  stationary,  and  have  some  habits  of  subor- 

*  This  ceremony  took  place  April  9,  1682.  A  rude  column  was  made 
out  of  the  trunk  of  a  tree.  Upon  this  was  placed  the  arms  of  the  King, 
made  out  of  one  of  their  copper  kettles.  Amidst  the  firing  of  muskets  and 
the  shouts  of  "Vive  le  Roi,"  the  column  was  raised  by  La  Salle,  who  thus 
took  possession  of  the  Mississippi  valley  in  the  name  of  Louis  XIV,  King 
of  France. 


96  Readings  in  American  History 

dination,  they  might  be  obliged  to  make  silk  in  order  to  pro- 
cure necessaries  for  themselves;  bringing  to  them  from  France 
the  eggs  of  silkworms,  for  the  forests  are  full  of  mulberry 
trees.  This  would  be  a  valuable  trade.  ...  We  then  went 
on  to  the  Taencas,  and  then  to  the  Arkansas,  where  we  were 
very  well  received.  From  thence  we  came  to  Fort  Prud- 
homme,  where  M.  de  la  Salle  fell  dangerously  ill,  which 
obliged  him  to  send  me  forward,  on  the  6th  of  May,  to  arrange 
his  affairs  at  Missilimakinac  [Mackinac].  .  .  . 


23.  FRENCH  AND  ENGLISH  CONTEST  FOR  THE  CONTROL 
OF  THE  OHIO  VALLEY 

By  the  year  1750  it  was  appreciated  by  both  the  French  and  Eng- 
lish authorities  that  the  struggle  for  the  control  of  the  Ohio  was  in- 
evitable. Because  of  the  increase  in  the  numbers  of  English  traders 
and  the  grants  of  lands  on  the  Ohio,  the  French  determined  upon 
a  more  vigorous  policy  to  maintain  their  supremacy.  In  1749, 
Captain  Celeron  de  Bienville  at  the  head  of  two  hundred  and  thirty 
men  set  out  to  take  military  possession  of  the  Ohio  country.  As 
he  passed  down  the  Ohio  he  buried  leaden  plates  at  the  mouths  of  a 
number  of  the  streams  flowing  into  the  Ohio.  The  inscription  on 
these  plates  indicated  that  France  had  retaken  possession  of  the 
country.  During  the  year  1753,  Fort  Presque  Isle  [Erie],  and  Fort 
Le  Bceuf  were  erected  by  the  French  and  the  following  year  they 
built  Fort  Venango  and  Fort  Duquesne  [Pittsburgh].  Their  plan 
was  to  construct  a  chain  of  forts  by  which  they  could  maintain  con- 
trol of  the  valley. — (E.  B.  O'Callaghan,  Documents  Relating  to  the 
Colonial  History  of  the  State  of  New  York,  Paris  Documents,  1745-8, 
X,  239,  258  passim.) 


MINISTERIAL    MINUTE    ON    THE     ATTEMPTS    OF    THE     ENGLISH 
TO    SETTLE    ON    THE    OHIO 

The  English  always  occupied  with  plans  to  extend  their 
possessions,  and  to  confine  those  of  his  Majesty,  in  North 
America,  have  undertaken  since  the  last  war  to  carry  their 
trade  towards  the  Beautiful  river  [Ohio]  which  is  situated 
in  the  interior,  between  Canada  and  Louisiana,  and  forms  the 
principal  communication  between  these  two  Colonies;  to 


The  French  in  America  97 

corrupt  the  Indian  nations  of  that  quarter,  and  even  to  es- 
tablish posts  there. 

The  Marquis  de  la  Jonquiere  having  been  informed  of   French 
those  attempts,  adopted  measures  last  year  to  prevent  their  resistance- 
success.     He  organized  divers  detachments  of  Frenchmen 
and  Indians,  which,  according  to  his  arrangements,  were  to 
form  a  junction  this  spring  to  proceed  at  once  to  the  Beau- 
tiful river,  drive  the  English  from  it,  and  bring  back  the 
Indians  who  might  have  allowed  themselves  to  be  debauched 
by  the  intrigues  of  that  nation. 

News  of  the  result  was  expected  at  the  end  of  this  year, 
but  private  letters  have  arrived  from  Canada  stating  that  the 
Marquis  de  la  Jonquiere  has  abandoned  that  project,  and 
insinuating  that  private  interest  has  led  some  one,  in  whom 
he  had  placed  his  confidence,  to  dissuade  him  from  it,  by 
making  him  apprehend  creating  thereby  a  general  Indian 
war. 

This  motive  would  be  good,  if  it  were  valid.  It  is  proper 
always  to  avoid,  as  much  as  possible,  war  with  the  Indians; 
but,  it  appears,  that  on  this  occasion,  it  was  not  difficulUto 
guarantee  himself  against  it. 

The  question  is  not  to  operate  against  the  Indians,  but  to 
prevent  the  interloping  trade  the  English  are  driving  in  a 
country  belonging  to  us,  and  which,  previous  to  the  last  war, 
they  would  be  careful  not  to  dispute  us;  this  is  proposed  to 
be  effected  by  checking  at  the  same  time  the  views  they 
entertain  of  establishing  posts  there.  It  is  easy,  therefore, 
to  render  the  Indians  indifferent  in  this  regard;  nay,  even 
to  induce  them  to  understand  that  for  the  sake  of  their  own 
tranquillity  and  of  the  freedom  of  their  trade,  in  which  we 
have  never  clogged  them,  they  must  wish  that  we  should 
stop  the  progress  of  the  English  schemes. 

'Twould  therefore  be  unfortunate  if  the  Marquis  de  la 
Jonquiere  has  abandoned  the  project  he  has  formed  for  that 
purpose;  and  although  the  private  advices  announcing  that 
change  on  his  part  may  be  unfounded,  it  appears,  neverthe- 
less, proper  not  to  keep  him  in  ignorance  of  them;  to  inform 


98 


Readings  in  American  History 


French 
claims  to 
the  Ohio. 


French 
plans. 


him,  at  the  same  time,  that  his  Majesty  continues  to  expect 
the  execution  of  this  project;  that  there  is,  in  fact,  no  other 
course  to  adopt  than  to  drive  from  the  Beautiful  river  any 
European  foreigners  who  will  happen  to  be  there,  so  as  to 
make  them  lose  all  taste  for  returning  thither,  observing, 
notwithstanding,  the  caution  practicable  in  these  sorts  of 
matters. 

As  for  the  rest,  there  is  no  reason  to  apprehend  any  justi- 
fiable complaints  on  the  part  of  the  Court  of  England.  The 
French  were  the  discoverers  of  the  Beautiful  river,  which 
has  always  served  as  a  communication,  as  already  observed, 
between  Canada  and  Louisiana.  We  always  carried  on 
trade  there  without  any  interruption,  and  have  sent  con- 
siderable detachments  thither  on  various  occasions. 

23rd  September,  1751. 

The  Marquis  de  la  Jonquiere  reported  last  year,  that  the 
Indian  nations  of  the  Upper  Countries  were  threatening 
a  sort  of  general  conspiracy  against  the  French,  and  that  the 
English  who  succeeded  in  debauching  them  by  presents  and 
intrigues,  were  pledged  to  sustain  them  by  arms. 

He  stated,  at  the  same  time,  that  the  reports  made  to 
him  by  some  faithful  Nations,  caused  him  to  conclude  that 
effectual  measures  must  be  indespensably  adopted,  both  to 
bring  the  nations  that  had  joined  the  confederacy,  back  to 
their  attachment  to  France,  or  to  oblige  them  to  return  to 
their  duty,  and  to  destroy,  by  force  of  arms,  the  posts  the 
English  might  have  undertaken  to  erect  on  our  territory 
towards  the  River  Ohio,  whence  they  set  all  these  movements 
on  foot;  and  this  Governor  transmitted  at  the  same  time, 
a  plan  of  operations  which  he  was  to  execute,  and  which 
consisted  principally  in  despatching  at  the  beginning  of 
autumn  last  year,  several  detachments  for  various  posts, 
whence  they  were  to  make  a  junction  at  the  opening  of  the 
spring,  at  a  rendezvous,  indicated  to  them,  to  act  according 
to  circumstances. 

\^e  learn  by  letters  received  from  the  Marquis  de  la  Jon- 


The  French  in  America  99 

quiere,  and  dated  last  September,  that  his  plan  was  badly 
executed;  that  the  officers  entrusted  with  its  execution  had 
undertaken  nothing  against  the  rebellious  Indians,  nor  against 
the  English  posts,  and  that  the  movements  of  those  Indians 
are  becoming  every  day  more  dangerous.  .  .  . 


MINUTE  OF  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  BE  GIVEN  M.  DUQUESNE 

The  River  Ohio,  otherwise  called  the  Beautiful  River,  and   French  vs. 
its  tributaries  belong  indesputably  to  France,  by  virtue  of  ^hns*1 
its  discovery  by  Sieur  de  la  Salle;   of  the  trading  posts  the 
French  have  had  there  since,  and  of  possession  which  is  so 
much  the  more  unquestionable  as  it  constitutes  the  most 
frequent  communication  from  Canada  to  Louisiana.     It  is 
only  within  a  few  years  that  the  English  have  undertaken  to 
trade  there;   and  now  they  pretend  to  exclude  us  from  it. 

They  have  not,  up  to  the  present  time,  however,  main- 
tained that  these  rivers  belong  to  them;  they  pretend  only 
that  the  Iroquois  are  masters  of  them  and  being  the  Sover- 
eigns of  these  Indians,  that  they  can  exercise  their  rights. 
But  'tis  certain  that  these  Indians  have  none,  and  that, 
besides,  the  pretended  sovereignty  of  the  English  over  them 
is  a  chimera. 

Meanwhile  'tis  of  the  greatest  importance  to  arrest  the 
progress  of  the  pretensions  and  expeditions  of  the  English  in 
that  quarter.  Should  they  succeed  there,  they  would  cut 
off  the  communication  between  the  two  colonies  of  Canada 
and  Louisiana,  and  would  be  in  a  position  to  trouble  them, 
and  to  ruin  both  the  one  and  the  other,  independent  of  the 
advantages  they  would  at  once  experience  in  their  trade  to 
the  prejudice  of  ours. 

Any  complaints  that  may  be  presented  to  the  Court  of 
England  against  the  English  governors  would  be  altogether 
futile.  On  the  one  hand  it  would  be  very  difficult  to  obtain 
proofs  of  the  most  serious  facts;  and  on  the  other,  no  matter 
what  proofs  may  be  produced,  that  Court  will  find  means 


100 


Readings  in  American  History 


to  elude  all  satisfaction,  especially  as  long  as  the  boundaries 
are  not  settled. 

It  is  necessary  then,  to  act  on  the  spot,  and  the  question 
to  be  determined  is,  what  means  are  the  most  proper. 

It  is  not  known  what  steps  the  Marquis  de  la  Jonquiere 
will  take  this  year;  but  whatever  they  be,  it  appears  that  the 
orders  to  be  given  on  this  subject  to  M.  Duquesne,  who  is  to 
succeed  him  in  the  government,  must  have  principally  for 
their  object,  to  avoid,  as  much  as  it  will  be  possible,  an  Indian 
war  on  that  account. 

Wars  of  this  character  are  always  extremely  expensive, 
and  very  rarely  productive  of  any  real  advantage. 

Therefore,  without  undertaking,  as  the  Marquis  de  la 
Jonquiere  appears  to  have  proposed,  to  drive  from  the  River 
Ohio  the  Indians  who  are  looked  upon  as  rebels  or  suspected, 
and  without  wishing  even  to  destroy  the  liberty  of  their 
trade,  it  is  thought  best  to  adhere  to  two  principal  points. 

1st.  To  make  every  possible  effort  to  drive  the  English 
from  our  territory,  and  to  prevent  them  coming  there  to 
trade. 

2nd.  To  give  the  Indians  to  understand  at  the  same  time 
that  no  harm  is  intended  them,  that  they  will  have  liberty 
to  go  as  much  as  they  please  to  the  English  to  trade,  but  will 
not  be  allowed  to  receive  these  on  our  territory. 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that  by  this  course  of  conduct; 
by  providing  our  posts  with  plenty  .of  goods  and  preventing 
our  traders  dictating  to  the  Indians,  our  trade  will  soon 
recover  the  superiority  over  that  of  the  English  in  those 
parts;  for  'tis  certain  the  Indians  do  not  like  to  go  into 
their  towns,  nor  forts.  .  .  . 


SIR, 


GOVERNOR  DINWIDDIE  TO  M.  DE  ST.  PIERRE 


The  lands  upon  the  river  Ohio,  in  the  western  parts  of  the 
claims  <        Colony  of  Virginia,  are  so  notoriously  known  to  be  the  prop- 
erty of  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  that  it  is  a  matter  of  equal 
concern  and  surprise  to  me,  to  hear  that  a  body  of  French 


The  French  in  America  101 

forces  are  erecting  fortresses  and  making  settlements  upon 
that  river,  within  his  Majesty's  dominions.  The  many  and 
repeated  complaints  I  have  received  of  these  acts  of  hostility 
lay  me  under  the  necessity  of  sending,  in  the  name  of  the 
King,  my  master,  the  bearer  hereof,  George  Washington,  Esq., 
one  of  the  Adjutant-Generals  of  the  forces  of  this  dominion, 
to  complain  to  you  of  the  encroachments  thus  made,  and  of 
the  injuries  done  to  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  in  viola- 
tion of  the  law  of  nations,  and  the  treaties  now  subsisting 
between  the  two  Crowns.  If  these  facts  be  true,  and  you 
think  fit  to  justify  your  proceedings,  I  must  desire  you  to 
acquaint  me  by  whose  authority  and  instructions  you  have 
lately  marched  from  Canada  with  an  armed  force,  and  in- 
vaded the  King  of  Great  Britain's  territories,  in  the  manner 
complained  of;  that  according  to  the  purport  and  resolution 
of  your  answer,  I  may  act  agreeably  to  the  commission  I  am 
honored  with,  from  the  King,  my  master.  However,  sir, 
in  obedience  to  my  instructions,  it  becomes  my  duty  to 
require  your  peacable  departure;  and  that  you  would  fore- 
bear prosecuting  a  purpose  so  interruptive  of  the  harmony 
and  good  understanding,  which  his  Majesty  is  desirous  to 
continue  and  cultivate  with  the  most  Christian  King,  etc. 

ROBERT  DINWIDDIE. 
October  31,  1753. 

24.     GEORGE  WASHINGTON   AND  THE   FRENCH  POSTS  ON 
THE  OHIO,  1753 

When  George  Washington  set  out  as  the  agent  of  Governor  Din- 
widdie  to  the  French  posts  on  the  Ohio,  he  was  accompanied  by 
Christopher  Gist,  who,  as  agent  of  the  Ohio  Company,  had  already 
gone  over  the  route  for  the  purpose  of  exploring  the  lands  claimed 
by  that  company.  The  following  account  of  Washington's  ex- 
pedition is  taken  from  Christopher  Gist's  Journals,  80  passim. 

Wednesday  14  November,  1753. — Then  Major  George 
Washington  came  to  my  house  at  Will's  Creek,  and  delivered 
me  a  letter  from  the  council  in  Virginia,  requesting  me  to 


102  Readings  in  American  History 

attend  him  up  to  the  commandant  of  the  French  fort  on  the 
Ohio  River. 

Thursday  15. — We  set  out,  and  at  night  encamped  at 
George's  Creek,  about  eight  miles,  where  a  messenger  came 
with  letters  from  my  son,  who  was  just  returned  from  his 
people  at  the  Cherokees,  and  lay  sick  at  the  mouth  of 
Conegocheague.  But  as  I  found  myself  entered  again  on 
public  business,  and  Major  Washington  and  all  the  company 
unwilling  I  should  return  I  wrote  and  sent  medicines  to  my 
son,  and  so  continued  my  journey,  and  encamped  at  a  big 
hill  in  the  forks  of  Youghiogany,  about  eighteen  miles.  .  .  . 

Sunday  18. — And  at  night  got  to  my  house  in  the  new 
settlement  about  twenty-one  miles;  snow  about  ankle 
deep.  .  .  . 

Tuesday  4. — Set  out  about  fifteen  miles,  to  the  town  of 
Venango,  where  we  were  kindly  and  complaisantly  received 
by  Monsieur  Joncaire,  the  French  interpreter  for  the  Six 
Nations.  .  .  . 

Tuesday  11. — We  set  out,  travelled  about  fifteen  miles  to 
the  French  fort,  the  sun  being  set.  Our  interpreter  gave 
the  commandant  notice  of  our  being  over  the  creek;  upon 
which  he  sent  several  officers  to  conduct  us  to  the  fort,  and 
they  received  us  with  a  great  deal  of  complaisance. 

Wednesday  12. — The  Major  gave  the  passport,  showed 
his  commission,  and  offered  the  Governor's  letter  to  the  com- 
mandant; but  he  desired  not  to  receive  them,  until  the  other 
commander  from  Lake  Erie  came,  whom  he  had  sent  for, 
and  expected  next  day  by  twelve  o'clock. 

Thursday  13. — The  other  General  came.  The  Major  de- 
livered the  letter,  and  desired  a  speedy  answer;  the  time  of 
year  and  business  required  it.  They  took  our  Indians  into 
private  council,  and  gave  them  several  presents.  .  .  . 

Friday  21. — The  ice  was  so  hard  we  could  not  break  our 
way  through,  but  were  obliged  to  haul  our  vessels  across  a 
point  of  land  and  put  them  in  the  creek  again.  The  Indians 
and  three  French  canoes  overtook  us  here,  and  the  people 
of  one  French  canoe  that  was  lost,  with  her  cargo  of  powder 


The  French  in  America  103 

and  lead.     This   night  we  encamped   about  twenty   miles 
above  Venango. 

Saturday  22. — Set  out.     The  creek  began  to  be  very  low  Theretui 
and  we  were  forced  to  get  out,  to  keep  our  canoe  from  over-  ^P**11*10 
setting,  several  times;    the  water  freezing  to  our  clothes; 
and  we  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  the  French  overset,  and 
the  brandy  and  wine  floating  in  the  creek,  and  run  by  them, 
and  left  them  to  shift  for  themselves.     Came  to  Venango, 
and  met  with  our  people  and  horses. 

Sunday  23. — We  set  out  from  Venango,  travelled  about 
five  miles  to  Lacomick  creek. 

Monday  24. — Here  Major  Washington  set  out  on  foot  in 
Indian  dress.  Our  horses  grew  weak,  that  we  were  mostly 
obliged  to  travel  on  foot,  and  had  snow  all  day.  Encamped 
near  the  barrens. 

Tuesday  25. — Set  out  and  travelled  on  foot  to  branches 
of  Great  Beaver  creek. 

Wednesday  26. — The  Major  desired  me  to  set  out  on  foot,  Hardship 
and  leave  our  company,  as  the  creeks  were  frozen,  and  our 
horses  could  make  but  little  way.  Indeed,  I  was  unwilling 
he  should  undertake  such  a  travel,  who  had  never  been  used 
to  walking  before  this  time.  But  as  he  insisted  on  it,  I  set 
out  with  our  packs,  like  Indians,  and  travelled  eighteen  miles. 
That  night  we  lodged  at  an  Indian  cabin,  and  the  Major 
was  much  fatigued.  It  was  very  cold;  all  the  small  runs 
were  frozen,  that  we  could  hardly  get  water  to  drink. 

Thursday  27. — We  rose  early  in  the  morning,  and  set  out 
about  two  o'clock.  Got  to  the  Murthering  town,  on  the 
southeast  fork  of  Beaver  Creek.  Here  we  met  with  an  In- 
dian, whom  I  thought  I  had  seen  at  Joncaire's  at  Venango, 
when  on  our  journey  up  to  the  French  fort.  This  fellow 
called  me  by  my  Indian  name,  and  pretended  to  be  glad  to 
see  me.  He  asked  us  several  questions,  as  how  we  came  to 
travel  on  foot,  when  we  left  Venango,  where  we  parted  with 
our  horses,  and  when  they  would  be  there,  etc.  Major 
Washington  insisted  on  travelling  on  the  nearest  way  to 
forks  of  Alleghany.  We  asked  the  Indian  if  he  could  go  with 


104  Readings  in  American  History 

us,  and  show  us  the  nearest  way.  The  Indian  seemed  very 
glad  and  ready  to  go  with  us.  Upon  which  we  set  out,  and 
the  Indian  took  the  Major's  pack.  We  travelled  very  brisk 
for  eight  or  ten  miles,  when  the  Major's  feet  grew  very  sore, 
and  he  very  weary,  and  the  Indian  steered  too  much  north- 
eastwardly. The  Major  desired  to  encamp,  to  which  the 
Indian  asked  to  carry  his  gun.  But  he  refused  that,  and  then 
the  Indian  grew  churlish,  and  pressed  us  to  keep  on,  telling 
us  that  there  were  Ottawa  Indians  in  these  woods,  and  they 
would  scalp  us  if  we  lay  out;  but  to  go  to  his  cabin,  and  we 
should  be  safe.  I  thought  very  ill  of  the  fellow,  but  did  not 
care  to  let  the  Major  know  I  mistrusted  him.  But  he  soon 
mistrusted  him  as  much  as  I.  He  said  he  could  hear  a  gun 
to  his  cabin,  and  steered  us  more  northwardly.  We  grew 
uneasy,  and  then  he  said  two  whoops  might  be  heard  to  his 
cabin.  We  went  two  miles  further;  then  the  Major  said  he 
would  stay  at  the  next  water,  and  we  desired  the  Indian  to 
stop  at  the  next  water.  But  before  we  came  to  water,  we 
came  to  a  clear  meadow;  it  was  very  light,  and  snow  on  the 
ground.  The  Indian  made  a  stop,  turned  about;  the  Major 
saw  him  point  his  gun  towards  us  and  fire.  Said  the  Major, 
"Are  you  shot?"  "No,"  said  I.  Upon  which  the  Indian 
ran  forward  to  a  big  standing  white  oak,  and  to  loading  his 
gun;  but  we  were  soon  with  him.  I  would  have  killed  him, 
but  the  Major  would  not  suffer  me  to  kill  him.  We  let  him 
charge  his  gun ;  we  found  he  put  in  a  ball ;  then  we  took  care 
of  him.  The  Major  or  I  always  stood  by  the  guns;  we 
made  him  make  a  fire  for  us  by  a  little  run,  as  if  we  intended 
to  sleep  there.  I  said  to  the  Major,  "  As  you  will  not  have 
him  killed,  we  must  get  him  away,  and  then  we  must  travel 
all  night."  Upon  which  I  said  to  the  Indian,  "I  suppose 
you  were  lost,  and  fired  your  gun."  He  said,  he  knew  the 
way  to  his  cabin,  and  'twas  but  a  little  way.  "Well,"  said  I, 
"do  you  go  home;  and  as  we  are  much  tired,  we  will  follow 
your  track  in  the  morning;  and  here  is  a  cake  of  bread  for 
you,  and  you  must  give  us  meat  in  the  morning."  He  was 
glad  to  get  away.  I  followed  him,  and  listened  until  he  was 


The  French  in  America  105 

fairly  out  of  the  way,  and  then  we  set  out  about  half  a  mile, 
when  we  made  a  fire,  set  our  compass,  and  fixed  our  course, 
and  travelled  all  night,  and  in  the  morning  we  were  on  the 
head  of  Piney  Creek.  .  .  . 

Saturday  29. — We  set  out  early,  got  to  Alleghany,  made  a 
raft,  and  with  much  difficulty  got  over  to  an  island,  a  little 
above  Shannopin's  town.  The  Major  having  fallen  in  from 
oft'  the  raft,  and  my  fingers  frost-bitten,  and  the  sun  down, 
and  very  cold,  we  contented  ourselves  to  encamp  upon  that 
island.  It  was  deep  water  between  us  and  the  shore;  but 
the  cold  did  us  some  service,  for  in  the  morning  it  was  frozen 
hard  enough  for  us  to  pass  over  on  the  ice.  .  .  . 

Wednesday  2. — Set  out  and  crossed  Youghiogany  on  the 
ice.  Got  to  my  house  in  the  new  settlement.  .  .  . 

Friday  4. — Set  out  for  Will's  Creek,  where  we  arrived  on 
Sunday  January  6. 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE    ENGLISH   COLONIES   IN   THE  EIGHTEENTH 
CENTURY 

25.     SOCIAL  AND   ECONOMIC   CONDITIONS   IN   NEW   YORK 
CITY,  1732 

(William  Smith,  The  History  of  the  Province  of  New  York  from 
the  First  Discovery  to  the  Year  MDCCXXXII,  188,  217  passim. 
London,  1757.) 

The  city  of  New  York,  as  I  have  elsewhere  had  occasion 
to  mention,  "consists  of  about  two  thousand  five  hundred 
buildings.  It  is  a  mile  in  length,  and  not  above  half  that  in 
breadth."  .  .  .  The  streets  are  irregular,  but  being  paved 
with  round  pebbles  are  clean,  and  lined  with  well  built  brick 
houses,  many  of  which  are  covered  with  tiled  roofs. 

No  part  of  America  is  supplied  with  markets  abounding 
with  greater  plenty  and  variety.  We  have  beef,  pork,  mutton, 
poultry,  butter,  wild  fowl,  venison,  fish,  roots,  and  herbs,  of 
all  kinds,  in  their  seasons.  Our  oysters  are  a  considerable 
article  in  the  support  of  the  poor.  Their  beds  are  within 
view  of  the  town;  a  fleet  of  two  hundred  small  craft,  are  often 
seen  there,  at  a  time,  when  the  weather  is  mild  in  winter; 
and  this  single  article  is  computed  to  be  worth  annually  10 
or  12,000  £.  .  .  . 

The  inhabitants  of  New  York  are  a  mixed  people,  but 
mostly  descended  from  the  original  Dutch  planters.  There 
are  still  two  churches,  in  which  religious  worship  is  per- 
formed in  that  language.  The  old  building  is  of  stone  and 
ill  built,  ornamented  within  by  a  small  organ  loft  and  brass 
branches.  The  new  church  is  a  high,  heavy,  edifice,  with  a 

106 


English  Colonies  in  the  Eighteenth  Century         107 

very  extensive  area,  and  was  completed  in  1729.  It  has  no 
galleries,  and  yet  will  perhaps  contain  a  thousand  or  twelve 
hundred  auditors.  The  steeple  of  this  church  affords  a  most 
beautiful  prospect,  both  of  the  City  beneath  and  the  sur- 
rounding country.  .  .  . 

There  are,  besides  the  Dutch,  two  Episcopal  churches  in 
this  city,  upon  the  plan  of  the  established  church  in  South 
Britain.  Trinity  church  was  built  in  1696,  and  afterwards 
enlarged  in  1737.  It  stands  very  pleasantly  upon  the  banks 
of  Hudson's  river,  and  has  a  large  cemetery,  on  each  side,  in- 
closed in  the  front  by  a  painted  paled  fence.  Before  it  a 
long  walk  is  railed  off  fcbm  the  Broad-way,  the  pleasantest 
street  of  any  in  the  whole  town.  This  building  is  about  148 
feet  long,  including  the  tower  and  chancel,  and  72  feet  in 
breadth.  .  .  . 

The  church  is,  within,  ornamented  beyond  any  place  of 
public  worship  amongst  us.  The  head  of  the  chancel  is 
adorned  with  an  Altar-piece,  and  opposite  to  it,  at  the  other 
end  of  the  building,  is  the  organ.  The  tops  of  the  pillars, 
which  support  the  galleries,  are  decked  with  the  gilt  busts  of 
angels  winged.  From  the  ceiling  are  suspended  two  glass 
branches,  and  on  the  walls  hang  the  arms  of  some  of  its  prin- 
cipal benefactors.  The  allies  are  paved  with  flat  stones. 

The  present  rector  of  this  church  is  the  Rev.  Mr.  Henry 
Barclay,  formerly  a  missionary  among  the  Mohawks,  who 
receives  100  £  a  year,  levied  upon  all  the  other  clergy  and 
laity  in  the  city,  by  virtue  of  an  act  of  Assembly  procured  by 
Governor  Fletcher.  He  is  assisted  by  Dr.  Johnson  and  Mr. 
Auchmuty. 

This  congregation,  partly  by  the  arrival  of  strangers  from 
Europe,  but  principally  by  proselytes  from  the  Dutch 
churches,  is  become  so  numerous,  that  though  the  old  building 
will  contain  2,000  hearers,  yet  a  new  one  was  erected  in  1752. 
This,  called  St.  George's  Chapel,  is  a  very  neat  edifice,  faced 
with  hewn  stone  and  tiled.  The  steeple  is  lofty,  but  irreg- 
ular; and  its  situation  in  a  new,  crowded,  and  ill-built,  part 
of  the  town  . 


108  Readings  in  American  History 

The  revenue  of  this  church  is  restricted,  by  an  Act  of 
Assembly,  to  500  £  per  annum ;  but  it  is  possessed  of  a  real 
Estate,  at  the  north  end  of  the  town,  which  having  been 
lately  divided  into  lots  and  let  to  farm,  will,  in  a  few  years, 
produce  a  much  greater  income. 

The  Presbyterians,  increasing  after  Lord  Cornbury's  return 
to  England,  called  Mr.  Anderson,  a  Scotch  minister,  to  the 
pastoral  charge  of  their  congregation;  and  Dr.  John  Nicol, 
Patrick  Mac  Night,  Gilbert  Livingston  and  Thomas  Smith, 
purchased  a  piece  of  ground  and  founded  a  church,  in  1719. 
Two  years  afterwards  they  petitioned  Colonel  Schuyler,  who 
had  then  the  chief  command,  for  a  charter  of  incorpora- 
tion, to  secure  their  estate  for  religious  worship,  upon  the 
plan  of  the  church  in  North-Britain;  but  were  disappointed 
in  their  expectations,  through  the  opposition  of  the  episcopal 
party.  .  .  . 

The  French  church,  by  the  contentions  in  1724,  and  the 
disuse  of  the  language,  is  now  reduced  to  an  inconsiderable 
handful.  .  .  . 

The  German  Lutheran  churches  are  two.  Both  their 
places  of  worship  are  smalt:  one  of  them  has  a  cupola  and 
bell. 

The  Quakers  have  a  Meeting-house,  and  the  Moravians,  a 
new  sect  among  us,  a  church,  consisting  of  female  proselytes 
from  other  societies.  Their  service  is  in  the  English  tongue. 

The  Anabaptists  assemble  at  a  small  Meeting-house,  but 
have  as  yet  no  regular  settled  congregation.  The  Jews,  who 
are  not  inconsiderable  for  their  numbers,  worship  in  a  syna- 
gogue erected  in  a  very  private  part  of  the  town,  plain  with- 
out, but  very  neat  within. 

The  City  Hall  is  a  strong  brick  building,  two  stories  in 
height,  in  the  shape  of  an  oblong,  winged  with  one  at  each 
end,  at  right  angles  with  the  first.  The  floor  below  is  an 
open  walk,  except  two  jails  and  the  jailor's  apartments.  The 
cellar  underneath  is  a  dungeon,  and  the  garret  above  a  com- 
mon prison.  This  edifice  is  erected  in  a  place  where  four 
streets  meet,  and  fronts,  to  the  southwest,  one  of  the  most 


English  Colonies  in  the  Eighteenth  Century         109 

spacious  streets  in  town.  The  eastern  wing,  in  the  second 
story,  consists  of  the  Assembly  chamber,  a  lobby,  and  a  small 
room  for  the  Speaker  of  the  House.  The  west  wing,  on  the 
same  floor,  forms  the  Council  room  and  a  library;  and  in  the 
space  between  the  ends,  the  Supreme  Court  is  ordinarily  held. 

The  library  consists  of  a  1000  volumes,  which  were  be- 
queathed to  "The  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gos- 
pel in  Foreign  Parts,"  by  Dr.  Millington,  rector  of  Newing- 
ton.  .  .  . 

In  1754,  a  set  of  gentlemen  undertook  to  carry  about  a  Public 
subscription  towards  raising  a  public  library,  and  in  a  few  librar>T- 
days  collected  near  600  £  which  were  laid  out  in  purchasing, 
about  700  volumes  of  new,  well-chosen  books.  Every  sub- 
scriber, upon  payment  of  5  £  principal,  and  the  annual  sum 
of  10  s.  is  entitled  to  the  use  of  these  books.  His  right  by  the 
articles  is  assignable,  and  for  non-compliance  with  them  may 
be  forfeited.  The  care  of  this  library  is  committed  to  twelve 
Trustees,  annually  elected  by  the  subscribers,  on  the  last 
Tuesday  of  April,  who  are  restricted  from  making  any  rules 
repugnant  to  the  fundamental  subscription.  .  .  . 

The  singular  conveniency  of  Hudson's  river  to  this  province 
in  particular,  was  so  fully  shown  in  one  of  the  late  papers,  pub- 
lished in  1753,  under  the  title  of  the  Independent  Reflector, 
that  I  cannot  help  reprinting  the  passage  relating  to  it. 

"The  province  of  Pennsylvania,  has  a  fine  soil,  and  through   com- 
the  importance  of  Germans,  abounds  with  inhabitants;   but  n\erclal 

.  .  ,  advantage 

being  a  vast  inland  country,  its  produce  must,  of  consequence,  of  New 
be  brought  to  a  market  over  a  great  extent  of  ground,  and  all 
by  land  carriage.  Hence  it  is,  that  Philadelphia  is  crowded 
with  wagons,  carts,  horses,  and  their  drivers;  a  stranger,  at 
his  first  entrance,  would  imagine  it  to  be  a  place  of  traffic, 
beyond  any  one  town  in  the  colonies;  while  at  New- York,  in 
particular,  to  which  the  produce  of  the  country  is  all  brought 
by  water,  there  is  more  business,  at  least,  business  of  profit, 
though  with  less  show  and  appearance.  Not  a  boat  in  our 
river  is  navigated  with  more  than  two  or  three  men  at  most; 
and  these  are  perpetually  coming  in  from,  and  returning  to, 


110  Readings  in  American  History 

all  parts  of  the  adjacent  country,  in  the  same  employments, 
that  fill  the  city  of  Philadelphia  with  some  hundreds  of  men, 
who,  in  respect  to  the  public  advantage  may  justly  be  said, 
to  be  laboriously  idle:  for,  let  any  one  nicely  compute  the 
expense  of  a  wagon,  with  its  tackling;  the  time  of  two  men 
in  attending  it;  their  maintenance;  four  horses  and  the 
charge  of  their  provender,  on  a  journey  of  one,  though  they 
often  come,  two  hundred  miles;  and  he  will  find,  these  sev- 
eral particulars  amount  to  a  sum  far  from  being  inconsider- 
able. All  this  time  the  New  York  farmer  is  in  the  course  of 
his  proper  business,  and  the  unincumbered  acquisitions  of  his 
calling;  for,  at  a  medium,  there  is  scarce  a  farmer  in  the 
province,  that  cannot  transport  the  fruits  of  a  year's  labor, 
from  the  best  farm,  in  three  days,  at  a  proper  season,  to  some 
convenient  landing,  where  the  market  will  be  to  his  satisfac- 
tion, and  all  the  wants  from  the  merchant,  cheaply  supplied : 
besides  which,  one  boat  shall  steal  into  the  harbor  of  New 
York,  with  a  lading  of  more  burden  and  value,  than  forty 
wagons,  one  hundred  and  fifty  horses,  and  eighty  men,  into 
Philadelphia;  and  perhaps  with  less  noise,  bluster,  or  show 
than  one.  .  .  ." 

The  bigotry  and  tyranny  of  some  of  our  governors,  together 
with  the  great  extent  of  their  grants,  may  also  be  considered 
among  the  discouragements  against  the  full  settlement  of 
the  province.  Most  of  these  gentlemen  coming  over  with  no 
other  view  than  to  raise  their  own  fortunes,  issued  extravagant 
patents,  charged  with  small  quit  rents,  to  such  as  were  able 
to  serve  them  in  the  Assembly,  and  these  patentees  being  gen- 
erally men  of  estates,  have  rated  their  lands  so  exorbitantly 
high,  that  very  few  poor  persons  could  either  purchase  or 
lease  them.  Add  to  all  these,  that  the  New  England  planters 
have  always  been  disaffected  to  the  Dutch,  nor  was  there, 
after  the  surrender,  any  foreign  accession  from  the  Nether- 
lands. The  province  being  thus  poorly  inhabited,  the  price 
of  labour  became  so  enormously  enhanced,  that  we  have  been 
constrained  to  import  negroes  from  Africa,  who  are  employed 
in  all  kinds  of  servitudes  and  trades. 


English  Colonies  in  the  Eighteenth  Century         111 

English  is  the  most  prevailing  language  amongst  us,  but  Language 
not  a  little  corrupted  by  the  Dutch  dialect,  which  is  still  so  neraof"1" 
much  used  in  some  counties,  that  the  sheriffs  find  it  difficult  people, 
to  obtain  persons  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  English 
tongue,  to  serve  as  jurors  in  the  Courts  of  Law. 

The  manners  of  the  people  differ  as  well  as  their  language. 
In  Suffolk  and  Queen's  County,  the  first  settlers  of  which  were 
either  natives  of  England,  or  the  immediate  descendants  of 
such  as  begun  the  plantations  in  the  eastern  Colonies,  their 
customs  are  similar  to  those  prevailing  in  the  English  coun- 
ties, from  which  they  originally  sprang.  In  the  city  of  New- 
York,  through  our  intercourse  with  the  Europeans,  we  follow 
the  London  fashions;  though  by  the  time  we  adopt  them, 
they  become  disused  in  England.  Our  affluence,  during  the 
late  war,  introduced  a  degree  of  luxury  in  tables,  dress,  and 
furniture,  with  which  we  were  before  unacquainted.  But 
still  we  are  not  so  gay  a  people,  as  our  neighbors  in  Boston 
and  several  of  the  southern  colonies.  The  Dutch  counties, 
in  some  measures,  follow  the  example  of  New  York,  but  still 
retain  many  modes  peculiar  to  the  Hollanders. 

The  city  of  New  York  consists  principally  of  merchants, 
shopkeepers,  and  tradesmen,  who  sustain  the  reputation  of 
honest,  punctual,  and  fair,  dealers.  With  respect  to  riches, 
there  is  not  so  great  an  inequality  amongst  us,  as  is  common 
in  Boston  and  some  other  places.  Every  man  of  industry 
and  integrity  has  it  in  his  power  to  live  well,  and  many  are 
the  instances  of  persons,  who  came  here  distressed  by  their 
poverty  who  now  enjoy  ease  and  plentiful  fortunes. 

New  York  is  one  of  the  most  social  places  on  the  continent,   social 
The  men  collect  themselves  into  weekly  Evening  Clubs.   condltions 
The  ladies,  in  winter,  are  frequently  entertained  either  at 
concerts  of  music  or  assemblies,  and  make  a  very  good  appear- 
ance.    They  are  comely  and  dress  well,  and  scarce  any  of 
them  have  distorted  shapes.     Tinctured  with  a  Dutch  edu- 
cation, they  manage  their  families  with  becoming  parsimony, 
good  providence,   and  singular  neatness.     The  practise  of 
extravagant  gaming,  common  to  the  fashionable  part  of  the 


112  Readings  in  American  History 

fair  sex,  in  some  places,  is  a  vice  with  which  my  country- 
women cannot  justly  be  charged.  There  is  nothing  they  so 
generally  neglect  as  reading,  and  indeed  all  the  arts  for  the 
improvement  of  the  mind,  in  which,  I  confess,  we  have  set 
them  the  example.  They  are  modest,  temperate,  and  chari- 
table; naturally  sprightly,  sensible,  and  good-humoured ;  and 
by  the  helps  of  a  more  elevated  education,  would  possess  all 
the  accomplishments  desirable  in  the  sex.  Our  schools  are 
in  the  lowest  order;  the  instructors  want  instruction,  and 
through  a  long  shameful  neglect  of  all  the  Arts  and  Sciences, 
our  common  speech  is  extremely  corrupt,  and  the  evidences 
of  a  bad  taste,  both  as  to  thought  and  language,  are  visible 
in  all  our  proceedings,  public  and  private. 

The  people,  both  in  town  and  country,  are  sober,  indus- 
trious, and  hospitable,  though  intent  upon  gain.  The  richer 
sort  keep  very  plentiful  tables,  abounding  with  great  varieties 
of  flesh,  fish,  fowl,  and  all  kinds  of  vegetables.  The  common 
drinks  are  beer,  cider,  weak  punch,  and  Madeira  wine.  For 
dessert,  we  have  fruits  in  vast  plenty,  of  different  kinds  and 
various  species.  .  .  . 

The  inhabitants  of  this  colony  are  in  general  healthy  and 
robust,  taller  but  shorter  lived  than  Europeans,  and,  both 
with  respect  to  their  minds  and  bodies,  arrive  sooner  to  an 
age  of  maturity.  Breathing  a  serene,  dry  air,  they  are  more 
sprightly  in  their  natural  tempers  than  the  people  of  England, 
and  hence  instances  of  suicide  are  here  very  uncommon. 
The  history  of  our  diseases  belongs  to  a  profession  with  which 
I  am  very  little  acquainted.  Few  physicians  amongst  us 
are  eminent  for  their  skill.  Quacks  abound  like  locusts  in 
Egypt,  and  too  many  have  recommended  themselves  to  a 
full  practice  and  profitable  subsistence.  This  is  the  less  to 
be  wondered  at,  as  the  profession  is  under  no  kind  of  regula- 
tion. Loud  as  the  call  is,  to  our  shame  be  it  remembered,  we 
have  no  law  to  protect  the  lives  of  the  King's  subjects,  from 
the  malpractice  of  pretenders.  Any  man  at  his  pleasure  sets 
up  for  physician,  apothecary,  and  chirurgeon.  No  candidates 
are  either  examined  or  licensed,  or  even  sworn  to  fair  prac- 
tice. . 


English  Colonies  in  the  Eighteenth  Century         113 

Our  merchants  are  compared  to  a  hive  of  bees,  who  in-  Activity  o 
dustriously  gather  honey  for  others — "  Non  vobis  mellificatis  traders- 
Apes."  The  profits  of  our  trade  centre  chiefly  in  Great 
Britain,  and  for  that  reason,  methinks,  among  others,  we  ought 
always  to  receive  the  generous  aid  and  protection  of  our 
Mother  Country.  In  our  traffic  with  other  places,  the  bal- 
ance is  almost  constantly  in  our  favour.  Our  exports  to  the 
West-Indies  are  bread,  peas,  rye-meal,  Indian  corn,  apples, 
onions,  boards,  staves,  horses,  sheep,  butter,  cheese,  pickled 
oysters,  beef,  and  pork.  Flour  is  also  a  main  article,  of  which 
there  is  shipped  about  80,000  barrels  per  annum.  To  pre- 
serve the  credit  of  this  important  branch  of  our  staple,  we 
have  a  good  law,  appointing  officers  to  inspect  and  brand 
every  cask  before  its  exportation.  The  returns  are  chiefly 
rum,  sugar,  and  molasses,  except  cash  from  Curacoa,  and 
when  mules  from  the  Spanish  Main,  are  ordered  to  Jamaica, 
and  the  Windward  Islands,  which  are  generally  exchanged 
for  their  natural  produce,  for  we  receive  but  little  cash  from 
our  own  islands.  The  balance  against  them  would  be  much 
more  in  our  favour,  if  the  indulgence  to  our  sugar  colonies, 
did  not  enable  them  to  sell  their  produce  at  a  higher  rate 
than  either  the  Dutch  or  French  islands. 

The  Spaniards  commonly  contract  for  provisions,  with 
merchants  in  this  and  the  colony  of  Pennsylvania,  very  much 
to  the  advantage  both  of  the  contractors  and  the  public, 
because  the  returns  are  wholly  in  cash.  Our  wheat,  flour, 
Indian  corn,  and  lumber  shipped  to  Lisbon  and  Madeira, 
balance  the  Madeira  wine  imported  here. 

The  Logwood  trade  to  the  Bay  of  Honduras  is  very  con- 
siderable, and  was  pushed  by  our  merchants  with  great 
boldness  in  the  most  dangerous  times.  The  exportation  of 
flax  seed  to  Ireland  is  of  late  very  much  increased.  Between 
the  9th  of  December  1755,  and  the  23d  of  February  following, 
we  shipped  off  12,528  hogsheads.  In  return  for  this  article, 
linens  are  imported  and  bills  of  exchange  drawn,  in  favour  of 
England,  to  pay  for  the  dry  goods  we  purchase  there.  Our 
logwood  is  remitted  to  the  English  merchants  for  the  same 
purpose. 


114  Readings  in  American  History 

The  fur  trade,  though  very  much  impaired  by  the  French 
wiles  and  encroachments,  ought  not  to  be  passed  over  in 
silence.  The  building  of  Oswego  has  conduced,  more  than 
anything  else,  to  the  preservation  of  this  trade.  Peltry  of 
all  kinds  is  purchased  with  rum,  ammunition,  blankets, 
strouds,  and  wampum,  or  conque-shell  bugles.  The  French 
fur  trade  at  Albany,  was  carried  on  till  the  summer  1755,  by 
the  Caghnuaga  proselytes;  and  in  return  for  their  peltry, 
they  received  Spanish  pieces  of  eight,  and  some  other  articles 
which  the  French  want  to  complete  their  assortment  of  Indian 
goods.  For  the  savages  prefer  the  English  strouds  to  theirs, 
and  the  French  found  it  their  interest  to  purchase  them  of  us, 
and  transport  them  to  the  western  Indians  on  the  Lakes  Erie, 
Huron,  and  at  the  strait  of  Michilimakinac. 

Our  importation  of  dry  goods  from  England  is  so  vastly 
great,  that  we  are  obliged  to  betake  ourselves  to  all  possible 
arts,  to  make  remittances  to  the  British  merchants"  It  is 
for  this  purpose  we  import  cotton  from  St.  Thomas's  and 
Surinam,  lime-juice  and  Nicaragua  wood  from  Curacoa;  and 
logwood  from  the  Bay,  etc.  and  yet  it  drains  us  of  all  the 
silver  and  gold  we  can  collect.  It  is  computed,  that  the 
annual  amount  of  the  goods  purchased  by  this  colony  in 
Great  Britain,  is  in  value  not  less  than  100,000  £  sterling;  and 
the  sum  would  be  much  greater  if  a  stop  was  put  to  all  clan- 
destine trade.  England  is,  doubtless,  entitled  to  all  our  super- 
fluities; because  our  general  interests  are  closely  connected, 
and  her  navy  is  our  principal  defence.  On  this  account,  the 
trade  with  Hamburg  and  Holland  for  duck,  chequered  linen, 
oznalrigs,  cordage,  and  tea,  is  certainly,  upon  the  whole,  im- 
politic and  unreasonable;  how  muchsoever  it  may  conduce 
to  advance  the  interest  of  a  few  merchants,  or  this  particular 
colony. 

By  what  measures  this  contraband  trade  may  be  effectually 
obstructed  is  hard  to  determine,  though  it  well  deserves  the 
attention  of  a  British  Parliament.  Increasing  the  number 
of  custom-house  officers,  will  be  a  remedy  worse  than  the 
disease.  Their  salaries  would  be  an  additional  charge  upon 


English  Colonies  in  the  Eighteenth  Century        115 

the  public;  for  if  we  argue  from  their  conduct,  we  ought  not 
to  presume  upon  their  fidelity.  The  exclusive  right  of  the 
East-India  Company  to  import  tea,  while  the  colonies  pur- 
chase it  of  foreigners  30  per  cent  cheaper,  must  be  very  preju- 
dicial to  the  Nation.  Our  people,  both  in  town  and  country, 
are  shamefully  gone  into  the  habit  of  tea-drinking;  and  it  is 
supposed  we  consume  of  this  commodity  in  value  near 
10,000  £  sterling  per  annum.  .  .  . 

The  money  used  in  this  province  is  silver,  gold,  British 
halfpence,  and  bills  of  credit.  To  counterfeit  either  of  them 
is  felony  without  benefit  of  clergy;  but  none  except  the 
latter,  and  Lyon  dollars  are  a  legal  tender.  Twelve  halfpence, 
till  lately,  passed  for  a  shilling;  which  being  much  beyond 
their  value  in  any  of  the  neighboring  colonies,  the  Assembly, 
in  1753,  resolved  to  proceed,  at  their  next  meeting,  after  the 
1st  of  May  ensuing,  to  the  consideration  of  a  method  for 
ascertaining  their  value.  A  set  of  gentlemen,  in  number 
seventy-two,  took  the  advantage  of  the  discredit  that  re- 
solve put  upon  copper  halfpence,  and  on  the  22nd  of  Decem- 
ber, subscribed  a  paper,  engaging  not  to  receive  or  pass  them, 
except  at  the  rate  of  fourteen  coppers  to  a  shilling.  This 
gave  rise  to  a  mob,  for  a  few  days,  among  the  lower  class  of 
people,  but  some  of  them  being  imprisoned,  the  scheme  was 
carried  into  execution;  and  established  in  every  part  of  the 
province,  without  the  aid  of  a  law.  Our  paper  bills,  which 
are  issued  to  serve  the  exigencies  of  the  government,  were  at 
first  equal  to  an  ounce  of  silver,  then  valued  at  eight  shillings. 
Before  the  late  Spanish  War,  silver  and  gold  were  in  great 
demand  to  make  remittances  for  European  goods,  and  then 
the  bills  sunk,  an  ounce  of  silver  being  worth  nine  shillings 
and  three  pence.  During  the  war,  the  credit  of  our  bills  was 
well  supported,  partly  by  the  number  of  prizes  taken  by  our 
privateers,  and  the  high  price  of  our  produce  abroad;  and 
partly  by  the  logwood  trade  and  the  depreciation  of  the  New- 
England  paper  money,  which  gave  ours  a  free  circulation 
through  the  Eastern  colonies.  Since  the  war,  silver  has  been 
valued  at  about  nine  shillings  and  two  pence  an  ounce,  and 


116 


Readings  in  American  History 


is  doubtless  fixed  there,  till  our  imports  exceed  what  we  ex- 
port. To  assist  his  Majesty  for  removing  the  late  encroach- 
ments of  the  French,  we  have  issued  80,000  £  to  be  sunk  in 
short  periods,  by  a  tax  on  estates  real  and  personal ;  and  the 
whole  amount  of  our  paper  currency  is  thought  to  be  about 
160,000  £.  .  .  . 

No  colony,  upon  the  Continent,  has  formerly  suffered  more 
than  ours,  in  the  opinion  of  the  King's  ministers.  This  has 
been  owing  to  the  ill  impressions  made  by  our  governors,  who 
are  scarce  ever  disengaged  from  disputes  with  the  Lower 
House.  Our  representatives,  agreeable  to  the  general  sense 
of  their  constituents,  are  tenacious  in  their  opinion,  that  the 
inhabitants  of  this  colony  are  entitled  to  all  the  privileges  of 
Englishmen;  that  they  have  a  right  to  participate  in  the 
legislative  power,  and  that  the  session  of  Assemblies  here,  is 
wisely  substituted  instead  of  a  representation  in  Parliament, 
which,  all  things  considered,  would,  at  this  remote  distance, 
be  extremely  inconvenient  and  dangerous.  The  governors, 
on  the  other  hand,  in  general,  entertain  political  sentiments 
of  a  quite  different  nature.  All  the  immunities  we  enjoy, 
according  to  them,  not  only  flow  from,  but  absolutely  depend 
upon,  the  mere  grace  and  will  of  the  Crown.  It  is  easy  to 
conceive,  that  contentions  must  naturally  attend  such  a  con- 
tradiction of  sentiments.  Most  of  our  disputes  however  re- 
late to  the  support  of  government.  .  .  . 


26.    PHILADELPHIA  AND  NEW  YORK,  1748 

(Peter  Kalm,  Travels  into  North  America.  Translated  by  John 
Reinhold  Forster.  I,  31-35  passim.) 

Philadelphia,  the  capital  of  Pennsylvania,  a  province 
which  makes  part  of  what  formerly  was  called  New  Sweden 
is  one  of  the  principal  towns  in  North-America;  and  next  to 
Boston  the  greatest.  .  .  . 

The  streets  are  regular,  fine  and  most  of  them  are  fifty 
foot,  English  measure,  broad ;  Arch-street  measures  sixty  six 


English  Colonies  in  the  Eighteenth  Century         117 

feet  in  breadth,  and  market  street  or  the  principal  street 
where  the  market  is  kept,  nearly  a  hundred.  .  .  .  All  the 
streets  except  two  which  are  nearest  to  the  river,  run  in  a 
straight  line,  and  make  right  angles  at  the  intersections. 
Some  are  paved,  others  are  not;  and  it  seems  less  necessary 
since  the  ground  is  sandy,  and  therefore  soon  absorbs  the 
wet.  But  in  most  of  the  streets  is  a  pavement  of  flags,  a 
fathom  or  more  broad,  laid  before  the  houses,  and  posts  put 
on  the  outside  three  or  four  fathom  asunder.  Under  the 
roofs  are  gutters  which  are  carefully  connected  with  pipes, 
and  by  this  means  those  who  walk  under  them,  when  it  rains 
or  when  the  snow  melts,  need  not  fear  being  wetted  by  the 
dropping  from  the  roofs. 

The  houses  make  a  good  appearance,  are  frequently  several 
stories  high,  and  built  either  of  bricks  or  of  stone;  but  the 
former  are  more  commonly  used,  since  bricks  are  made  before 
the  town,  and  are  well  burnt.  .  .  . 

On  one  side  of  this  building  [Town  Hall]  stands  the  Li-  Public 
brary,  which  was  first  begun  in  the  year  1742,  on  a  publick  library- 
spirited  plan,  formed  and  put  in  execution  by  the  learned 
Mr.  Franklin.  For  he  persuaded  first  the  most  substantial 
people  in  town  to  pay  forty  shillings  at  the  outset,  and  after- 
wards ten  shillings  annually,  all  in  Pensylvania  currency, 
towards  purchasing  all  kinds  of  useful  books.  The  subscribers 
are  entitled  to  make  use  of  the  books.  Other  people  are  like- 
wise at  liberty  to  borrow  them  for  a  certain  time,  but  must 
leave  a  pledge  and  pay  eight-pence  a  week  for  a  folio  volume, 
six-pence  for  a  quarto,  and  four-pence  for  all  others  of  a 
smaller  size.  As  soon  as  the  time  allowed  a  person  for  the 
perusal  of  the  volume  is  elapsed,  it  must  be  returned  or  he  is 
fined.  The  money  arising  in  this  manner  is  employed  for  the 
salary  of  the  librarian  and  for  purchasing  new  books.  There 
was  already  a  fine  collection  of  excellent  works,  most  of  them 
English;  many  French  and  Latin,  but  few  in  any  other  lan- 
guage. The  subscribers  were  so  kind  to  me,  as  to  order  the 
librarian,  during  my  stay  here,  to  lend  me  every  book,  which 
I  should  want  without  requiring  any  payment  from  me.  The 


118 


Readings  in  American  History 


library  was  open  every  Saturday  from  four  to  eight-o-clock 
in  the  afternoon.  Besides  the  books,  several  mathematical 
physical  curiosities  were  to  be  seen  in  it.  Several  little  li- 
braries were  founded  in  the  town  on  the  same  footing  or 
nearly  with  this.  .  .  . 

The  town  has  two  great  fairs  every  year;  one  in  May,  and 
the  other  in  November,  both  on  the  sixteenth  day  of  those 
two  months.  But  besides  these  fairs,  there  are  every  week 
two  market  days,  viz.  Wednesday  and  Saturday.  On  those 
days  the  country  people  in  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey, 
bring  to  town  a  quantity  of  victuals,  and  other  productions 
of  the  country,  and  this  is  a  great  advantage  to  the  town.  It 
is  therefore  to  be  wished  that  the  like  regulation  might  be 
made  in  our  Swedish  towns.  You  are  sure  to  meet  with 
every  produce  of  the  season,  which  the  country  affords,  on 
the  market  days.  But  on  other  days,  they  are  in  vain 
sought  for. 

Provisions  are  always  to  be  got  fresh  here,  and  for  that 
reason  most  of  the  inhabitants  never  buy  more  at  a  time,  than 
what  will  be  sufficient  till  the  next  market-day.  In  summer 
there  is  a  market  almost  every  day;  for  the  victuals  do  not 
keep  well  in  the  great  heat.  There  are  two  places  in  the  town 
where  these  markets  are  kept;  but  that  near  the  Court-house 
is  the  principal.  It  begins  about  four  or  five  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  and  ends  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  forenoon.  .  .  . 

In  the  summer  of  the  year  1749,  near  twelve  thousand 
Germans  came  over  to  Philadelphia,  many  of  whom  staid  in 
that  town.  In  the  same  year  the  houses  in  Philadelphia 
were  counted,  and  found  to  be  two  thousand  and  seventy-six 
in  number. 

The  town  is  now  quite  filled  with  inhabitants,  which  in  re- 
gard to  their  country,  religion  and  trade,  are  very  different 
from  each  other.  You  meet  with  excellent  masters  in  all 
trades,  and  many  things  are  made  here  full  as  well  as  in 
England.  Yet  no  manufactures,  especially  for  making  fine 
cloth  are  established. 

Perhaps  the  reason  is,  that  it  can  be  got  with  so  little  diffi- 


English  Colonies  in  the  Eighteenth  Century         119 

culty  from  England,  and  that  the  breed  of  sheep  which  is 
brought  over,  degenerates  in  process  of  time,  and  affords  but 
a  coarse  wool.  .  .  . 

It  has  not  been  necessary  to  force  people  to  come  and 
settle  here;  on  the  contrary,  foreigners  of  different  languages, 
have  left  their  country,  houses,  property  and  relations,  and 
ventured  over  wide  and  stormy  seas,  in  order  to  come  hither. 
Other  countries  which  have  been  peopled  for  a  long  space  of 
time,  complain  of  the  small  number  of  their  inhabitants. 
But  Pennsylvania  which  was  no  better  than  a  desert  in  the 
year  1681,  and  hardly  contained  five  hundred  people,  now 
vies  with  several  Kingdoms  in  Europe,  in  number  of  inhabit- 
ants. It  has  received  numbers  of  people  which  other  coun- 
tries to  their  infinite  loss,  have  either  neglected  or  expelled. 

New  York  probably  carries  on  a  more  extensive  commerce,  New  Yori 
than  any  town  in  the  English  North  American  provinces;  merciaim 
at  least  it  may  be  said  to  equal  them ;  Boston  and  Philadelphia  centre, 
however  come  very  nearly  up  to  it.  The  trade  of  New  York 
extends  to  many  places,  and  it  is  said  they  send  more  ships 
from  thence  to  London,  than  they  do  from  Philadelphia. 
They  export  to  that  Capital  all  the  various  sorts  of  skins 
which  they  buy  of  the  Indians,  sugar,  logwood,  and  other 
dying  woods,  rum,  mahogany,  and  many  other  goods,  which 
are  the  produce  of  the  West  Indies;  together  with  all  the 
specie  which  they  get  in  the  course  of  trade.  Every  year  here 
they  build  several  ships,  which  are  sent  to  London,  and  there 
sold;  and  of  late  years  they  have  shipped  a  quantity  of  iron 
to  England.  In  return  for  these,  they  import  from  London 
stuff  and  every  other  article  of  English  growth  or  manufac- 
ture, together  with  all  sorts  of  foreign  goods.  England,  and 
especially  London,  profits  immensely  by  its  trade  with  the 
American  colonies;  for  not  only  New  York,  but  likewise  all 
the  other  English  towns  on  the  continent,  import  so  many 
articles  from  England,  that  all  their  specie,  together  with  the 
goods  which  they  get  in  other  countries,  must  altogether  go 
to  Old  England,  in  order  to  pay  the  amount,  to  which  they 
are  however,  insufficient.  From  hence  it  appears  how  much 


120  Readings  in  American  History 

a  well  regulated  colony  contributes  to  the  increase  and  wel- 
fare of  its  Mother  country.  .  .  . 

November  the  13th.  I  saw  in  several  parts  of  this  province 
a  ready  method  of  getting  plenty  of  grass  to  grow  in  the. 
meadows.  Here  must  be  remembered  what  1  have  before 
mentioned  about  the  springs  which  are  sometimes  found  on 
the  sides  of  the  hills,  and  sometimes  in  the  vallies.  The 
meadows  lie  commonly  in  the  vallies  between  the  hills;  if 
they  are  too  swampy  and  wet,  the  water  is  carried  off  by 
several  ditches.  But  the  summer  in  Pennsylvania  is  very  hot; 
and  the  sun  often  burns  the  grass  so  much,  that  it  dries  up 
entirely. 

The  husbandmen  therefore  have  been  very  attentive  to 
prevent  this  in  their  meadows :  to  that  purpose  they  look  for 
all  the  springs  in  the  neighborhood  of  a  meadow;  and  as  the 
rivulets  flowed  before  by  the  shortest  way  into  the  vallies, 
they  raise  the  water  as  much  as  possible  and  necessary,  to 
the  higher  part  of  the  meadow,  and  make  several  narrow 
channels  from  the  brook,  down  into  the  plain,  so  that  it  is 
entirely  watered  by  it.  Where  there  are  some  deeper  places, 
they  frequently  lay  wooden  gutters  across  them,  through 
which  the  water  flows  to  the  other  side;  and  from  thence  it 
is  again  by  very  narrow  channels  carried  to  all  the  places 
where  it  seems  necessary.  To  raise  the  water  the  higher,  and 
in  order  to  spread  it  more,  there  are  high  dykes  built  near 
the  springs,  between  which  the  water  rises  till  it  is  so  high  as  to 
run  down  where  the  people  want  it.  Industry  and  ingenuity 
went  further:  when  a  brook  runs  in  a  wood,  with  a  direction 
not  towards  the  meadow,  and  it  has  been  found  by  levelling, 
and  taking  an  exact  survey  of  the  land  between  the  meadow 
and  the  rivulet,  that  the  latter  can  be  conducted  towards  the 
former;  a  dyke  is  made,  which  hems  the  course  of  the  brook, 
and  the  water  is  led  round  the  meadow  over  many  hills, 
sometimes  for  the  space  of  an  English  mile  and  further, 
partly  across  vallies  in  wooden  pipes,  till  at  last  it  is  brought 
where  it  is  wanted,  and  where  it  can  be  spread  as  above- 
mentioned.  One  that  has  not  seen  it  himself,  cannot  believe 


English  Colonies  in  the  Eighteenth  Century         121 

how  great  a  quantity  of  grass  there  is  in  such  meadows, 
especially  near  the  little  channels;  whilst  others,  which  have 
not  been  thus  managed  look  wretchedly.  The  meadows 
commonly  lie  in  the  vallies,  and  one  or  more  of  their  sides 
have  a  declivity.  The  water  can  therefore  easily  be  brought 
to  run  down  in  them.  These  meadows  which  are  so  carefully 
watered,  are  commonly  mowed  three  times  every  summer. 
But  it  is  likewise  to  be  observed,  that  summer  continues 
here  seven  months.  The  inhabitants  seldom  fail  to  employ 
a  brook  or  spring,  in  this  manner,  if  it  is  not  too  far  from  the 
meadows  to  be  led  to  them.  .  .  . 

27.    ECONOMIC   CONDITIONS   IN  VIRGINIA,  PENNSYLVANIA, 
AND  RHODE  ISLAND,  1759 

(Andrew  Burnaby,  Travels  Through  the  Middle  Settlements  in 
North  America  in  the  Years  1759-60.  London,  1775,  pp.  11-17, 
20-23  passim.) 

Viewed  and  considered  as  a  settlement,  Virginia  is  far  from  Virginia 
being  arrived  at  that  perfection  of  which  it  is  capable.  Not  ^rgCu1" 
a  tenth  of  the  land  is  yet  cultivated:  and  that  which  is  cul- 
tivated, is  far  from  being  so  in  the  most  advantageous  man- 
ner. It  produces,  however,  considerable  quantities  of  grain 
and  cattle,  and  fruit  of  many  kinds.  The  Virginia  pork  is 
said  to  be  superior  in  flavour  to  any  in  the  world;  but  the 
sheep  and  horned  cattle  being  small  and  lean,  the  meat  of 
them  is  inferior  to  that  of  Great  Britain,  or  indeed,  of  most 
parts  of  Europe.  The  horses  are  fleet  and  beautiful;  and 
the  gentlemen  of  Virginia,  who  are  exceedingly  fond  of  horse- 
racing,  having  spared  no  expence  or  trouble  to  improve  the 
breed  of  them  by  exporting  great  numbers  from  England.  ... 

The  trade  of  this  colony  is  large  and  extensive.     Tobacco   Virginia 
is  the  principal  article  of  it.     Of  this  they  export  annually  be-  exports- 
tween  fifty  and  sixty  thousand  hogsheads,  each  hogshead 
weighing  eight  hundred  or  a  thousand  weight:    some  years 
they  export  much  more.     They  ship  also  for  the  Madeiras, 
the  Streights,  and  the  West  Indies,  several  articles  such  as 


122 


Readings  in  American  History 


grain,  pork,  lumber,  and  cyder:  to  Great  Britain,  bar-iron, 
indigo,  and  a  small  quantity  of  ginseng,  though  of  an  inferior 
quality;  and  they  clear  out  one  year  with  another  about 
45,179  ton  of  shipping. 

Their  manufactures  are  very  inconsiderable.  They  make 
a  kind  of  cotton-cloth,  with  which  they  clothe  themselves  in 
common,  and  call  after  the  name  of  their  country;  and  some 
inconsiderable  quantities  of  linen,  hose,  and  other  trifling  ar- 
ticles: but  nothing  to  deserve  attention.  .  .  . 

The  established  religion  is  that  of  the  church  of  England; 
and  there  are  very  few  Dissenters  of  any  denomination  in 
this  province.  There  are  at  present  between  sixty  and  sev- 
enty clergymen;  men  in  general  of  sober  and  exemplary 
lives.  They  have  each  a  glebe  of  two  or  three  hundred  acres 
of  land,  a  house,  and  a  salary  established  by  law  of  16,000 
weight  of  tobacco,  with  an  allowance  of  1700  more  for  shrink- 
age. This  is  delivered  to  them  in  hogsheads  ready  packed 
for  exportation,  at  the  most  convenient  warehouse.  .  .  . 

The  public  or  political  character  of  the  Virginians,  corre- 
sponds with  their  private  one:  they  are  haughty  and  jealous 
of  their  liberties,  impatient  of  restraint,  and  can  scarcely 
bear  the  thought  of  being  controuled  by  any  superior  power. 
Many  of  them  consider  the  colonies  as  independent  states, 
not  connected  with  Great  Britain,  otherwise  than  by  having 
the  same  common  king,  or  being  bound  to  her  by  natural 
affection.  There  are  but  few  of  them  that  have  a  turn  for 
business,  and  even  those  are  by  no  means  expert  at  it.  ... 
they  think  it  a  hardship  not  to  have  an  unlimited  trade  to 
every  part  of  the  world.  They  consider  the  duties  upon  their 
staple  as  injurious  only  to  themselves;  and  it  is  utterly  impos- 
sible to  persuade  them  that  they  affect  the  consumer  also. 
However,  to  do  them  justice,  the  same  spirit  of  generosity 
prevails  here  which  does  in  their  private  character :  they  never 
refuse  any  necessary  supplies  for  the  support  of  government 
when  called  upon,  and  are  a  generous  and  loyal  people. 

...  Or  as  to  the  Ohio,  they  have  suffered  themselves, 
notwithstanding  the  superior  advantages  they  might  enjoy 


English  Colonies  in  the  Eighteenth  Century        123 

from  having  a  water  carriage  almost  to  the  Youghiogheny  Contest 
to  neglect   this   valuable   branch   of   commerce;    while  the  rontroioj 
industrious  Pennsylvanians  seize  every  opportunity,  or  strug-  the  Ohio, 
gle  with  innumerable  difficulties,  to  secure  it  to  themselves. 
The  Virginians  are  content  if  they  can  but  live  from  day 
to  day;   they  confine  themselves  almost  entirely  to  the  cul- 
tivation of  tobacco;   and  if  they  have  but  enough  of  this 
to  pay  their  merchants  in  London,  and  to  provide  for  their 
pleasures,  they  are  satisfied,  and  desire  nothing  more.     Some 
few,  indeed,  have  been  rather  more  enterprising  and  have 
endeavoured  to  improve  their  estates  by  raising  indigo,  and 
other  schemes :  but  whether  it  has  been  owing  to  the  climate, 
to  their  inexperience  in  these  matters,  or  their  want  of  perse- 
verance, I  am  unable  to  determine,  but  their  success  has  not 
answered  their  expectations.  .  .  . 

The  trade  of  Pennsylvania  is  surprisingly  extensive,  car-  Pennsyi- 
ried  on  to  Great  Britain,  the  West  Indies,  every  part  of  North  vania  con 
America,  the  Madeiras,  Lisbon,  Cadiz,  Holland,  Africa,  the 
Spanish  Main,  and  several  other  places;  exclusive  of  what  is 
illicitly  carried  on  to  Cape  Francois,  and  Monte-Christo. 
Their  exports  are  provisions  of  all  kinds,  lumber,  hemp,  flax, 
flax-seed,  iron,  furrs,  and  deer-skins.  -Their  imports,  Eng- 
lish manufactures,  with  the  superfluities  and  luxuries  of  life. 
By  their  flag  of  truce-trade,  they  also  get  sugar,  which  they 
refine  and  send  to  Europe. 

Their  manufactures  are  very  considerable.     The  German-  Manufao 
town  thread-stockings  are  in  high  estimation;   and  the  year  ^^Sy'. 
before  last,   I  have  been  creditably  informed,   there  were  vania. 
manufactured  in  that  town  alone  about  60,000  dozen  pair. 
Their  common  retail  price  is  a  dollar  per  pair. 

The  Irish  settlers  make  very  good  linens;  some  woollens 
have  also  been  fabricated,  but  not  I  believe  to  any  amount. 
There  are  several  other  manufactures,  viz.  of  beaver  hats, 
which  are  superior  in  goodness  to  any  in  Europe,  of  cordage, 
linseed  oil,  starch,  myrtle-wax,  and  spermaceti  candles,  soap, 
earthern  ware,  and  other  commodities.  ... 

The  province  of  Rhode  Island  is  divided  into  counties  and 


124 


Readings  in  A  merican  History 


townships ;  of  the  former  there  are  four  or  five,  but  they  are 
exceedingly  small;  of  the  latter  between  twenty  and  thirty; 
the  towns  themselves  are  inconsiderable  villages:  however 
they  send  members  to  the  assembly,  in  the  whole  about 
seventy.  The  number  of  inhabitants,  with  negroes,  and 
Indians,  of  which  in  this  province  there  are  several  hundreds, 
amounts  to  35,000.  As  the  province  affords  but  few  com- 
modities for  exportation;  horses,  provisions,  and  an  incon- 
siderable quantity  of  grain,  with  spermaceti  candles,  being 
the  chief  articles;  they  are  obliged  to  Connecticut  and  the 
neighbouring  colonies,  for  most  of  their  traffic;  and  by  their 
means  they  carry  on  an  extensive  trade.  Their  mode  of 
commerce  is  this;  they  trade  to  Great  Britain,  Holland,  Africa, 
the  West  Indies,  and  the  neighboring  colonies;  from  each  of 
which  places  they  import  the  following  articles;  from  Great 
Britain,  dry  goods;  from  Holland,  money;  from  Africa, 
slaves;  from  the  West  Indies,  sugars,  coffee,  and  molasses; 
and  from  the  neighbouring  colonies,  lumber  and  provisions: 
and  with  what  they  purchase  in  one  place  they  make  their 
returns  in  another.  Thus  with  the  money  they  get  in  Hol- 
land, they  pay  their  merchants  in  London;  the  sugars  they 
procure  in  the  West  Indies,  they  carry  to  Holland;  the  slaves 
they  fetch  from  Africa  they  send  to  the  West  Indies,  together 
with  lumber  and  provisions,  which  they  get  from  the  neigh- 
bouring colonies:  the  rum  that  they  distil  they  export  to 
Africa;  and  with  the  dry  goods,  which  they  purchase  in 
London,  they  traffick  in  the  neighbouring  colonies.  By  this 
kind  of  circular  commerce  they  subsist  and  grow  rich. 

.  .  .  For  fire  and  water  are  not  more  heterogeneous  than 
the  different  colonies  in  North  America. '  Nothing  can  exceed 
the  jealousy  and  emulation,  which  they  possess  in  regard  to 
each  other.  The  inhabitants  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  York 
have  an  inexhaustible  source  of  animosity,  in  their  jealousy 
for  the  trade  of  the  Jerseys.  Massachusetts-Bay  and  Rhode 
Island,  are  not  less  interested  in  that  of  Connecticut.  The 
West  Indies  are  a  common  subject  of  emulation  to  them  all. 
Even  the  limits  and  boundaries  of  each  colony,  are  a  constant 


English  Colonies  in  the  Eighteenth  Century         125 

source  of  litigation. — In  short,  such  is  the  difference  of  char- 
acter, of  manners,  of  religion,  of  interest,  of  the  different 
colonies,  that  I  think  if  I  am  not  wholly  ignorant  of  the 
human  mind,  were  they  left  to  themselves,  there  would  even 
be  a  civil  war,  from  one  end  of  the  colony  to  the  other;  while 
the  Indians  and  negroes  would,  with  better  reason,  impa- 
tiently watch  the  opportunity  of  exterminating  them  all 
together. 


CHAPTER  X 
CAUSES  OF  THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION 

28.     EFFECT  OF  BRITISH  COMMERCIAL  REGULATIONS,  1765 

John  Dickinson  was  one  of  the  conservative  leaders  during  the 
early  days  of  the  Revolution.  In  the  following  selection,  which 
appeared  in  the  form  of  a  "letter  from  a  gentleman  in  Philadelphia, 
to  his  friend  in  London,"  he  portrays  the  effects  of  British  commercial 
regulations  on  American  development. — (John  Dickinson,  Political 
Writings,  I,  47-90.  The  Late  Regulations  Respecting  the  British 
Colonies  on  the  Continent  of  America.  Philadelphia,  1765.) 

The  American  continental  colonies  are  inhabited  by  per- 
sons of  small  fortunes,  who  are  so  closely  employed  in  sub- 
duing a  wild  country,  for  their  subsistence,  and  who  would 
labor  under  such  difficulties  in  contending  with  old  and 
populous  countries,  which  must  exceed  them  in  workmanship 
and  cheapness,  that  they  have  not  time  nor  any  temptation 
to  apply  themselves  to  manufactures. 

Hence  arises  the  importance  of  the  colonies  to  Great- 
Britain.  Her  prosperity  depends  on  her  commerce;  her 
commerce  on  her  manufactures ;  her  manufactures  on  the  mar- 
kets for  them;  and  the  most  constant  and  advantageous  mar- 
kets are  afforded  by  the  colonies,  as  in  all  others  the  rest  of 
Europe  interferes  with  her,  and  various  accidents  may  in- 
terrupt them.  The  benefit  from  hence  is  at  present  immense; 
but  in  future  times  when  America  shall  be  more  fully  peopled, 
must  exceed  with  prudent  management  the  warmest  wishes 
of  a  British  patriot. 

Our  chief  productions  are  provisions,  naval  stores,  furs, 
iron  and  lumber.  A  few  colonies  yield  tobacco  and  indigo. 

126 


Causes  of  the  American  Revolution  127 

Some  of  these  commodities  are  necessary  to  Great  Britain; 
but  all  that  she  requires  are  vastly  insufficient  to  pay  for  her 
manufactures  which  we  want.  The  productions  of  some  of 
the  southern  colonies  may  perhaps  be  equal  to  their  demands, 
but  the  case  is  widely  different  with  the  northern;  for  in 
these,  the  importations  from  Great  Britain  are  computed  to 
be  generally  more  than  double  the  value  of  their  immediate 
exportations  to  that  kingdom. 

The  only  expedient  left  us  for  making  our  remittances,  is  Colonial 
to  carry  on  some  other  trade,  whereby  we  can  obtain  silver  *^®  wil 
and  gold,  which  our  own  country  does  not  afford.     Hence  it  nations 
is  evident,  that  if  our  taking  off  and  paying  for  her  manufac- 
tures to  Great  Britain,  the  channels  by  which  we  acquire 
money  for  that  purpose,  ought  to  be  industriously  kept  open 
and  uninterrupted. 

Our  trade  with  Spain,  Portugal  and  the  foreign  plantations 
in  the  West  Indies  have  chiefly  answered  this  end;  though 
with  much  difficulty,  the  mother  country  having  long  since 
drawn  the  commercial  cords  with  which  the  colonies  are 
bound,  extremely  tight  upon  them.  Everything  produced 
here,  that  Great  Britain  chooses  to  take  to  herself,  must  be 
carried  to  that  kingdom  only — everything  we  choose  to  im- 
port from  Europe  must  be  shipped  in  Great  Britain — heavy 
duties  have  been  laid  on  our  importations  from  the  foreign 
plantations. 

However,  under  all  these  restraints  and  some  others  that 
have  been  imposed  on  us,  we  have  not  till  lately  been  unhappy. 
Our  spirits  were  not  depressed: — we  apprehended  no  design 
formed  against  our  liberty.  We  for  a  long  time  enjoyed  peace, 
and  were  quite  free  from  any  heavy  debt,  either  internal  or 
external.  We  had  a  paper  currency  which  served  as  a  medium 
of  domestic  commerce,  and  permitted  us  to  employ  all  the 
gold  and  silver  we  could  acquire,  in  trade  abroad.  We  had  a 
multitude  of  markets  for  our  provisions,  lumber  and  iron. — 
These  allowed  liberties,  with  some  others  we  assumed,  en- 
abled us  to  collect  considerable  sums  of  money  for  the  joint 
benefit  of  ourselves  and  our  mother  country. 


128  Readings  in  American  History 

But  the  modern  regulations  are  in  every  circumstance 
afflicting.  The  remittances  we  have  been  able  to  make  to 
Great  Britain,  with  all  the  license  hitherto  granted  or  taken, 
and  all  the  money  brought  among  us  in  the  course  of  the  late 
war,  have  not  been  sufficient  to  pay  her  what  we  owe;  but 
there  still  remains  due,  according  to  a  late  calculation  made 
by  the  English  merchants,  the  sum  of  four  millions  sterling. 
Besides  this,  we  are  and  have  been  for  many  years  heavily 
taxed,  for  the  payment  of  the  debts  contracted  by  our  efforts 
against  the  common  enemy.  These  seem  to  be  difficulties 
severe  enough  for  young  colonies  to  contend  with.  The  last 
sinks  our  paper  currency  very  fast. — The  former  sweeps  off 
our  silver  and  gold  in  a  torrent  to  Great  Britain,  and  leaves 
us  continually  toiling  to  supply  from  a  number  of  distant 
springs  the  continually  wasting  stream. 

Thus  drained,  we  are  prohibited  by  new  and  stricter  re- 
straints being  laid  on  our  trade,  from  procuring  these  coins 
as  we  used  to  do:  and  from  instituting  among  ourselves  bills 
of  credit  in  the  place  of  such  portions  of  them  as  are  required 
in  our  internal  traffic;  and  in  this  exhausted  condition,  our 
languishing  country  is  to  strive  to  take  up  and  to  totter 
under  the  additional  burthen  of  the  Stamp  Act.  .  .  . 

The  restriction  also  with  regard  to  our  iron,  is  thought  par- 
ticularly severe.  Whenever  we  can  get  a  better  price  in 
Great  Britain,  than  elsewhere,  it  is  unnecessary;  whenever 
we  can  get  a  better  price  in  other  places,  it  is  prejudicial. 
Cargoes  composed  of  this  metal,  provisions  and  lumber,  have 
been  found  to  answer  very  well  at  the  Portugese  and  some 
other  markets;  and  as  the  last  articles  are  frequently  very 
low,  and  our  foreign  trade  is  reduced  to  so  few  commodities, 
the  taking  away  any  one  of  them  must  be  hurtful  to  us. 
Indeed,  to  require  us  to  send  all  our  iron  to  Great  Britain,  is, 
in  the  opinion  of  some  of  our  judicious  merchants,  to  re- 
quire an  impossibility ;  for  as  this  article  is  so  heavy,  and  such 
small  quantities  can  be  sent  in  one  vessel,  they  assert,  that 
we  cannot  find  freight  directly  home  for  one  half  of  it. 

But  it  is  unnecessary  to  endeavour  to  prove  by  reasoning 


Causes  of  the  American  Revolution  129 

on  these  things,  that  we  shall  suffer,  for  we  already  suffer.  Decline  of 
Trade  is  decaying;  and  all  credit  is  expiring.  Money  is  be- 
come  so  extremely  scarce,  that  reputable  freeholders  find  it 
impossible  to  pay  debts  which  are  trifling  in  comparison  to 
their  estates.  If  creditors  sue,  and  take  out  executions,  the 
lands  and  personal  estate,  as  the  sale  must  be  for  ready 
money,  are  sold  for  a  small  part  of  what  they  were  worth 
when  the  debts  were  contracted.  The  debtors  are  ruined. 
The  creditors  get  but  part  of  their  debts,  and  that  ruins  them. 
Thus  the  consumers  break  the  shopkeepers;  they  break  the 
merchants;  and  the  shock  must  be  felt  as  far  as  London. 
Fortunate,  indeed,  is  the  man  who  can  get  satisfaction  in 
money  for  any  part  of  his  debt,  in  some  counties;  for  in  many 
instances,  after  lands  and  goods  have  been  repeatedly  adver- 
tised in  the  public  gazettes,  or  exposed. to  sale,  not  a  buyer 
appears.  . 

By  these  means  multitudes  are  ruined,  and  the  estates  of  increase  of 
others  are  melting  away  in  the  same  manner.     It  must  strike  d 
anyone  with  great  surprise  and  concern,  to  hear  of  the  number 
of  debtors  discharged  every  court  by  our  insolvent  act.     If 
it  be  considered,  that  this  law  extends  only  to  those  who  do 
not  owe  any  single  debt  above  £150,  that  many  are  daily  re- 
leased by  the  lenity  of  their  creditors,  and  that  many  more  re- 
move, without  their  knowledge,  it  will  not  be  difficult  to  form 
a  judgment  of  the  condition  to  which  the  people  are  reduced. 

If  these  effects  are  produced  already,  what  can  we  expect  Effect  of 
when  the  same  causes  shall  have  operated  longer?     What  can  ^Jft  stamp 
we  expect  when  the  exhausted  colonies  shall  feel  the  Stamp 
Act  drawing  off,  as  it  were,  the  last  drops  of  their  blood? 
From  whence  is  the  silver  to  come  with  which  the  taxes  im- 
posed by  this  act,  and  the  duties  imposed  by  other  late  acts, 
are  to  be  paid?     Or  how  will  our  merchants  and  the  lower 
ranks  of  people,  on  whom  the  force  of  these  regulations  will 
fall  first,  and  with  the  greatest  violence,  bear  this  additional 
load?  .  .  . 

Yet  still  their  resentment  is  but  the  resentment  of  dutiful 
children,  who  have  received  unmerited  blows  from  a  beloved 


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parent.  Their  obedience  to  Great-Britain  is  secured  by  the 
best  and  strongest  ties,  those  of  affection;  which  alone  can, 
and  I  hope  will  form  an  everlasting  union  between  her  and 
her  colonies.  May  no  successes  or  suspicions  ever. tempt  her 
to  deviate  from  the  natural  generosity  of  her  spirit — and  may 
no  dreadful  revolution  of  sentiments  ever  teach  them  to  fear 
her  victories,  or  to  repine  at  her  glories. 

I  am  C.  C. 


29.    PARLIAMENTARY  PETITIONS  AGAINST  THE  STAMP  ACT, 
JANUARY  17,  1766 

Notwithstanding  the  Stamp  Act  passed  the  House  of  Commons 
with  the  vote  of  205  to  49  and  the  House  of  Lords  without  "debate, 
division,  or  protest,"  opposition  developed  among  the  people  of  Eng- 
land which  together  with  the  protests  from  America  led  to  its  repeal. 
— (T.  C.  Hansard,  The  Parliamentary  History  of  England,  XVI, 
133-136;  1765-71.) 

A  Petition  of  the  merchants  of  London,  trading  to  North 
America,  was  presented  to  the  House,  and  read;  setting 
forth:  "That  the  petitioners  have  been  long  concerned  in 
carrying  on  the  trade  between  this  country  and  the  British 
colonies  on  the  continent  of  North  America;  and  that  they 
have  annually  exported  very  large  quantities  of  British  manu- 
factures, consisting  of  woollen  goods  of  all  kinds,  cottons, 
linens,  hardware,  shoes,  household  furniture,  and  almost 
without  exception  of  every  other  species  of  goods  manufac- 
tured in  these  kingdoms,  besides  other  articles  imported  from 
abroad,  chiefly  purchased  with  our  manufactures  and  with 
the  produce  of  our  colonies;  by  all  which,  many  thousand 
manufacturers,  seamen  and  labourers,  have  been  employed, 
to  the  very  great  and  increasing  benefit  of  this  nation;  and 
that,  in  return  for  these  exports,  the  petitioners  have  received 
from  the  colonies,  rice,  indigo,  tobacco,  naval  stores,  oil, 
whale  fins,  furs,  and  lately  pot-ash,  with  other  commodities, 
besides  remittances  by  bills  of  exchange  and  bullion,  obtained 
by  the  colonists  in  payment  for  articles  of  their  produce,  not 


Causes  of  the  American  Revolution  131 

required  for  the  British  market,  and  therefore  exported  to 
other  places ;  and  that  from  the  nature  of  this  trade,  consist- 
ing of  British  manufactures  exported,  and  of  the  import  of 
raw  materials  from  America,  many  of  them  used  in  our  manu- 
factures, and  all  of  them  tending  to  lessen  our  dependence  on 
neighbouring  states,  it  must  be  deemed  of  the  highest  im- 
portance in  the  commercial  system  of  this  nation;  and  that 
this  commerce,  so  beneficial  to  the  state,  and  so  necessary  for 
the  support  of  multitudes,  now  lies  under  such  difficulties 
and  discouragements,  that  nothing  less  than  its  utter  ruin  is 
apprehended,  without  the  immediate  interposition  of  parlia- 
ment; and  that,  in  consequence  of  the  trade  between  the 
colonies  and  the  mother  country,  as  established  and  as  per- 
mitted for  many  years,  and  of  the  experience  which  the  peti- 
tioners have  had  of  the  readiness  of  the  Americans  to  make  Favorable 
their  just  remittances  to  the  utmost  of  their  real  ability,  they  {^e'for* 
have  been  induced  to  make  and  venture  such  large  exporta-  Great 
tions  of  British  manufactures,  as  to  leave  the  colonies  in- 
debted to  the  merchants  of  Great  Britain  in  the  sum  of  sev- 
eral millions  sterling;  and  that  at  this  time  the  colonists, 
when  pressed  for  payment,  appeal  to  past  experience  in  proof 
of  their  willingness;  but  declare  it  is  not  in  their  power,  at 
present,  to  make  good  their  engagements,  alledging,  that  the 
taxes  and  restrictions  laid  upon  them,  and  the  extension  of 
the  jurisdiction  of  vice  admiralty  courts  established  by  some 
late  acts  of  parliament,  particularly  by  an  act  passed  in  the 
fourth  year  of  his  present  majesty,  for  granting  certain  duties 
in  the  British  colonies  and  plantations  in  America,  and  by 
an  act  passed  in  the  fifth  year  of  his  present  majesty,  for 
granting  and  applying  certain  stamp  duties,  and  other  duties, 
in  the  British  Colonies  and  plantations  in  America,  with  sev- 
eral regulations  and  restraints,  which,  if  founded  in  acts  of 
parliament  for  defined  purposes,  are  represented  to  have  been 
extended  in  such  a  manner  as  to  disturb  legal  commerce  and  Disturb- 
harass  the  fair  trader,  have  so  far  interrupted  the  usual  and  ^£3*^,3 
former  most  fruitful  branches  of  their  commerce,  restrained  to  stamp 
the  sale  of  their  produce,  thrown  the  state  of  the  several  prov- 


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inces  into  confusion,  and  brought  on  so  great  a  number  of 
actual  bankruptcies,  that  the  former  opportunities  and  means 
of  remittances  and  payments  are  utterly  lost  and  taken  from 
them ;  and  that  the  petitioners  are,  by  these  unhappy  events, 
reduced  to  the  necessity  of  applying  to  the  House,  in  order  to 
secure  themselves  and  their  families  from  impending  ruin; 
to  prevent  a  multitude  of  manufacturers  from  becoming  a 
burthen  to  the  community,  or  else  seeking  their  bread  in 
other  countries,  to  the  irretrievable  loss  of  this  kingdom ;  and 
to  preserve  the  strength  of  this  nation  entire,  its  commerce 
flourishing,  the  revenues  increasing,  our  navigation,  the  bul- 
wark of  the  kingdom,  in  a  state  of  growth  and  extension,  and 
the  colonies,  from  inclination,  duty,  and  interest,  firmly  at- 
tached to  the  mother  country;  and  therefore  praying  the 
consideration  of  the  premises,  and  entreating  such  relief,  as 
to  the  House  shall  seem  expedient. 

The  petition  was  referred  to  the  Committee  of  the  whole 
House,  as  were  also  the  following  petitions,  viz.  of  the  master, 
wardens,  and  commonalty  of  the  society  of  merchants  ven- 
turers of  the  city  of  Bristol,  under  their  common  seal ;  of  the 
merchants,  tradesmen  and  manufacturers  of  the  same  city; 
of  the  merchants  of  Liverpool,  trading  to  and  from  America 
and  the  coast  of  Africa;  of  the  merchants,  tradesmen  and 
manufacturers  of  the  town  and  parish  of  Halifax;  of  the 
merchants  and  inhabitants  of  the  borough  of  Leeds,  trading 
to  the  several  colonies  of  North  America,  and  of  the  manu- 
facturers of  broad  woollen  cloth,  and  sundry  other  assort- 
ments of  woollen  goods,  manufactured  for  supplying  the 
North  America  markets;  of  the  merchants  of  Lancaster  trad- 
ing to  and  from  North  America;  of  the  merchants,  manu- 
facturers, and  traders  of  the  town  of  Manchester,  and  neigh- 
borhood thereof,  of  the  manufacturers  of  the  town  and  county 
of  Leicester;  and  of  the  clothiers  and  manufacturers  of  super- 
fine broad  cloth,  in  the  town  of  Bradford  in  Wiltshire;  all 
complaining  of  a  great  decay  in  the  trade  to  the  North  Ameri- 
can colonies,  owing  to  the  late  obstructions  and  embarrass- 
ments laid  thereon,  and  praying  relief. 


Causes  of  the  American  Revolution  133 

And  afterwards  there  were  presented  to  the  House  and 
read,  and  referred  to  the  same  Committee,  the  following 
petitions,  viz.  of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  the  town  of 
Frome;  of  the  merchants,  factors,  and  manufacturers  of  Bir- 
mingham; of  the  mayor,  bailiffs,  and  commonalty,  of  the 
city  of  Coventry,  and  the  principal  tradesmen  and  manu- 
facturers of  silk  ribbands  and  worsted  goods,  in  and  near 
the  said  city,  whose  common  seal  and  names  are  thereunto 
respectively  affixed,  in  behalf  of  themselves  and  others  con- 
cerned in  the  same  manufactures  ...  all  containing  much 
the  same  complaint  as  in  the  former  petitions,  and  conclud- 
ing with  the  same  prayer. 

30.     BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN  AND  THE  REPEAL  OF  THE  STAMP 

ACT 

While  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act  was  under  discussion  in  Parlia- 
ment, Benjamin  Franklin,  with  others,  was  ordered  to  appear  before 
the  House  of  Commons  and  testify  upon  the  general  attitude  of 
America  toward  the  act.  Franklin  was  at  the  time  the  representa- 
tive of  Pennsylvania  and  some  of  the  other  colonies.  The  questions 
answered  by  Franklin  were  submitted  by  friends  of  the  colonies, 
members  of  the  special  committee,  and  were  intended  to  draw  out 
what  Franklin  had  already  expressed  on  the  subject.  The  examina- 
tion was  concluded  on  February  13,  1766,  and  eleven  days  later  the 
resolution  was  offered  that  the  Stamp  Act  should  be  repealed. — 
(T.  C.  Hansard,  The  Parliamentary  History  of  England,  XVI, 
138-160,  1765-71,  London,  1813.) 

Q.     What  is  your  name  and  place  of  abode? 

A.     Franklin,  of  Philadelphia. 

Q.  Do  the  Americans  pay  any  considerable  taxes  among 
themselves? 

A.     Certainly,  many  and  very  heavy  taxes. 

Q.  What  are  the  present  taxes  in  Pennsylvania,  laid  by  the 
laws  of  the  colony? 

A.     There  are  taxes  on  all  estates,  real  and  personal,  a  System  of 
poll-tax,  a  tax  on  all  offices,  professions,  trades  and  businesses,   taxatlon- 
according  to  their  profits;    an  excise  on  all  wine,  rum,  and 


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other  spirits;  and  a  duty  of  ten  pounds  per  head  on  all  negroes 
imported,  with  some  other  duties. 

Q.     For  what  purposes  are  those  taxes  laid? 

A.  For  the  support  of  the  civil  and  military  establish- 
ments of  the  country,  and  to  discharge  the  heavy  debt  con- 
tracted in  the  last  war. 

Q.  From  the  thinness  of  the  back  settlements,  would  not 
the  Stamp  Act  be  extremely  inconvenient  to  the  inhabitants, 
if  executed? 

A.  To  be  sure  it  would ;  as  many  of  the  inhabitants  could 
not  get  stamps  when  they  had  occasion  for  them  without 
taking  long  journeys,  and  spending  perhaps  three  or  four 
pounds,  that  the  crown  might  get  sixpence. 

Q.  Are  not  the  colonies,  from  their  circumstances,  very 
able  to  pay  the  stamp  duty? 

A.  In  my  opinion  there  is  not  gold  and  silver  enough  in 
the  colonies  to  pay  the  stamp  duty  for  one  year. 

Q.  Don't  you  know  that  the  money  arising  from  the 
stamps  was  all  to  be  laid  out  in  America? 

A.  I  know  it  is  appropriated  by  the  act  to  the  American 
service;  but  it  will  be  spent  in  the  conquered  colonies,  where 
the  soldiers  are,  not  in  the  colonies  that  pay  it. 

Q.  Is  there  not  a  balance  of  trade  due  from  the  colonies 
where  the  troops  are  posted,  that  will  bring  back  the  money 
to  the  old  colonies? 

A.  I  think  not.  I  believe  very  little  would  come  back. 
I  know  of  no  trade  likely  to  bring  it  back.  I  think  it  would 
come  from  the  colonies  where  it  was  spent  directly  to  England ; 
for  I  have  always  observed,  that  in  every  colony  the  more 
plenty  the  means  of  remittance  to  England,  the  more  goods 
are  sent  for,  and  the  more  trade  with  England  carried  on. 

Q.  How  many  white  men  do  you  suppose  there  are  in 
North  America? 

A.     About  300,000,  from  16  to  60  years  of  age. 


Causes  of  the  American  Revolution  135 

Q.  Have  you  heard  of  any  difficulties  lately  laid  on  the 
Spanish  trade? 

A.  Yes,  I  have  heard,  that  it  has  been  greatly  obstructed 
by  some  new  regulations,  and  by  the  English  men  of  war  and 
cutters  stationed  all  along  the  coast  of  America. 

Q.  Do  you  think  it  right  that  America  should  be  protected 
by  this  country  and  pay  no  part  of  the  expence? 

A.  That  is  not  the  case.  The  colonies  raised,  cloathed  Americai 
and  payed,  during  the  last  war,  near  25,000  men,  and  spent  Defence, 
many  millions. 

Q.     Were  you  not  reimbursed  by  parliament? 

A.  We  were  only  reimbursed  what,  in  your  opinion,  we 
had  advanced  beyond  our  proportion,  or  beyond  what  might 
reasonably  be  expected  from  us ;  and  it  was  a  very  small  part 
of  what  we  spent.  Pennsylvania,  in  particular,  disbursed 
about  500,000  £,  and  the  reimbursements,  in  the  whole,  did 
not  exceed  60,000  £. 

Q.  You  have  said  that  you  pay  heavy  taxes  in  Pennsyl- 
vania; what  do  they  amount  to  in  the  pound? 

A.  The  tax  on  all  estates,  real  and  personal,  is  eighteen 
pence  in  the  pound,  fully  rated;  and  the  tax  on  the  profits  of 
trades  and  professions,  with  other  taxes,  do,  I  suppose,  make 
full  half  a  crown  in  the  pound. 

Q.  Do  you  think  the  people  of  America  would  submit  to 
pay  the  stamp  duty,  if  it  were  moderated? 

A.     No,  never,  unless  compelled  by  force  of  arms. 

Q.  What  was  the  temper  of  America  towards  Great  Britain 
before  the  year  1763? 

A.     The  best  in  the  world.     They  submitted  willingly  to  Condl- 
the  government  of  the  Crown,  and  paid,  in  all  their  courts,   J^j^ 
obedience  to  acts  of  parliament.     Numerous  as  the  people  1763. 
are  in  the  several  provinces,  they  cost  you  nothing  in  forts, 
citadels,  garrisons,   or  armies,  to  keep  them  in  subjection. 
They  were  governed  by  this  country  at  the  expence  only 
of  a  little  pen,  ink  and  paper.     They  were  lead  by  a  thread. 


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They  had  not  only  a  respect,  but  an  affection  for  Great 
Britain;  for  its  laws,  its  customs  and  manners,  and  even  a 
fondness  for  its  fashions,  that  greatly  increased  the  com- 
merce. Natives  of  Britain  were  always  treated  with  a  par- 
ticular regard;  to  be  an  Old-England  man  was,  of  itself,  a 
character  of  some  respect,  and  gave  a  kind  of  rank  among  us. 

Q.     And  what  is  their  temper  now? 

A,     O,  very  much  altered. 

Q.  Did  you  ever  hear  the  authority  of  parliament  to 
make  laws  for  America  questioned  till  lately? 

A.  The  authority  of  parliament  was  allowed  to  be  valid 
in  all  laws,  except  such  as  should  lay  internal  taxes.  It  was 
never  disputed  in  laying  duties  to  regulate  commerce. 

Q.  In  what  light  did  the  people  of  America  use  to  con- 
sider the  parliament  of  Great-Britain? 

A.  They  considered  the  parliament  as  the  great  bulwark 
and  security  of  their  liberties  and  privileges,  and  always 
spoke  of  it  with  the  utmost  respect  and  veneration.  Arbi- 
trary ministers,  they  thought,  might,  possibly,  at  times,  at- 
tempt to  oppress  them;  but  they  relied  on  it,  that  the  par- 
liament, on  application,  would  always  give  redress;  They 
remembered,  with  gratitude,  a  strong  instance  of  this,  when 
a  bill  was  brought  into  parliament,  with  a  clause,  to  make 
royal  instructions  laws  in  the  colonies,  which  the  House  of 
Commons  would  not  pass,  and  it  was  thrown  out. 

Q.  And  have  they  not  still  the  same  respect  for  parlia- 
ment? 

A.     No  it  is  greatly  lessened. 

Q.     To  what  causes  is  that  owing? 

A.  To  a  concurrence  of  causes;  the  restraints  lately  laid 
on  their  trade,  by  which  the  bringing  of  foreign  gold  and 
silver  into  the  colonies  was  prevented;  the  prohibition  of  mak- 
ing paper  money  among  themselves;  and  then  demanding 
a  new  and  heavy  tax  by  stamps;  taking  away,  at  the  same 
time,  trials  by  juries,  and  refusing  to  receive  and  hear  their 
humble  petitions. 


Causes  of  the  American  Revolution  137 

Q.  Don't  you  think  they  would  submit  to  the  stamp-act,  Attitude 

if  it  was  modified,  the  obnoxious  parts  taken  out,  and  the  Codified 

duty  reduced  to  some  particulars  of  small  amount?  stamp 

A.     No;   they  will  never  submit  to  it. 

Q.  If  the  stamp  act  should  be  repealed,  would  it  induce 
the  assemblies  of  America  to  acknowledge  the  rights  of  par- 
liament to  tax  them,  and  would  they  erase  their  resolutions? 

A.     No,  never. 

Q.  Are  there  no  means  of  obliging  them  to  erase  those 
resolutions? 

A.  None  that  I  know  of;  they  will  never  do  it,  unless 
compelled  by  force  of  arms. 

Q.  Is  there  no  power  on  earth  that  can  force  them  to  erase 
them? 

A.  No  power,  how  great  soever,  can  force  men  to  change 
their  opinions. 

Q.  Would  it  be  most  for  the  interest  of  Great  Britain,  to 
employ  the  hands  of  Virginia  in  tobacco,  or  in  manufactures? 

A,     In  tobacco,  to  be  sure. 

Q.     What  used  to  be  the  pride  of  Americans? 

A.  To  indulge  in  the  fashions  and  manufactures  of  Great 
Britain. 

Q.     What  is  now  their  pride? 

A.  To  wear  their  old  cloaths  over  again,  till  they  can 
make  new  ones. — Withdrew. 


31.    DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  FIRST  CONTINENTAL  CONGRESS, 

1774 

The  letters  written  by  John  Adams  to  Mrs.  Abigail  Adams,  hia 
wife,  give  a  good  account  of  the  difficulties  encountered  in  organiz- 
ing the  First  Continental  Congress.  Mrs.  Adams  in  reply  gave  excel- 
lent descriptions  of  affairs  in  and  about  Boston. — (Charles  Francis 
Adams,  Familiar  Letters  of  John  Adams  and  His  Wife,  Abigail 
Adams,  During  the  Revolution,  31  passim.  With  permission  of 
Charles  Francis  Adams,  Kurd  and  Houjshton.  New  York,  1876.) 


138 


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Philadelphia  8  Sept.  1774. 

When  or  where  this  letter  will  find  you  I  know  not.  In 
what  scenes  of  distress  or  terror  I  cannot  forsee. 

We  have  received  a  confused  account  from  Boston  of  a 
dreadful  catastrophe.  The  particulars  we  have  not  heard. 
We  are  waiting  with  the  utmost  anxiety  and  impatience  for 
further  intelligence.  The  effect  of  the  news  we  have,  both 
upon  Congress  and  the  inhabitants  of  this  city,  was  very 
great.  Great  indeed!  Every  gentleman  seems  to  consider 
the  bombardment  of  Boston  as  the  bombardment  of  the  Cap- 
ital of  his  own  province.  Our  deliberations  are  grave  and 
serious  indeed. 

It  is  a  great  affliction  to  me  that  I  cannot  write  to  you 
oftener  than  I  do.  But  there  are  so  many  hindrances  that 
I  cannot. 

It  would  fill  volumes  to  give  you  an  idea  of  the  scenes  I 
behold,  and  the  characters  I  converse  with.  Wre  have  so 
much  business,  so  much  ceremony,  so  much  company,  so 
many  visits  to  receive  and  return,  that  I  have  not  time  to 
write.  And  the  times  are  such  as  to  make  it  imprudent  to 
write  freely. 

We  cannot  depart  from  this  place  until  the  business  of  the 
Congress  is  completed,  and  it  is  the  general  disposition  to 
proceed  slowly.  When  I  shall  be  at  home  I  can't  say.  If 
there  is  distress  and  danger  in  Boston,  pray  invite  our  friends, 
as  many  as  possible,  to  make  an  asylum  with  you, — Mrs. 
Gushing  and  Mrs.  Adams,  if  you  can. 

There  is  in  the  Congress  a  collection  of  the  greatest  men 
upon  this  continent  in  point  of  abilities,  virtues,  and  fortunes. 
The  magnanimity  and  public  spirit  which  I  see  here  make 
me  blush  for  the  sordid,  venal  herd  which  I  have  seen  in  my 
own  province.  The  addressers,  and  the  new  councillors  are 
held  in  universal  contempt  and  abhorrence  from  one  end  of 
the  continent  to  the  other. 

Be  not  under  any  concern  for  me.  There  is  little  danger 
from  anything  we  shall  do  at  the  Congress.  There  is  such 
a  spirit  through  the  colonies,  and  the  members  of  the  Congress 


Causes  of  the  American  Revolution  139 

are  such  characters,  that  no  danger  can  happen  to  us  which 
will  not  involve  the  whole  continent  in  universal  desolation; 
and  in  that  case  who  would  wish  to  live?  Adieu. 

Philadelphia  14  Sept  1774. 

.  .  .  The  Congress  will,  to  all  appearances,  be  well  united, 
and  in  such  measures  as  I  hope,  will  give  satisfaction  to  the 
friends  of  our  country.     A  Tory  here  is  the  most  despicable  Tories, 
animal  in  creation.     Spiders,  toads,  snakes  are  their  only 
proper  emblems.     The  Massachusetts  councillors  and  ad-  Massa- 
dressers  are  held  in  envious  esteem  here  as  you  will  see.  delegates 

The  spirit,  the  firmness  the  prudence  of  our  province  are 
vastly  applauded,  and  we  are  universally  acknowledged  the 
saviors  and  defenders  of  American  liberty.  The  designs  and 
plans  of  Congress  must  not  be  communicated  until  completed, 
and  we  shall  move  with  great  deliberation.  .  .  . 

Philadelphia,  16  Sept.  1774. 

Having  a  leisure  moment  while  Congress  is  assembling,  I 
gladly  embrace  it  to  write  you  a  line. 

When  the  Congress  first  met,  Mr.  Gushing  made  a  motion  congress 
that  it  should  be  opened  with  prayer.  It  was  opposed  by  ^t^6*1 
Mr.  Jay,  of  New  York,  and  Mr.  Rutledge,  of  South  Carolina,  prayer, 
because  we  were  so  divided  in  religious  sentiments,  some 
Episcopalians,  some  Quakers,  some  Anabaptists,  some  Pres- 
byterians, and  some  Congregationalists,  that  we  could  not 
join  in  the  same  act  of  worship.  Mr.  Samuel  Adams  arose 
and  said  he  was  no  bigot,  and  could  hear  a  prayer  from  a 
gentleman  of  piety  and  virtue,  who  was  at  the  same  time  a 
friend  to  his  country.  He  was  a  stranger  in  Philadelphia, 
but  had  heard  that  Mr.  Duche  (Dushay  they  pronounce  it) 
deserved  that  character,  and  therefore  he  moved  that  Mr. 
Duche,  an  Episcopal  clergyman,  might  be  desired  to  read 
prayers  to  the  Congress,  to-morrow  morning.  The  motion 
was  seconded  and  passed  in  the  affirmative.  Mr.  Randolph, 
our  president,  waited  on  Mr.  Duche,  and  received  for  answer 
if  his  health  would  permit  he  certainly  would. 


140  Readings  in  American  History 

Accordingly,  next  morning  he  appeared  with  his  clerk  and 
his  pontificals,  and  read  several  prayers  in  the  established 
form ;  and  then  read  the  Collect  for  the  seventh  day  of  Sep- 
tember, which  was  the  thirty-fifth  Psalm.  You  must  re- 
member that  this  was  the  next  morning  after  we  heard  the 
horrible  rumor  of  the  cannonade  of  Boston.  I  never  saw  a 
greater  effect  upon  an  audience.  It  seemed  as  if  Heaven 
had  ordained  that  Psalm  to  be  read  on  that  morning. 

After  this,  Mr.  Duche,  unexpected  to  everybody,  struck 
out  into  an  extemporary  prayer,  which  filled  the  bosom  of 
every  man  present.  I  must  confess  I  never  heard  a  better 
prayer,  or  one  so  well  pronounced.  .  .  . 

Philadelphia,  25  September,  1774. 

Business  I  would  not  lose  the  opportunity  of  writing  to  you,  though 
gress°n~  I  must  be  short.  Tedious  indeed  is  our  business — slow  as 
greatly  snails.  I  have  not  been  used  to  such  ways.  We  sit  only 

before  dinner.     We  dine  at  four  o'clock.     We  are  crowded 

with  a  levee  in  the  evening. 

Fifty  gentlemen  meeting  to-gether,  all  strangers,  are  not 

acquainted  with  each  other's  language,  ideas,  views,  designs. 

They  are,  therefore,  jealous  of  each  other — fearful,  timid, 

skittish. 

9  October,  1774. 

Useless  I  am  wearied  to  death  with  the  life  I  lead.     The  business 

sions.8"  °f  Congress  is  tedious  beyond  expression.  This  assembly  is 
like  no  other  that  ever  existed.  Every  man  in  it  is  a  great 
man,  an  orator,  a  critic,  a  statesman;  and  therefore  every 
man  upon  every  question  must  show  his  oratory,  his  criticism, 
and  his  political  abilities. 

The  consequence  of  this  is  that  business  is  drawn  and  spun 
out  to  an  immesurable  length.  I  believe  if  it  was  moved 
and  seconded  that  we  should  come  to  a  resolution  that  three 
and  two  make  five,  we  should  be  entertained  with  logic,  and 
rhetoric,  law,  history,  politics,  and  mathematics,  and  then — 
we  should  pass  the  resolution  unanimously  in  the  affirmative. 


Games  of  the  American  Revolution  141 

The  perpetual  round  of  feasting,  too,  which  we  are  obliged 
to  submit  to,  makes  the  pilgrimage  more  tedious  to  me.  .  .  . 

Philadelphia  17  June  1775. 

I  can  now  inform  you  that  the  Congress  have  made  choice  Washing- 
of  the  modest  and  virtuous,  the  amiable,  generous,  and  brave  generator 
George  Washington,  Esquire,  to  be  General  of  the  American  the  army, 
army,  and  that  he  is  to  repair,  as  soon  as  possible,  to  the 
camp  before  Boston.     This  appointment  will  have  a  great 
effect  in  cementing  and  securing  the  union  of  these  colonies. 

The  continent  is  really  in  earnest,  in  defending  the  country.   Riflemen 
They  have  voted  ten  companies  of  riflemen  to  be  sent  from   g"}^^11" 
Pennsylvania,  Maryland  and  Virginia,  to  join  the  army  be-  Maryland, 
fore  Boston.     These  are  excellent  species  of  light  infantry.   gmiaVgo  to 
They  use  a  peculiar  kind  of  musket,  called  a  rifle.  the  assist- 

It  has  a  circular  groove  within  the  barrel,  and  carries  a  Boston 
ball  with  great  exactness  to  great  distances.     They  are  the 
most  accurate  marksmen  in  the  world. 

I  begin  to  hope  we  shall  not  sit  all  summer.  I  hope  the 
people  of  our  province  will  treat  the  General  with  all  that 
confidence  and  affection  that  politeness  and  respect,  which  is 
due  to  one  of  the  most  important  characters  in  the  world. 
The  liberties  of  America  depend  upon  him,  in  a  great  de- 
gree. .  .  . 

I  have  found  this  Congress  like  the  last.     When  we  first  jealousy 
came  together,  I  found  a  strong  jealousy  of  us  from  New  c^ettT 
England,  and  the  Massachusetts  in  particular;    suspicions  delegates, 
entertained  of  designs  of  independency;  an  American  repub- 
lic;  Presbyterian  principles,  and  twenty  other  things.     Our 
sentiments  were  heard  in  Congress  with  great  caution,  and 
seemed  to  make  but  little  impression;  but  the  longer  we  sat, 
the  more  clearly  they  saw  the  necessity  of  pushing  vigorous 
measures. 

It  has  been  so  now.  Every  day  we  sit,  the  more  we  are 
convinced  that  the  designs  against  us  are  hostile  and  san- 
guinary, and  that  nothing  but  fortitude,  vigor  and  persever- 
ance can  save  us. 


142 


Readings  in  American  History 


But  America  is  a  great  unwieldy  body.  Its  progress  must 
be  slow.  It  is  like  a  large  fleet  sailing  under'convoy.  The 
fleetest  sailors  must  wait  for  the  dullest  and  slowest.  Like  a 
coach  and  six,  the  swiftest  horses  must  be  slackened,  and  the 
slowest  quickened,  that  all  may  keep  an  even  pace.  .  .  . 

Weymouth,  Sunday,  18  June  1775. 

The  day — perhaps  the  decisive  day— is  come;  on  which 
the  fate  of  America  depends.  My  bursting  heart  must  find 
vent  at  my  pen. 

I  have  just  heard  that  our  dear  friend,  Dr.  Warren,  is  no 
more,  but  fell  gloriously  fighting  for  his  country;  saying, 
Better  to  die  honorably  in  the  field,  than  ignominiously  hang 
upon  the  gallows.  Great  is  our  loss.  He  has  distinguished 
himself  in  every  engagement,  by  his  courage  and  fortitude, 
by  animating  the  soldiers  and  leading  them  on  by  his  own 
example.  A  particular  account  of  these  dreadful,  but  I  hope 
glorious  days,  will  be  transmitted  to  you,  no  doubt,  in  the 
exactest  manner. 

"The  race  is  not  to  the  swift  nor  the  battle  to  the  strong; 
but  the  God  of  Israel  is  he  that  giveth  strength  and  power 
unto  his  people.  Trust  in  him  at  all  times,  ye  people,  pour 
out  your  hearts  before  him;  God  is  a  refuge  for  us."  Charles- 
town  is  laid  in  ashes.  The  battle  began  upon  our  intrench- 
ments  upon  Bunker's  Hill,  Saturday  morning  about  three 
o'clock,  and  has  not  ceased  yet,  and  it  is  now  three  o'clock 
Sabbath  afternoon.  It  is  expected  they  will  come  out  over 
the  Neck,  to-night,  and  a  dreadful  battle  must  ensue.  Al- 
mighty God,  cover  the  heads  of  our  countrymen,  and  be  a 
shield  to  our  dear  friends!  How  many  have  fallen  we  know 
not.  The  constant  roar  of  the  cannon  is  so  distressing  that 
we  cannot  eat,  drink,  or  sleep.  May  we  be  supported  and 
sustained  in  the  dreadful  conflict.  I  shall  tarry  here  till  it  is 
thought  unsafe  by  my  friends,  and  then  I  have  secured  my- 
self a  retreat  at  your  brother's,  who  has  kindly  offered  me  a 
part  of  his  house.  I  cannot  compose  myself  to  write  any 
further  at  present.  I  will  add  more  as  I  hear  further.  .  .  . 


Causes  of  tlie  American  Revolution  143 

Weymouth,  5  July,  1775. 

I  have  received  a  good  deal  of  paper  from  you.     I  wish  it  situation 
had  been  more  covered;    the  writing  is  very  scant,  yet  I  in  Boston- 
must  not  grumble.     I  know  your  time  is  not  yours  nor  mine. 
Your  labors  must  be  great  and  your  mouth  closed;   but  all 
you  may  communicate,  I  beg  you  would.     There  is  a  pleas- 
ure, I  know  not  whence  it  arises,  nor  can  I  stop  now  to  find 
it  out,  but  I  say  there  is  a  degree  of  pleasure  in  being  able 
to  tell  news,  especially  any  that  so  nearly  concerns  us,  as 
all  your  proceedings  do. 

I  should  have  been  more  particular,  but  I  thought  you 
knew  everything  that  passed  here.  The  present  state  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Boston  is  that  of  the  most  abject  slaves,  under 
the  most  cruel  and  despotic  of  tyrants. 

Among  many  instances  I  could  mention,  let  me  mention 
one.  Upon  the  17th  of  July,  printed  hand  bills  were  posted 
up  at  the  corners  of  the  streets,  and  upon  houses,  forbidding 
any  inhabitants  to  go  up  on  their  houses,  or  upon  any  emi- 
nence, on  pain  of  death;  the  inhabitants  dared  not  look  out 
of  their  houses,  nor  to  be  heard  or  seen  to  ask  a  question. 

Our  prisoners  were  brought  over  to  the  Long  Wharf,  and 
there  lay  all  night,  without  any  care  of  their  wounds,  or  any 
resting  place  but  the  pavements,  until  next  day,  when  they 
exchanged  it  for  the  jail,  since  which  we  hear  they  are  civilly 
treated.  Their  living  cannot  be  good,  as  they  can  have  no 
fresh  provisions;  their  beef,  we  hear,  is  all  gone,  and  their 
wounded  men  die  very  fast,  so  that  they  have  a  report  that 
their  bullets  were  poisoned.  Fish  they  cannot  have,  they 
have  rendered  it  so  difficult  to  procure;  and  the  admiral  is 
such  a  villain  as  to  oblige  every  fishing  schooner  to  pay  a 
dollar  every  time  it  goes  out.  The  money  that  has  been  paid  v 
for  passes  is  incredible. 

Some  have  given  ten,  twenty,  thirty,  and  forty  dollars,  to 
get  out  with  a  small  proportion  of  their  things.  It  is  reported 
and  believed  that  they  have  taken  up  a  number  of  persons, 
and  committed  them  to  jail,  we  know  not  for  what  in  par- 
ticular. Master  Lovell  is  confined  in  the  dungeon;  a  son  of 


144  Readings  in  American  History 

Mr.  Edes  is  in  jail,  and  one  Wiburt,  a  ship-carpenter,  is  now 
upon  trial  for  his  life.  God  alone  knows  to  what  length  these 
wretches  will  go,  and  will,  I  hope  restrain  their  malice. 

I  would  not  have  you  be  distressed  about  me.  Danger, 
they  say,  makes  people  valiant.  Hitherto  I  have  been  dis- 
tressed but  not  dismayed.  I  have  felt  for  my  country  and 
her  sons.  I  have  bled  with  them  and  for  them.  Not  all  the 
havoc  and  devastation  they  have  made  has  wounded  me  like 
the  death  of  Warren.  We  want  him  in  the  Senate;  we  want 
him  in  his  profession;  we  want  him  in  the  field.  We  mourn 
for  the  citizen,  the  senator,  the  physician,  and  the  warrior. 
May  we  have  others  raised  up  in  his  room.  .  .  . 


CHAPTER  XI 
THE  REVOLUTIONARY  WAR,   1776-1783 

32.     EFFECTS  OF  A  WEAK  CENTRAL  GOVERNMENT,  1778 

Alexander  Hamilton  in  the  following  letter  to  George  Clinton 
shows  the  influence  of  the  weak  central  government  in  the  conduct 
of  the  affairs  of  the  Revolution.  Hamilton  was  at  the  time  serving 
as  a  member  of  Washington's  staff. — (Jared  Sparks,  Writings  of 
Washington,  V,  508,  509.) 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  13  February  1778. — Dear  Sir;  There  is  Decline  in 
a  matter,  which  often  obtrudes  itself  upon  my  mind,  and  j^J!^,^ 
which  requires  the  attention  of  every  person  of  sense  and  in-  atlves  in 
fluence  among  us;   I  mean  a  degeneracy  of  representation  in  ( 
the  great  council  of  America.     It  is  a  melancholy  truth,  Sir, 
the  effects  of  which  we  daily  see  and  feel,  that  there  is  not  so 
much  wisdom  in  a  certain  body  as  there  ought  to  be,  and  as 
the  success  of  our  affairs  absolutely  demands.     Many  mem- 
bers of  it  are  no  doubt  men,  in  every  respect,  fit  for  the 
trust;   but  this  can  not  be  said  of  it  as  a  body.     Folly,  ca- 
price, a  want  of  forsight,  comprehension  and  dignity,  char- 
acterize the  general  tenor  of  their  actions.     Of  this,  I  dare 
say,  you  are  sensible,  though  you  have  not  perhaps  so  many 
opportunities  of  knowing  it  as  I  have.     Their  conduct,  with  Effect  on 
respect  to  the  army  especially,  is  feeble,  indecisive,  and  im-  the  army- 
provident;   insomuch  that  we  are  reduced  to  a  more  terrible 
situation  than  you  can  conceive.     False  and  contracted  views 
of  economy  have  prevented  them,  though  repeatedly  urged 
to  it,  from  making  that  provision  for  officers  which  was  req- 
uisite to  interest  them  in  the  service.     This  has  produced 
such  carelessness  and  indifference  to  the  service,  as  is  sub- 

145 


146  Readings  in  American  History 

versive  to  every  officer-like  quality.  They  have  disgusted 
the  army  by  repeated  instances  of  the  most  whimsical  favor- 
itism in  their  promotions;  and  by  an  absurd  prodigality  of 
rank  to  foreigners,  and  to  the  meanest  staff  of  the  army. 
They  have  not  been  able  to  summon  resolution  enough  to 
withstand  the  impudent  importunity  and  vain  boasting  of 
foreign  pretenders;  but  have  manifested  such  a  ductility  and 
inconstancy  in  their  proceedings,  as  will  warrant  the  charge 
of  suffering  themselves  to  be  bullied  by  every  petty  adven- 
turer, who  comes  armed  with  ostentatious  pretentions  of  mili- 
tary merit  and  experience.  Would  you  believe  it,  Sir?  it  is 
become  almost  proverbial  in  the  mouths  of  the  French  of- 
ficers and  other  foreigners,  that  they  have  nothing  more  to 
do,  to  obtain  whatever  they  please,  than  to  assume  a  high 
tone,  and  assert  their  own  merit  with  confidence  and  per- 
severance. These  things  wound  my  feelings  as  a  republican 
more  than  I  can  express,  and  in  some  degree  make  me  con- 
temptible in  my  own  eyes. 

America  once  had  a  representation,  that  would  do  honor  to 
any  age  or  nation.  The  present  falling  off  is  very  alarming 
and  dangerous.  What  is  the  cause?  and  How  is  it  to  be 
remedied?  are  questions  that  the  welfare  of  these  States  re- 
quires should  be  well  attended  to.  The  great  men,  who  com- 
posed our  first  council, — are  they  dead,  have  they  deserted 
the  cause,  or  what  has  become  of  them?  Very  few  are  dead, 
and  still  fewer  have  deserted  the  cause;  they  are  all,  except 
the  few  who  still  remain  in  Congress,  either  in  the  field  or 
in  the  civil  offices  of  their  respective  States;  far  the  greater 
part  are  engaged  in  the  latter.  The  only  remedy  then  is  to 
take  them  out  of  these  employments,  and  return  them  to  the 
place  where  their  presence  is  infinitely  more  important. 

Each  State,  in  order  to  promote  its  own  internal  govern- 
ment and  prosperity,  has  selected  its  best  members  to  fill  the 
offices  within  itself,  and  conduct  its  own  affairs.  Men  have 
been  fonder  of  the  emoluments  and  conveniences  of  being 
employed  at  home;  and  local  attachment,  falsely  operating, 
has  made  them  more  provident  for  the  particular  interests 


The  Revolutionary  War  147 

of  the  States  to  which  they  belonged,  than  for  the  common 
interests  of  the  confederacy.     This  is  a  most  pernicious  mis- 
take, and  must  be  corrected.     However  important  it  is  to  A  strong 
give  form  and  efficiency  to  your  interior  constitutions  and  govem- 
police;  it  is  infinitely  more  important  to  have  a  wise  general   ment  de- 
council  ;  otherwise  a  failure  of  the  measures  of  the  Union  will  s 
overturn  all  your  labors  for  the  advancement  of  your  particu- 
lar good,  and  ruin  the  common  cause.    You  should  not  beggar 
the  councils  of  the  United  States  to  enrich  the  administra- 
tion of  the  several  members.     Realize  to  yourself  the  conse- 
quences of  having  a  Congress  despised  at  home  and  abroad. 
How  can  the  common  force  be  exerted,  if  the  power  of  col- 
lecting it  be  put  in  weak,  foolish,  and  unsteady  hands?     How 
can  we  hope  for  success  in  our  European  negotiations,  if  the 
nations  of  Europe  have  no  confidence  in  the  wisdom  and 
vigor  of  the  great  Continental  government?     This  is  the 
object  on  which  their  eyes  are  fixed;    hence  it  is,  America 
will  derive  its  importance  or  insignificance  in  their  estima- 
tion. 

You  and  I  had  some  conversation,  when  I  had  the  pleasure  Faction 
of  seeing  you  last,  with  respect  to  the  existence  of  a  certain   wastdng- 
faction.     Since  I  saw  you,  I  have  discovered  such  convincing  ton. 
traits  of  the  monster,  that  I  cannot  doubt  its  reality  in  the 
most  extensive  sense.     I  dare  say  you  have  seen  and  heard 
enough  to  settle  the  matter  in  your  own  mind.     I  believe  it 
unmasked  its  batteries  too  soon,  and  begins  to  hide  its  head; 
but,  as  I  imagine  it  will  only  change  the  storm  to  a  sap,  all 
the  true  and  sensible  friends  of  their  country,  and  of  course 
to  a  certain  great  man,  ought  to  be  upon  the  watch,  to 
counterplot  the  secret  machinations  of  his  enemies.     I  am, 
with  great  regard  and  respect,  &c. 


148 


Readings  in  American  History 


33.     AMERICAN  DIPLOMACY  AND  FRENCH  ASSISTANCE 
DURING  THE  REVOLUTION 

The  following  selection  illustrates  to  what  extent  the  French  Gov- 
ernment was  willing  to  grant  secret  aid  to  America  prior  to  the  con- 
summation of  the  treaty  of  February,  1778. 

Benjamin  Franklin  and  Silas  Deane  to  the  Committee  of  Secret 
Correspondence. — (Wharton,  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the 
American  Revolution,  II,  283-290.) 

Paris,  March  12,  1777. 

GENTLEMEN:  It  is  now  more  than  four  months  since  Mr. 
Franklin's  departure  from  Philadelphia,  and  not  a  line  from 
thence  written  since  that  time  has  hitherto  reached  either  of 
your  commissioners  in  Europe. 

We  have  had  no  information  of  what  passes  in  America 
but  through  England,  and  the  advices  are,  for  the  most 
part,  such  only  as  the  ministry  choose  to  publish.  Our  total 
ignorance  of  the  truth  or  falsehood  of  facts,  when  questions 
are  asked  of  us  concerning  them,  makes  us  appear  small  in 
the  eyes  of  the  people  here,  and  is  prejudicial  to  our  negotia- 
tions. .  .  . 

In  our  first  conversation  with  the  minister,  after  the  ar- 
rival of  Mr.  Franklin,  it  was  evident  that  this  court,  while  it 
treated  us  privately  with  all  civility,  was  cautious  of  giving 
umbrage  to  England,  and  was  therefore  desirous  of  avoiding 
an  open  reception  or  acknowledgment  of  us,  or  entering  into 
any  formal  negotiation  with  us  as  ministers  from  Congress. 
To  make  us  easy,  however,  we  were  told  that  the  ports  of 
France  were  open  to  our  ships  as  friends;  that  our  people 
might  freely  purchase  and  export,  as  merchandise,  whatever 
our  states  had  occasion  for,  vending  at  the  same  time  our 
own  commodities;  that  in  doing  this  we  should  experience 
all  the  facilities  that  a  Government  disposed  to  favor  us 
could,  consistent  with  treaties,  afford  to  the  enemies  of  a 
friend.  But  though  it  was  at  that  time  no  secret  that  two 
hundred  field-pieces  of  brass  and  thirty  thousand  fusils,  with 
other  munitions  of  war  in  great  abundance,  had  been  taken 


The  Revolutionary  War 


149 


out  of  the  King's  magazines  for  the  purpose  of  exportation 
to  America,  the  minister,  in  our  presence,  affected  to  know 
nothing  of  that  operation,  and  claimed  no  merit  to  his  court 
on  that  account.  But  he  intimated  to  us  that  it  would  be 
well  taken  if  we  communicated  with  no  other  person  about 
the  court  concerning  our  affairs  but  himself,  who  would  be 
ready  at  all  convenient  times  to  confer  with  us.  .  .  . 

Means  were  proposed  of  our  obtaining  a  large  sum  of  money 
for  present  use  by  an  advance  from  the  Farmers-General,  to 
be  repaid  in  tobacco,  of  which  they  wanted  twenty  thousand 
hogsheads.  We  entered  accordingly  into  a  treaty  with  that 
company,  which  meeting  with  difficulty  in  settling  the  terms, 
we  were  informed  that  a  grant  was  made  us  of  two  millions 
of  livres  from  the  Crown,  of  which  five  hundred  thousand 
was  ready  to  be  paid  us  down,  and  an  equal  sum  should  be 
paid  at  the  beginning  of  April,  July  and  October;  that  such 
was  the  King's  generosity,  he  exacted  no  conditions  or  prom- 
ises of  repayment;  he  only  required  that  we  should  not  speak 
to  any  one  of  our  having  received  this  aid.  We  have  accord- 
ing observed  strictly  this  injunction,  deviating  only  in  this 
information  to  you,  which  we  think  necessary  for  your  satis- 
faction, but  earnestly  requesting  that  you  would  not  suffer  it 
to  be  made  public.  This  is  the  money  which,  in  our  letter, 
we  mentioned  as  raised  for  us  by  subscription.  .  .  . 

The  desire  that  military  officers  here,  of  all  ranks,  have  of 
going  into  the  service  of  the  United  States  is  so  general  and 
so  strong  as  to  be  quite  amazing.  We  are  hourly  fatigued 
with  their  applications  and  offers  which  we  are  obliged  to  re- 
fuse, and  with  hundreds  of  letters,  which  we  cannot  possibly 
answer  to  satisfaction,  having  had  no  orders  to  engage  any 
but  engineers,  who  are  accordingly  gone.  If  the  Congress 
thinks  fit  to  encourage  some  of  distinguished  merit  to  enter 
their  service  they  will  please  to  signify  it.  ... 

We  have  purchased  eighty  thousand  fusils,  a  number  of 
pistols  etc.,  of  which  the  enclosed  is  an  account,  for  two  hun- 
dred and  twenty  thousand  livres.  They  were  King's  arms 
and  second-hand  but  so  many  of  them  are  unused  and  un- 


150 


Readings  in  American  History 


exceptionally  good,  that  we  esteem  it  a  large  bargain  if  only 
half  of  them  should  arrive.  We  applied  for  the  large  brass 
cannon,  to  be  borrowed  out  of  the  king's  stores  till  we  could 
replace  them,  but  have  not  yet  obtained  an  answer.  You 
will  soon  have  the  arms  and  accoutrements  for  the  horses 
except  the  saddles,  if  not  intercepted  by  the  enemy. 

All  Europe  is  for  us.  Our  articles  of  confederation  being 
by  our  means  translated  and  published  here,  have  given  an 
appearance  of  consistence  and  firmness  to  the  American 
States  and  Government  that  begins  to  make  them  consid- 
erable. The  separate  constitutions  of  the  several  States  are 
also  translating  and  publishing  here,  which  afford  abundance 
of  speculation  to  the  politicians  of  Europe,  and  it  is  a  very 
general  opinion  that  if  we  succeed  in  establishing  our  liber- 
ties, we  shall,  as  soon  as  peace  is  restored,  receive  an  immense 
addition  of  numbers  and  wealth  from  Europe,  by  the  families 
who  will  come  over  to  participate  in  our  privileges,  and  bring 
their  estates  with  them.  Tyranny  is  so  generally  established 
in  the  rest  of  the  world,  that  the  prospect  of  an  asylum  in 
America  for  those  who  love  liberty,  gives  general  joy,  and 
our  cause  is  esteemed  the  cause  of  mankind.  Slaves  natu- 
rally become  base,  as  well  as  wretched.  We  are  fighting  for 
the  dignity  and  happiness  of  human  nature.  Glorious  is  it 
for  the  Americans  to  be  called  by  Providence  to  this  post  of 
honor.  Cursed  and  detested  will  everyone  be  that  deserts 
or  betrays  it. 

We  are  glad  to  learn  the  intention  of  Congress  to  send 
ministers  to  the  empires  of  Prussia  and  Tuscany.  With 
submission,  we  think  Holland,  Denmark,  Sweden  and  Rus- 
sia (if  the  expense  is  no  objection),  should  not  be  neglected. 
It  would  be  of  great  service  if  among  them  we  could  get  a 
free  port  or  two  for  the  sale  of  prizes,  as  well  as  for  com- 
merce. A  commencement  of  intercourse  has  been  made  with 
Prussia  as  you  will  see  by  the  enclosed  copies  of  letters,  be- 
tween his  minister  and  us. 

We  suppose,  as  the  Congress  has  appointed  one  of  us  to 
Spain,  they  will  order  another  of  us  to  some  of  the  other 


The  Revolutionary  War  151 

courts,  as  we  see  no  utility  equal  to  the  charge,  and  yet  some 
inconveniency,  in  a  joint  commission  here,  where  one,  when 
freed  from  commercial  cares  and  action  is  sufficient  for  the 
business.  As  soon  as  the  court  of  Spain  shall  be  willing  to 
receive  a  minister  (which,  from  Mr.  Lee's  information,  seems 
not  to  be  at  present  the  case),  Mr.  Franklin  intends  to  go 
thither  in  obedience  to  the  orders  he  has  received.  Mr.  Lee 
has  expressed  his  readiness  to  go  to  Prussia  or  Tuscany,  be- 
fore the  intention  of  Congress  to  send  to  those  courts  was 
known;  and  he  waits  here  a  while,  by  the  advice  of  his  col- 
leagues, expecting  that  perhaps  the  next  ship  may  bring  his 
future  destination  .  .  . 

For  news,  we  refer  in  general  to  the  papers,  and  to  some  Foreign 
letters  inclosed,  which  we  have  received  from  London.  We  Great 
shall  only  add,  that  though  the  English  begin  again  to  Britain, 
threaten  us  with  twenty  thousand  Russians,  it  is  the  opinion 
of  the  wisest  here  and  particularly  among  the  foreign  min- 
isters that  they  will  never  be  sent.  The  Anspachers  who 
were  to  be  embarked  in  Holland,  mutinied,  and  refused  to 
proceed,  so  that  the  prince  was  obliged  to  go  with  his  guards 
and  force  them  on.  A  gentleman  of  Rotterdam  writes  us 
that  he  saw  a  number  of  them  brought,  bound  hands  and 
feet,  in  boats  to  that  place.  This  does  not  seem  as  if  much 
service  can  be  expected  from  such  unwilling  soldiers.  The 
British  fleet  is  not  yet  half  manned;  the  difficulty  in  that 
respect  was  never  before  found  so  great,  and  it  is  ascribed 
to  several  causes,  viz,  a  dislike  to  war,  the  subtraction  of 
American  sailors,  the  number  our  privateers  have  taken  out 
of  British  ships,  and  the  enormous  transport  service.  .  .  . 

We  transmit  you  some  affidavits,  relating  to  the  treatment 
of  our  prisoners,  with  a  copy  of  our  letter  to  Lord  Stormont 
communicating  them,  and  his  insolent  answer.  We  request 
you  to  present  our  duty  to  the  Congress,  and  assure  them  of 
our  most  faithful  services. 

With  great  respect  we  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc 

B.  FRANKLIN. 
SILAS  DEANE. 


152  Readings  in  American  History 

34.    THE  CAPTURE  OF  VINCENNES  BY  GEORGE  ROGERS 
CLARK,  1779 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution  George  Rogers  Clark  was  more 
familiar  than  any  other  man  of  the  time  with  conditions  west  of  the 
Alloghany  Mountains.  From  the  year  1772  he  had  been  engaged  in 
surveying  lands  on  the  Ohio  and  assisting  in  the  establishment  of 
the  first  Kentucky  settlements.  He  had  investigated  also  the 
strength  of  the  British  forces  in  the  Illinois  country  and  Vincennes. 
His  plan  to  capture  Kaskaskia  and  the  other  posts  proved  acceptable 
to  Governor  Patrick  Henry,  of  Virginia,  and  in  May,  1778,  Colonel 
Clark,  with  his  force  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  set  out  in  boats 
down  the  Ohio  River.  June  24  they  left  the  falls  of  the  Ohio  and 
descended  the  river  to  the  mouth  of  the  Tennessee,  where  they  se- 
creted their  boats.  A  march  of  four  days  brought  them  to  Kaskas- 
kia on  the  evening  of  July  4.  The  village,  having  a  population  of  five 
hundred  whites  and  nearly  as  many  slaves,  and  the  fort,  with  its  small 
garrison,  were  surprised  during  the  night  and  captured.  After  the 
taking  possession  of  Cahokia  by  Joseph  Bowman,  Clark  took  up 
the  problems  of  treating  with  the  Indian  tribes  and  making  plans 
for  the  capture  of  Vincennes  and  Detroit.  The  account  of  the 
march  to  Vincennes  and  the  capture  of  that  post  is  taken  from  the 
journal  of  Major  Joseph  Bowman,  who  accompanied  the  expedition 
and  was  one  of  Clark's  most  trusted  lieutenants. — (Bowman,  Journal 
of  The  Proceedings  of  Colonel  George  R.  Clark,  from  27th  January, 
1779,  to  March  20th,  inst.  J.  A.  James,  George  Rogers  Clark 
Papers,  111.  Hist.  Society  Collections,  Vol.  Ill,  500  et  seq.) 

M.  Vigo,  a  Spanish  subject,  who  has  been  at  Post  St. 
Vincent  on  his  lawful  business,  arrived  and  gave  us  intelli- 
gence that  Gov.  Hamilton,  with  thirty  regulars  and  fifty 
volunteers  and  about  400  Indians,  had  arrived  in  November 
and  taken  that  Post  with  Capt.  Helm  and  such  other  Ameri- 
cans who  were  there  with  arms,  .  .  .  [two  or  three  words 
illegible]  .  .  .  and  disarmed  the  settlers  and  inhabitants. 

17th  [February].  Marched  early — crossed  several  runs, 
very  deep.  Sent  Mr.  Kennedy,  our  commissary,  with  three 
men,  to  cross  the  river  Embarras,  if  possibel,  and  proceed  to 
a  plantation  opposite  Post  St.  Vincent,  in  order  to  steal  boats 
or  canoes  to  ferry  us  across  the  Wabash.  About  an  hour 


The  Revolutionary  War  153 

by  sun  we  got  near  the  river  Embarras.  Found  the  country 
all  overflown  with  water.  We  strove  to  find  the  Wabash. 
Traveled  till  8  o'clock  in  mud  and  water,  but  could  find  no 
place  to  camp  on.  Still  kept  marching  on.  But  after  some 
time  Mr.  Kennedy  and  his  party  returned.  Found  it  im- 
possible to  cross  Embarras  river.  We  found  the  water  fall- 
ing from  a  small  spot  of  ground;  staid  there  the  remainder 
of  the  night.  Drizzly  and  dark  weather. 

18th.  At  break  of  day  heard  Gov.  Hamilton's  morning 
gun.  Set  off  and  marched  down  the  river.  Saw  some  fine 
land.  About  two  o'clock  came  to  the  bank  of  the  WTabash; 
made  rafts  for  four  men  to  cross  and  go  up  to  town  and 
steal  boats.  But  they  spent  day  and  night  in  the  water  to 
no  purpose,  for  there  was  not  one  foot  of  dry  land  to  be 
found. 

19th.  Capt.  McCarty's  company  set  to  making  a  canoe; 
and  at  3  o'clock  the  four  men  returned  after  spending  the 
night  on  some  old  logs  in  the  water.  The  canoe  finished, 
Capt.  McCarty  with  three  of  his  men  embarked  in  the  canoe 
and  made  the  third  attempt  to  steal  boats.  But  he  soon 
returned,  having  discovered  four  large  fires  about  a  league 
distant  from  our  camp,  which  seemed  to  him  to  be  fires  of 
whites  and  Indians.  Immediately  Col.  Clark  sent  two  men 
in  the  canoe,  down  to  meet  the  batteau,  with  orders  to  come 
on  day  and  night;  that  being  our  last  hope,  and  (we)  starv- 
ing. Many  of  the  men  much  cast  down,  particularly  the 
volunteers.  No  provisions  of  any  sort,  now  two  days. 
Hard  fortune!  .  .  . 

21st.  At  break  of  day  began  to  ferry  our  men  over  in  our 
two  canoes  to  a  small  hill  called  the  Momib  or  Bubbriss. 
Capt.  Williams,  with  two  men,  went  to  look  for  a  passage 
and  were  discovered  by  two  men  in  a  canoe,  but  could  not 
fetch  them  to.  The  whole  army  being  over,  we  thought  to 
get  to  town  that  night,  so  plunged  into  the  water  sometimes 
to  the  neck,  for  more  than  one  league,  when  we  stopped  on 
the  next  hill  of  the  same  name,  there  being  no  dry  land  on 
any  side  for  many  leagues.  Our  pilots  say  we  cannot  get 


154  Readings  in  American  History 

along,  that  it  is  impossible.  The  whole  army  being  over  we 
encamped.  Rain  all  this  day — no  provisions. 

22d.  Col.  Clark  encourages  his  men,  which  gave  them 
great  spirits.  Marched  on  in  the  waters.  Those  that  were 
weak  and  famished  from  so  much  fatigue,  went  in  the  canoes. 
We  came  one  league  farther  to  some  sugar  camps,  where  we 
stayed  all  night.  Heard  the  evening  and  morning  guns  from 
the  fort.  No  provisions  yet.  Lord  help  us! 

23d.  Set  off  to  cross  the  plain  called  Horse-shoe  Plain, 
about  four  miles  long,  all  covered  with  water  breast  high. 
Here  we  expected  some  of  our  brave  men  must  certainly 
perish,  having  froze  in  the  night,  and  so  long  fasting.  Hav- 
ing no  other  resource  but  wading  this  plain,  or  rather  lake,  of 
waters,  we  plunged  into  it  with  courage,  Col.  Clark,  being 
first,  taking  care  to  have  the  boats  try  to  take  those  that 
were  weak  and  numbed  with  the  cold  into  them.  Never 
were  men  so  animated  with  the  thought  of  avenging  the 
wrongs  done  to  their  back  settlements,  as  this  small  army  was. 

About  one  o'clock  we  came  in  sight  of  the  town.  We 
halted  on  a  small  hill  of  dry  land  called  Warren's  [Warrior's] 
Island,  where  we  took  a  prisoner  hunting  ducks,  who  in- 
formed us  that  no  person  suspected  our  coming  at  that  season 
of  the  year.  Col.  Clark  wrote  a  letter  by  him  to  the  inhabit- 
ants, in  the  following  manner: 

To  THE  INHABITANTS  OF  POST  ST.  VINCENTS: 

Gentlemen: — Being  now  within  two  miles  of  your  village 
with  my  army,  determined  to  take  your  fort  this  night,  and 
not  being  willing  to  surprise  you,  I  take  this  method  to  re- 
quest such  of  you  as  are  true  citizens,  and  willing  to  enjoy 
the  liberty  I  bring  you,  to  remain  still  in  your  houses.  And 
those,  if  any  there  be,  that  are  friends  to  the  King,  will  in- 
stantly repair  to  the  fort  and  join  the  Hair-buyer  General, 
and  fight  like  men.  And  if  any  such,  as  do  not  go  to  the 
Fort  shall  be  discovered  afterwards,  they  may  depend  on 
severe  punishment.  On  the  contrary,  those  that  are  true 
friends  to  liberty,  may  depend  on  being  well  treated.  And 


The  Revolutionary  War  155 

I  once  more  request  them  to  keep  out  of  the  streets;  for 
every  one  I  find  in  arms  on  my  arrival,  I  shall  treat  as  an 
enemy. 

(Signed)  G.  R.  CLARK. 

i 

In  order  to  give  time  to  publish  this  letter,  we  lay  still  till 

about  sundown,  when  we  began  our  march  all  in  order,  with 
colours  flying  and  drums  braced.  After  wading  to  the  edge 
of  the  water  breast  high,  we  mounted  the  rising  ground  the 
town  is  built  on  about  8  o'clock.  Lieut.  Bayley,  with  four- 
teen regulars,  was  detached  to  fire  on  the  Fort,  while  we 
took  possession  of  the  town,  and  ordered  to  stay  till  he  was 
relieved  by  another  party,  which  was  soon  done.  Recon- 
noitered  about  to  find  a  place  to  throw  up  an  entrenchment. 
Found  one,  and  set  Capt.  Bowman's  company  to  work. 
Soon  crossed  the  main  street,  about  one  hundred  and  twenty 
yards  from  the  first  gate.  We  were  informed  that  Capt. 
Lamath  [Lamothe],  with  a  party  of  twenty-five  men,  were 
out  on  a  scout,  who  heard  our  firing  and  came  back.  We 
sent  a  party  to  intercept  them,  but  missed  them.  However 
we  took  one  of  their  men,  and  one  Capt.  Maison  Ville,  a 
principal  man;  the  rest  making  their  escape  under  the  cover 
of  the  night  into  the  fort.  The  cannon  played  smartly.  Not 
one  of  our  men  wounded.  Men  in  the  Fort  badly  wounded. 
Fine  sport  for  the  sons  of  Liberty. 

24th.  As  soon  as  daylight,  the  Fort  began  to  play  her 
small  arms  very  briskly.  One  of  our  men  got  slightly 
wounded.  About  9  o'clock  the  Colonel  sent  a  flag  with  a 
letter  to  Governor  Hamilton.  The  firing  then  ceased,  during 
which  time  our  men  were  provided  with  a  breakfast,  it  being 
the  only  meal  of  victuals  since  the  18th  inst. 

Col.  Clark's  Letter  as  follows: 

SIR: — In  order  to  save  yourself  from  the  impending  storm 
that  now  threatens  you,  I  order  you  immediately  to  surrender 
yourself,  with  all  your  garrison,  stores,  &c.,  &c.,  &c.  For  if 
I  am  obliged  to  storm,  you  may  depend  on  such  treatment 


156  Readings  in  American  History 

as  is  justly  due  a  murderer.  Beware  of  destroying  stores  of 
any  kind,  or  any  papers,  or  letters,  that  are  in  your  posses- 
sion; for,  by  Heavens,  if  you  do,  there  shall  be  no  mercy 
shown  you. 

(Signed)  G.  R.  CLARK. 

Answer  from  Gov.  Hamilton: 

Governor  Hamilton  begs  leave  to  acquaint  Col.  Clark, 
that  he  and  his  garrison  are  not  disposed  to  be  awed  into  an 
action  unworthy  of  British  subjects. 

Terms  of  Capitulation. 

1.  That  Lieut.  Col.  Hamilton  engages  to  deliver  up  to 
Col.  Clark,  Fort  Sackville,  as  it  is  at  present,  with  all  the 
stores,  &c.,  &c. 

2.  The  garrison  are  to  deliver  themselves  as  prisoners  of 
war,  and  march  out  with  their  arms  and  accoutrements, 
&c.,  &c. 

3.  The  garrison  to  be  delivered  up  at  10  o'clock  to-morrow. 

4.  Three  days'  time  to  be  allowed  the  garrison  to  settle 
their  accounts  with  the  inhabitants  and  traders  of  this  place. 

5.  The  officers  of  the  garrison  to  be  allowed  the  necessary 
baggage,  &c.,  &c. 

Signed  at  Post  St.  Vincents,  24th  Feb.,  1779. 
Agreed  to  for  the  following  reasons:  The  remoteness  from 
succors;  the  state  and  quantity  of  provisions,  &c. ;  una- 
nimity of  officers  and  men  in  its  expediency;  the  honorable 
terms  allowed;  and,  lastly,  the  confidence  in  a  generous 
enemy. 

(Signed)  HENRY  HAMILTON, 

Lieut.  Gov.  and  Superintendent. 

35.    THE  REVOLUTION  AND  AMERICAN  DEVELOPMENT 

(David  Ramsay  [of  South  Carolina],  The  History  of  the  Ameri- 
can Revolution,  II,  310,  324  passim.  London,  1793.) 

ofPth°niiev-       Previous  to  the  American  revolution,  the  inhabitants  of 
oiution.        the  British  colonies  were  universally  loyal.     That  three  mil- 


The  Revolutionary  War  157 

lions  of  such  subjects  should  break  through  all  former  attach- 
ments, and  unanimously  adopt  new  ones,  could  not  reason- 
ably be  expected.  The  revolution  had  its  enemies,  as  well 
as  its  friends,  in  every  period  of  the  war.  Country,  religion, 
local  policy,  as  well  as  private  views,  operated  in  disposing 
the  inhabitants  to  take  different  sides.  The  New-England 
provinces  being  mostly  settled  by  one  sort  of  people,  were 
nearly  of  one  sentiment.  The  influence  of  placemen  in 
Boston,  together  with  the  connections  which  they  had  formed 
by  marriages,  had  attached  sundry  influential  characters  in 
that  capital  to  the  British  interests,  but  these  were  but  as 
the  dust  in  the  balance,  when  compared  with  the  numerous 
independent  Whig  yeomanry  of  the  country.  The  same  and 
other  causes  produced  a  large  number  in  New  York,  who  were 
attached  to  royal  government.  That  city  had  long  been 
headquarters  of  the  British  army  in  America,  and  many  inter- 
marriages, and  other  connections,  had  been  made  between 
British  officers,  and  some  of  their  first  families.  The  prac- 
tice of  entailing  estates  had  prevailed  in  New  York  to  a  much 
greater  extent,  than  in  any  of  the  other  provinces.  The 
governors  thereof  had  long  been  in  the  habit  of  indulging 
their  favorites  with  extravagant  grants  of  land.  This  had 
introduced  the  distinction  of  landlord  and  tenant.  There 
was  therefore,  in  New  York,  an  aristocratic  party,  respectable 
for  numbers,  wealth,  and  influence,  which  had  much  to  fear 
from  independence.  The  city  was  also  divided  into  parties 
by  the  influence  of  two  ancient  and  numerous  families,  the 
Livingstones  and  Delanceys.  These  having  been  long  ac- 
customed to  oppose  each  other  at  elections,  could  rarely  be 
brought  to  unite  in  any  political  measures.  In  this  contro- 
versy, one  almost  universally  took  part  with  America,  the 
other  with  Great  Britain.  .  .  . 

Religion   also  divided  the  inhabitants  of  America:    the  Religious 
Presbyterians    and    Independents   were   almost   universally   ^Jjj"^ 
attached  to  the  measures  of  Congress.     Their  religious  soci-  Revoiu- 
eties  are  governed  on  the  republican  plan. 

From  independence  they  had  much  to  hope,  but  from  Great 


158  Readings  in  American  History 

Britain,  if  finally  successful,  they  had  reason  to  fear  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  church  hierarchy.  Most  of  the  episcopal  min- 
isters of  the  northern  provinces  were  pensioners  on  the  bounty 
of  the  British  government.  The  greatest  part  of  their  clergy, 
and  many  of  their  laity  in  these  provinces,  were  therefore 
disposed  to  support  a  connection  with  Great  Britain.  The 
episcopal  clergy  in  the  southern  provinces  being  under  no 
such  bias,  were  often  among  the  warmest  Whigs.  Some  of 
them  foreseeing  the  downfall  of  religious  establishments  from 
the  success  of  the  Americans,  were  less  active :  but  in  general, 
where  their  church  was  able  to  support  itself,  their  clergy  and 
laity  zealously  espoused  the  cause  of  independence.  Great 
pains  were  taken  to  persuade  them,  that  those  who  had  been 
called  dissenters,  were  aiming  to  abolish  the  episcopal  estab- 
lishment to  make  way  for  their  own  exaltation ;  but  the  good 
sense  of  the  people  restrained  them  from  giving  any  credit  to 
the  unfounded  suggestion.  Religious  controversy  was  hap- 
pily kept  out  of  view,  the  well-informed  of  all  denominations 
were  convinced,  that  the  contest  was  for  their  civil  rights, 
and  therefore  did  not  suffer  any  other  considerations  to  inter- 
fere, or  disturb  their  union. 

The  Quakers,  with  a  few  exceptions,  were  averse  to  inde- 
pendence. In  Pennsylvania  they  were  numerous,  and  had 
power  in  their  hands.  Revolutions  in  government  are  rarely 
patronised  by  any  body  of  men,  who  foresee  that  a  diminution 
of  their  own  importance,  is  likely  to  result  from  the  change. 
Quakers,  from  religious  principles,  were  averse  to  war,  and 
therefore  could  not  be  friendly  to  a  revolution,  which  could 
only  be  effected  by  the  sword.  Several  individuals  separated 
from  them  on  account  of  their  principles,  and  following  the 
impulse  of  their  inclinations,  joined  their  countrymen  in 
arms.  The  services  America  received  from  two  of  their  so- 
ciety, Generals  Greene  and  Mifflin,  made  some  amends  for 
the  embarrassments  which  the  disaffection  of  the  great  body 
of  their  people  occasioned  to  the  exertions  of  the  active  friends 
of  independence. 

The  age  and  temperament  of  individuals  had  often  an  in- 


The  Revolutionary  War 


159 


fluence  in  fixing  their  political  character.     Old  men  were   y0ung 
seldom  warm  Whigs:  they  could  not  relish  the  great  changes  n?en _and 

i   •    i  i     M  i"  i  11  •  t/n6  R6VO- 

which  were  daily  taking  place;  attached  to  ancient  forms  lution. 
and  habits,  they  could  not  readily  accommodate  themselves 
to  new  systems.  Few  of  the  very  rich  were  active  in  fore- 
warding  the  revolution.  This  was  remarkably  the  case  in 
the  eastern  and  middle  states;  but  the  reverse  took  place  in 
the  southern  extreme  of  the  confederacy.  There  were  in  no 
part  of  America  more  determined  Whigs  than  the  opulent 
slaveholders  in  Virginia,  the  Carolinas,  and  Georgia.  The 
active  and  spirited  part  of  the  community,  which  felt  them- 
selves possessed  of  talents  that  would  raise  them  to  eminence 
in  a  free  government,  longed  for  the  establishment  of  inde- 
pendent constitutions;  but  those  who  were  in  possession  or 
expectation  of  royal  favor,  or  of  promotion  from  Great  Britain, 
wished  that  the  connection  between  the  Parent  State  and  the 
Colonies  might  be  preserved.  The  young,  the  ardent,  the 
ambitious,  and  the  enterprising,  were  mostly  Whigs;  but  the 
phlegmatic,  the  timid,  the  interested,  and  those  who  wanted 
decision  were,  in  general,  favourers  of  Great  Britain,  or  at 
least  only  the  lukewarm,  inactive  friends  of  independence. 
The  Whigs  received  a  great  reinforcement  from  the  operation 
of  continental  money.  In  the  year  1775,  1776,  and  in  the  seif-inter- 
first  months  of  1777,  while  the  bills  of  Congress  were  in  good  Revoiu-tb° 
credit,  the  effects  of  them  were  the  same,  as  if  a  foreign  power  tion. 
had  made  the  United  States  a  present  of  twenty  million  of 
silver  dollars.  The  circulation  of  so  large  a  sum  of  money, 
and  the  employment  given  to  great  numbers  in  providing  for 
the  American  army,  increased  the  numbers  and  invigorated 
the  zeal  of  the  friends  to  the  revolution;  on  the  same  prin- 
ciples, the  American  war  was  patronised  in  England,  by  the 
many  contractors  and  agents  for  transporting  and  supplying 
the  British  army.  In  both  cases,  the  inconveniences  of  in- 
terrupted commerce  were  lessened  by  the  employment  which 
war  and  a  domestic  circulation  of  money  substituted  in  its 
room.  The  convulsions  of  war  afforded  excellent  shelter  for 
desperate  debtors.  The  spirit  of  the  times  revolted  against 


160  Readings  in  American  History 

dragging  to  jails  for  debt,  men  who  were  active  and  zealous 
in  defending  their  country,  and  on  the  other  hand,  those  who 
owed  more  than  they  were  worth,  by  going  within  the  British 
lines,  and  giving  themselves  the  merit  of  suffering  on  the 
score  of  loyalty,  not  only  put  their  creditors  to  defiance,  but 
sometimes  obtained  promotion,  or  other  special  marks  of 
royal  favour. 

influence  The  American  revolution,  on  the  one  hand,  brought  forth 
ofutlon^on  Sreat  vices;  but  on  the  other  hand,  it  called  forth  many  vir- 
the  people,  tues,  and  gave  occasion  for  the  display  of  abilities  which,  but 
for  that  event,  would  have  been  lost  to  the  world.  When  the 
war  began,  the  Americans  were  a  mass  of  husbandmen,  mer- 
chants, mechanics,  and  fishermen;  but  the  necessities  of  the 
country  gave  a  spring  to  the  active  powers  of  the  inhabitants, 
and  set  them  on  thinking,  speaking,  and  acting,  in  a  line  far 
beyond  that  to  which  they  had  been  accustomed.  The 
difference  between  nations  is  not  so  much  owing  to  nature, 
as  to  education  and  circumstances.  While  the  Americans 
were  guided  by  the  leading  strings  of  the  Mother  Country, 
they  had  no  scope  nor  encouragement  for  exertion.  All  the 
departments  of  government  were  established  and  executed  for 
them,  but  not  by  them.  In  the  years  1775  and  1776,  the 
country,  being  suddenly  thrown  into  a  situation  that  needed 
the  abilities  of  all  its  sons,  these  generally  took  their  places, 
each  according  to  the  bent  of  his  inclination.  As  they  sever- 
ally pursued  their  objects  with  ardour,  a  vast  expansion  of 
the  human  mind  speedily  followed.  This  displayed  itself  in 
a  variety  of  ways.  .  .  . 

The  Americans  knew  but  little  of  one  another,  previous  to 
the  revolution.  Trade  and  business  had  brought  the  inhab- 
itants of  their  sea-ports  acquainted  with  each  other,  but  the 
bulk  of  the  people  in  the  interior  country  were  unacquainted 
with  their  fellow-citizens.  A  continental  army,  and  a  Con- 
gress composed  of  men  from  all  the  States,  by  freely  mixing 
together,  were  assimilated  into  one  mass.  Individuals  of 
both,  mingling  with  the  citizens,  disseminated  principles  of 


The  Revolutionary  War 


161 


union  among  them.  Local  prejudices  abated.  By  frequent 
collision,  asperities  were  worn  off,  and  a  foundation  was  laid 
for  the  establishment  of  a  nation  out  of  discordant  materials. 
Intermarriages  between  men  and  women  of  different  States 
were  much  more  common  than  before  the  war,  and  became 
an  additional  cement  to  the  union.  Unreasonable  jealousies 
had  existed  between  the  inhabitants  of  the  eastern  and  of 
the  southern  States  ;  but  on  becoming  better  acquainted  with 
each  other,  these  in  a  great  measure  subsided.  A  wiser  policy 
prevailed.  Men  of  liberal  minds  led  the  way  in  discouraging 
local  distinctions,  and  the  great  body  of  the  people,  as  soon  as 
reason  got  the  better  of  prejudice,  found  that  their  best  in- 
terests would  be  most  effectually  promoted  by  such  prac- 
tices and  sentiments  as  were  favourable  to  union.  Religious 
bigotry  had  broken  in  upon  the  peace  of  various  sects  before 
the  American  war  ;  this  was  kept  up  by  partial  establishments, 
and  by  a  dread  that  the  church  of  England,  through  the 
power  of  the  mother  country,  would  be  made  to  triumph 
over  all  other  denominations.  These  apprehensions  were 
done  away  by  the  revolution.  The  different  sects,  having 
nothing  to  fear  from  each  other,  dismissed  all  religious  contro- 
versy. .  .  . 

Though  schools  and  colleges  were  generally  shut  up  during   increased 
the  war,  yet  many  of  the  arts  and  sciences  were  promoted  by  o^t^ledge 
it.     The  geography  of  the  United  States  before  the  revolu-  country. 
tion  was  but  little  known:    but  the  marches  of  armies,  and 
the  operations  of  war,  gave  birth  to  many  geographical  in- 
quiries and  discoveries,   which  otherwise  would  not  have 
been  made.     A  passionate  fondness  for  studies  of  this  kind, 
and  the  growing  importance  of  the  country,  excited  one  of 
its  sons,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Morfe,  to  travel  through  every  State 
of  the  Union,  and  amass  a  fund  of  topographical  knowledge, 
far   exceeding   anything   heretofore   communicated    to   the 
public.     The  necessities  of  the  States  led  to  the  study  of 
tactics,  fortification,  gunnery,  and  a  variety  of  other  arts 
connected  with  war,  and  diffused  a  knowledge  of  them  among 


162 


Readings  in  American  History 


Develop- 
ment of 
surgery 
and  medi- 
cine. 


Growth  of 
the  science 
of  govern- 
ment. 


a  peaceable  people,  who  would  otherwise  have  had  no  in- 
ducement to  study  them.  .  .  . 

Surgery  was  one  of  the  arts  which  was  promoted  by  the 
war.  From  the  want  of  hospitals  and  other  aids,  the  medical 
men  of  America  had  few  opportunities  of  perfecting  them- 
selves in  this  art,  the  thorough  knowledge  of  which  can  only 
be  acquired  by  practice  and  observation.  The  melancholy 
events  of  battles  gave  the  American  students  an  opportunity 
of  seeing,  and  learning  more  in  one  day,  than  they  could  have 
acquired  in  years  of  peace.  It  was  in  the  hospitals  of  the 
United  States  that  Dr.  Rush  first  discovered  the  method  of 
curing  the  lock-jaw  by  bark  and  wine  added  to  other  invigor- 
ating remedies,  which  has  since  been  adopted  with  success  in 
Europe,  as  well  as  in  the  United  States. 

The  science  of  government  has  been  more  generally  diffused 
among  the  Americans  by  means  of  the  revolution.  The 
policy  of  Great  Britain  in  throwing  them  out  of  her  protec- 
tion, induced  a  necessity  of  establishing  independent  consti- 
tutions. This  led  to  reading  and  reasoning  on  the  subject. 
The  many  errors  that  were  at  first  committed  by  unexperi- 
enced statesmen,  have  been  a  practical  comment  on  the  folly 
of  unbalanced  constitutions,  and  injudicious  laws.  The  dis- 
cussions concerning  the  new  constitution  gave  birth  to  much 
reasoning  on  the  subject  of  government  and  particularly  to 
a  series  of  letters  signed  Publius,  but  really  the  work  of  Alex- 
ander Hamilton,  in  which  much  political  knowledge  and 
wisdom  were  displayed,  and  which  will  long  remain  a  monu- 
ment of  the  strength  and  acuteness  of  the  human  under- 
standing in  investigating  truth. 

When  Great  Britain  first  began  her  encroachments  on  the 
Colonies,  there  were  few  natives  of  America  who  had  dis- 
tinguished themselves  as  speakers  or  writers,  but  the  con- 
troversy between  the  two  countries  multiplied  their  num- 
ber. .  .  . 

On  the  whole,  the  literary,  political,  and  military  talents  of 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States  have  been  improved  by  the 


The  Revolutionary  War  163 

revolution,  but  their  moral  character  is  inferior  to  what  it 
formerly  was.  So  great  is  the  change  for  the  worse,  that  the 
friends  of  public  order  were  loudly  called  upon  to  exert  their 
utmost  abilities  in  extirpating  the  vicious  principles  and 
habits  which  have  taken  deep  root  during  the  late  convul- 
sions. . 


CHAPTER  XII 

THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION,  1781-1789 

36.    GOVERNMENT  UNDER  THE  CONFEDERATION  A 
FAILURE 

No  man  of  his  time  was  better  prepared  to  discuss  the  weaknesses 
of  the  government  under  the  Articles  of  Confederation  than  John 
Jay.  As  president  of  Congress,  minister  to  Spain,  one  of  the  com- 
missioners to  negotiate  the  peace  of  1783,  and  secretary  of  foreign 
affairs,  he  had  seen  how  inefficient  the  national  government  really 
was.  The  following  letters  set  forth  his  views  on  numerous  topics. 
— (John  Jay,  Correspondence  and  Public  Papers,  III,  221-229.  Ed- 
ited by  Henry  P.  Johnston,  permission  of  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  New 
York,  1891.) 


JOHN   JAY   TO   JACOB   REED 

New  York,  12th  December,  1786. 
DEAR  SIR: 

Your  friendly  letter  has  long  remained  unanswered;  but  a 
variety  of  private  as  well  as  public  affairs  constrained  me  to 
postpone  indulging  myself  in  the  pleasure  I  always  derive 
from  writing  to  my  friends.  The  recess  (if  I  may  so  call  it) 
of  Congress  gives  their  officers  too  much  leisure  at  present; 
and  there  is  reason  to  fear  that  the  members  will  be  as  long 
Apathy  of  in  convening  this  year  as  they  were  last.  Business  is  at  a 
the  states.  stan(J  for  want  of  an  adequate  representation.  The  languor 
of  the  States  is  to  be  lamented;  many  inconveniences  have 
already  arisen  from  it,  and  if  continued,  serious  evils  will 
awaken  our  people.  Our  affairs,  my  dear  sir,  are  in  a  deli- 
cate situation,  and  it  is  much  to  be  wished  that  the  real 
patriots  throughout  the  States  would  exert  themselves  to 

164 


The  Period  of  the  Confederation  165 

render  it  more  safe  and  respectable.  The  feuds  in  Massa- 
chusetts are  rather  suspended  than  extinguished.  What 
events  they  may  ultimately  produce  is  uncertain;  but  I 
should  not  be  surprised  if  much  trouble  was  to  result  from 
them.  The  public  creditors  will  soon  become  importunate, 
and  Congress  cannot  create  the  means  of  satisfying  them. 
It  is  true  that  order  usually  succeeds  confusion;  but  it  is  a  Disorders 
high  price  to  pay  for  order,  especially  when  a  little  virtue  o^puMJc 
and  good  sense  would  procure  it  for  us  on  very  reasonable  credit, 
terms.  If  the  best  men  would  be  prevailed  upon  to  come 
forward,  and  take  the  lead  in  our  legislatures  as  well  as  in 
Congress,  and  would  unite  their  efforts  to  rescue  their  country 
from  its  present  condition,  our  affairs,  both  at  home  and 
abroad,  would  soon  wear  a  more  pleasing  aspect.  It  is  time 
for  our  people  to  distinguish  more  accurately  than  they  seem 
to  do  between  liberty  and  licentiousness.  The  late  Revolu- 
tion would  lose  much  of  its  glory,  as  well  as  utility,  if  our 
conduct  should  confirm  the  tory  maxim,  "That  men  are  in- 
capable of  governing  themselves." 

With  real  esteem  and  regard,  I  am,  dear  sir,  your  most 
obedient  and  very  humble  servant, 

JOHN  JAY. 

JOHN  JAY  TO  THOMAS  JEFFERSON 

Office  for  Foreign  Affairs 
14  December,  1786. 

.  .  .  Our  country  is  fertile,  abounding  in  useful  produc-  Evils  due 
tions,  and  those  productions  in  demand  and  bearing  a  good  ^^ 
price;   yet  relaxation  in  government  and  extravagance  in  indi-  ment. 
viduals  creates  much  public  and  private  distress  and  much 
public  and  private  want  of  good  faith. 

The  public  papers  will  tell  you  how  much  reason  we  have  Misman- 
to  apprehend  an  Indian  war,  and  to  suspect  that  Britain 
instigates  it.     In  my  opinion  our  Indian  affairs  have  been   fairs, 
ill  managed.     Details  would  be  tedious.     Indians  have  been 
murdered  by  our  people  in  cold  blood,  and  no  satisfaction 


166 


Readings  in  American  History 


given;  nor  are  they  pleased  with  the  avidity  with  which  we 
isolated       seek  to  acquire  their  land.     Would  it  not  be  wiser  gradually 

settle-          to  extend  our  settlements,  as  want  of  room  should  make  it 

ments  con-  .  .  11-11 

demned.      necessary,  than  to  pitch  our  tents  through  the  wilderness  in  a 

great  variety  of  places,  far  distant  from  each  other,  and  from 
those  advantages  of  education,  civilization,  law  and  govern- 
ment which  compact  settlements  and  neighbourhoods  afford? 
— and  will  they  not  become  more  formidable  to  us  than  the 
tawny  ones  which  now  inhabit  it?  ... 


JOHN  JAY  TO   WILLIAM   CARMICHAEL 

New  York,  4th  January,  1787. 
DEAR  SIR 

Since  the  3d  day  of  November  last  a  sufficient  number  of 
States  to  do  business  have  not  been  represented  in  Congress, 
and  it  is  doubtful  whether  some  weeks  more  will  not  elapse 
before  that  will  be  the  case.  Hence  it  is  that  I  am  obliged 
to  be  less  particular  than  I  should  otherwise  be  on  sundry 
subjects. 

The  public  papers  have  informed  you  of  commotions  in 
Massachusetts.  They  have  not  yet  subsided  although  that 
government  has  manifested  great  moderation,  and  conde- 
scended to  treat  the  complaints  of  the  malcontents  with 
much  respect.  What  may  be  the  issue  of  those  disturbances, 
or  how  far  they  will  extend,  is  as  yet  far  from  certain. 

The  inefficiency  of  the  Federal  Government  becomes  more 
and  more  manifest,  and  how  it  is  to  be  amended  is  a  question 
that  engages  the  serious  attention  of  the  best  people  in  all 
the  States.  Endeavours  are  making  to  form  a  convention  for 
the  purpose,  but  it  is  not  clear  that  all  the  States  will  join  in 
that  measure.  On  this  and  on  some  other  great  points  the 
public  mind  is  fluctuating  though  uneasy;  perhaps  a  few 
months  more  may  produce  a  greater  degree  of  decision.  .  .  . 


The  Period  of  the  Confederation  167 

JOHN   JAY  TO   SAMUEL  WASHINGTON  4 

NEW  YORK,  7th  January,  1787. 
DEAR  SIR: 

They  who  regard  the  public  good  with  more  attention  and 
attachment  than  they  do  mere  personal  concerns  must  feel 
and  confess  the  force  of  such  sentiments  as  are  expressed  in 
your  letter  to  me  by  Colonel  Humphrey  last  fall.  The  situ- 
ation of  our  affairs  calls  not  only  for  reflection  and  prudence, 
but  for  exertion.  What  is  to  be  done?  is  a  common  question 
not  easy  to  answer.  .  .  . 

Shall  we  have  a  king?     Not  in  my  opinion  while  other  ex-  What 
periments  remain  untried.     Might  we  not  have  a  Governor-  ^™yg  ex~ 
General  limited  in  his  prerogatives  and  duration?     Might  should  the 
not  Congress  be  divided  into  an  upper  and  lower  house — the  |ovem- 
former  appointed  for  life,  the  latter  annually — and  let  the  ment 
Governor-General  (to  preserve  the  balance),  with  the  advice 
of  a  council,  formed  for  that  only  purpose,  of  the  great  judi- 
cial officers,  have  a  negative  on  their  acts?     Our  government 
should  in  some  degree  be  suited  to  our  manners  and  circum- 
stances, and  they,  you  know,  are  not  strictly  democratical. 
What  powers  should  be  granted  to  the  government  so  con- 
stituted is  a  question  which  deserves  much  thought.     I  think  Powers  to 
the  more  the  better,  the  States  retaining  only  so  much  as  ]^eg£Ja1.ted 
may  be  necessary  for  domestic  purposes,  and  all  their  prin-  tionaiGov- 
cipal  officers,  civil  and  military,  being  commissioned  and  re- 
movable by  the  national  government.     These  are  short  hints. 
Details  would  exceed  the  limit  of  a  letter,  and  to  you  be 
superfluous. 

Would  it  not  be  better  for  Congress  plainly  and  in  strong   Weakness 
terms  to  declare  that  the  present  Federal  Government  is  enukm^* 
inadequate  for  the  purposes  for  which  it  was  instituted;  that  should  be 
they  forbear  to  point  out  its  particular  defects  or  to  ask  for 
an  extension  of  any  particular  powers,  lest  improper  jealousies 
should  thence  arise;    but  that  in  their  opinion  it  would  be 


168 


Readings  in  American  History 


expedient  for  the  people  of  the  States  without  delay  to  appoint 
State  conventions  (in  the  way  they  choose  their  general  as- 
sMnblies),  with  the  sole  and  express  power  of  appointing 
deputies  to  a  general  convention  who,  or  the  majority  of 
whom  should  take  into  consideration  the  Articles  of  Confed- 
eration, and  make  such  alterations,  amendments,  and  addi- 
tions thereto  as  to  them  should  appear  necessary  and  proper, 
and  which  being  by  them  ordained  and  published  should  have 
the  same  force  and  obligation  which  all  or  any  of  the  present 
articles  now  have? 

No  alterations  in  the  government  should,  I  think,  be  made, 
nor  if  attempted  will  easily  take  place,  unless  deducible  from 
the  only  source  of  just  authority — the  People. 

Accept,  my  dear  sir,  my  warmest  and  most  cordial  wishes 
for  your  health  and  happiness,  and  believe  me  to  be  with  the 
greatest  respect  and  esteem, 

Your  most  obedient  servant 

JOHN  JAY. 


37.     A  PICTURE  OF  PIONEER  LIFE 

Daniel  Drake  was  born  near  Plainfield,  N.  J.,  in  1785.  Influ- 
enced by  the  glowing  accounts  about  Kentucky,  his  father  decided 
to  take  his  family  there  to  make  a  home.  During  the  year  1788, 
together  with  four  other  families,  they  set  out. 

In  the  letters  is  described  the  life  connected  with  the  growth  of 
an  early  Western  State.  The  writer  was  one  of  the  leaders  in  the 
development  of  the  Middle  West.  He  was  the  first  student  of  medi- 
cine in  Cincinnati,  a  town  of  some  four  hundred  inhabitants.  He 
was  a  nominal  student  of  medicine  for  four  years.  For  three  of 
these  years  a  part  of  his  training  consisted  in  distributing  medicines 
which  had  been  prepared  in  the  "doctor's  shop."  In  the  year  1806 
he  began  the  practice  of  medicine  in  Cincinnati,  and  for  the  re- 
mainder of  his  life  was  noted  as  physician,  writer,  and  teacher. — 
(Daniel  Drake,  Pioneer  Life  in  Kentucky,  8-11,  103-184  passim.) 

The  time  fixed  on  for  their  departure  was  the  latter  part 
of  the  spring  of  1788. 

Behold,  then,  the  departure!  These  five  persons,  three  of 
whom  were  adults,  with  all  their  earthly  goods  crowded  into 


The  Period  of  the  Confederation 


169 


one  Jersey  wagon,  to  be  hauled  by  two  horses  over  the  yet 
steep  and  rugged  Alleghany  Mountains,  and  throughout  an 
overland  journey  of  nearly  four  hundred  miles.  There  were 
but  few  taverns  on  the  way,  and  if  there  had  been  many,  we 
should  not  have  been  much  the  better  for  them,  as  father's 
means  were  too  limited  to  admit  of  a  participation  in  their 
comforts.  He  could  only  purchase  necessary  food,  which 
was  cooked  when  we  stopped  at  night  and  before  we  started 
in  the  morning.  As  the  weather  was  mild,  our  lodgings  were 
often  in  the  wagon.  .  .  . 

The  first  and  last  landing  before  reaching  Limestone  was 
at  Fort  Pitt,  now  Pittsburg.  The  danger  of  being  attacked 
by  the  Indians  was  too  great  to  justify  a  landing  between 
that  point  and  Limestone.  The  flotilla  I  presume  consisted 
of  several  boats.  That  which  my  parents  were  in  met  with 
no  accident;  and  on  the  10th  of  June,  1788,  just  sixty -four 
days  after  the  first  settlement  of  Ohio  at  Marietta,  we  landed 
at  Limestone,  which  then  consisted  of  a  few  cabins  only, 
though  Washington,  four  miles  off,  was  something  of  a  vil- 
lage— of  log  cabins.  .  .  . 

At  that  time  there  was  a  great  immigration  into  the  in- 
terior counties  of  Kentucky,  chiefly  from  the  State  of  Vir- 
ginia. Lexington,  settled  about  the  year  1776,  had  in  fact 
become  already  a  considerable  town.  .  .  . 

No  attack  was  made  on  them  either  by  night  or  day,  and 
before  winter  set  in  their  rude  cabins,  each  with  its  port  holes 
and  a  strong  bar  across  the  door,  were  completed.  The  roofs 
were  of  clap-boards,  and  the  floors  of  puncheons,  for  sawing 
was  out  of  the  question.  Another  and,  to  nearly  the  whole 
colony,  the  last  removal  now  took  place.  Kentucky  was  no 
longer  a  promise,  but  a  possession — not  an  imagination,  but 
a  reality;  they  had  ceased  to  be  Jerseymen,  and  become 
Virginians;  for  at  that  time  the  daughter -was  still  a  member 
of  her  mother's  house.  .  .  . 

For  the  next  six  years  rny  father  continued  to  reside  at 
the  same  place,  in  the  same  original  log  cabin,  which  in  due 
course  of  time  acquired  a  roof,  a  puncheon  floor  below  and 


Means  of 
defence. 


170  Headings  in  American  History 

a  clap-board  roof  above,  a  small  square  window  without 
glass,  and  a  chimney,  carried  up  with  "cats  and  clay"  to  the 
height  of  the  ridge-pole.  These  "cats  and  clay"  were  pieces 
of  small  poles,  well  imbedded  in  mortar.  The  rifle,  indis- 
pensable both  for  hunting  and  defense,  lay  on  two  pegs  driven 
into  one  of  the  logs;  the  axe,  and  scythe — no  Jerseyman 
emigrated  without  those  implements — were  kept  at  night 
under  the  bed  as  weapons  of  defense,  in  case  the  Indians 
should  make  an  attack.  In  the  morning  the  first  duty  was 
to  ascend,  by  a  ladder  which  always  stood  leaning  behind 
the  door,  to  the  loft,  and  look  out  through  the  cracks  for 
Indians,  lest  they  might  have  planted  themselves  near  the 
door,  to  rush  in  when  the  strong  cross-bar  should  be  removed, 
and  the  heavy  latch  raised  from  its  resting  place.  But  no 
attack  was  ever  made  on  his  or  any  other  of  the  four  cabins 
which  composed  the  station.  .  .  . 

The  first  and  greatest  labor  after  father  had  thus  domi- 
ciliated  his  little  family,  was  to  clear  sufficient  land  for  a 
crop  the  following  year,  which  was,  of  course,  to  consist  of 
corn  and  a  few  garden  vegetables.  The  autumn  of  1789 
would  have  brought  forth  a  sufficient  abundance,  but  that 
on  the  night  of  the  last  day  of  August  there  came  so  severe 
a  frost  as  to  kill  the  unripe  corn,  and  almost  break  the  hearts 
of  those  who  had  watched  its  growth  from  day  to  day  in 
joyous  anticipation. 

From  the  time  of  their  arrival  in  Kentucky,  fourteen 
months  before,  they  had  suffered  from  want  of  bread,  and 
now  they  found  themselves  doomed  to  the  same  deficiency 
for  another  year.  There  was  no  fear  of  famine,  but  they 
cloyed  on  animal  food,  and  sometimes  almost  loathed  it, 
though  of  an  excellent  quality.  Deer  were  numerous,  and 
wild  turkeys  numberless.  There  was  no  longing  for  the 
"flesh-pots"  of  native  land,  but  their  hearts  yearned  for  its 
meat  and  abounding  wheat-bread  trays. 

Up  to  the  victory  of  Wayne  in  1794,  the  danger  from  In- 
dians still  continued;  that  is  through  a  period  of  six  years 
from  the  time  of  our  arrival.  I  well  remember  that  Indian 


The  Period  of  tlie  Confederation  171 

wars,  midnight  butcheries,  captivities,  and  horse-stealings, 
were  the  daily  topics  of  conversation.  Volunteering  to  pur- 
sue marauding  parties  occasionally  took  place,  and  some- 
times men  were  drafted.  At  that  time,  as  at  present,  there 
were  many  young  men  who  delighted  in  war  much  more  than 
work,  and  therefore  preferred  the  tomahawk  to  the  axe.  At 
that  period,  the  Shawnees  residing  on  the  Scioto,  and  the 
Wyandots  on  the  Sandusky,  were  our  great  enemies.  The 
children  were  told  at  night,  "lie  still  and  go  to  sleep,  or  the 
Shawnees  will  catch  you."  Through  the  period  of  which  I 
have  been  speaking,  and  for  several  years  afterward,  and  I 
well  recollect,  nearly  all  my  troubled  or  vivid  dreams  included 
either  Indians  or  snakes — the  copper-colored  man,  and  the 
copper-headed  snake,  then  extremely  common. 

Soon  after  the  settlement  at  Mayslick,  all  the  people  being  Religious 
either  professors  of  religion  in,  or  adherents  to,  the  Baptist  pro 
church,  a  log  meeting-house  was  built  about  a  quarter  of  a 
mile  up  the  road,  to  the  south,  and  Parson  Wood,  of  Wash- 
ington, frequently  came  out  to  preach.  .  .  . 

Within  the  six  years  that  elapsed,  the  number  of  settlers  increase  of 
had  increased  to  such  an  extent  that  one  could  not  wander  s 
a  mile  in  any  direction,  without  meeting  with  a  clearing  of 
two  or  ten  acres,  often  enclosed  with  a  brush  fence,  and  des- 
ignated as  a  human  residence  by  a  one-story  unhewed  log 
cabin  with  the  latch  string  always  out,  and  the  usual  number 
of  ragged  children  around  the  door.  .  .  . 

Nothing  is  equal  to  the  Indian  corn  for  the  settlers  of  a  Corn  a  ne- 
new  and  isolated  spot.  At  the  present  time,  when  steam-  £^ty  fc 
boats  not  only  transport  the  movers  to  every  point,  but 
afterward  supply  them  with  flour  and  every  needful  article 
of  food,  the  value  of  corn  to  the  first  settlers  of  Kentucky 
can  only  be  estimated  by  those  who  witnessed  the  pressure 
of  the  arm  of  civilization  against  the  resisting  forest,  and 
saw  that  men  had  to  support  themselves  while  they  were 
performing  the  very  labor  from  which  support  must  come. 
In  the  new  soil,  corn,  with  moderate  cultivation,  yielded 
from  sixty  to  eighty  bushels  to  the  acre. 


172  Readings  in  American  History 

Frontier  .  .  .  But  I  must  pass  on  to  the  antagonisms  of  the  corn- 

sports,  husking.  When  the  crop  was  drawn  in,  the  ears  were  heaped 
into  a  long  pile  or  rick,  a  night  fixed  on,  and  the  neighbors 
notified,  rather  than  invited,  for  it  was  an  affair  of  mutual 
assistance.  As  they  assembled  at  nightfall  the  green  glass 
quart  whisky  bottle,  stopped  with  a  cob,  was  handed  to 
every  one,  man  or  boy,  as  they  arrived,  to  take  a  drink.  A 
sufficient  number  to  constitute  a  quorum  having  arrived,  two 
men,  or  more  commonly  two  boys,  constituted  themselves, 
or  were  by  acclamation  declared  captains.  They  paced  the 
rick  or  estimated  its  contractions  and  expansions  with  the 
eye,  till  they  were  able  to  fix  on  the  spot  on  which  the  end  of 
the  dividing  rail  should  be.  In  a  few  minutes  the  rick  was 
charged  upon  by  rival  forces.  As  others  arrived,  as  soon  as 
the  owner  had  given  each  the  bottle,  he  fell  in,  according  to 
the  end  that  he  belonged  to.  The  captains  planted  them- 
selves on  each  side  of  the  rail,  sustained  by  their  most  active 
operatives.  There  at  the  beginning  was  the  great  contest, 
for  it  was  lawful  to  cause  the  rail  to  slide  or  fall  toward  your 
end,  shortening  it  and  lengthening  the  other.  Although 
nearly  fifty  years  have  rolled  away,  I  have  never  seen  a  more 
anxious  rivalry,  nor  a  fiercer  struggle.  It  was  there  that  I 
first  learned  that  competition  is  the  mother  of  cheating,  false- 
hood, and  broils.  The  heap  cut  in  two,  the  parties  turned 
their  backs  upon  each  other,  and  making  their  hands  keep 
time  with  a  peculiar  sort  of  time,  the  chorus  of  voices  on  a 
still  night  might  be  heard  a  mile.  The  oft-replenished 
whisky  bottle  meanwhile  circulated  freely,  and  at  the  close 
the  victorious  captain,  mounted  on  the  shoulders  of  some  of 
the  stoutest  men,  with  the  bottle  in  one  hand  and  his  hat 
in  the  other,  was  carried  in  triumph  around  the  vanquished 
party  amidst  shouts  of  victory  which  rent  the  air.  Then 
carne  the  supper,  upon  which  the  women  hadjbeen  busily  em- 
ployed, and  which  always  included  a  "  pot-pie."  Either  before 
or  after  eating  the  fighting  took  place,  and  by  midnight  the 
sober  were  found  assisting  the  drunken  home.  Such  was  one 
of  my  autumnal  schools,  from  the  age  of  nine  to  fifteen  years. 


The  Period  of  the  Confederation  173 

I  was  taught  the  value  of  learning,  by  being  denied  the  Education 
opportunities  for  acquiring  more  than  a  pittance.  I  was  yf0^ 
taught  the  value  of  time,  by  having  more  to  do  day  after 
day  than  could  be  well  accomplished.  I  was  molded  to  do 
many  things,  if  not  absolutely  at  the  same  time,  in  such 
quick  succession  as  almost  to  render  them  identical;  a  habit 
which  I  have  found  of  great  advantage  to  me  through  life. 
But  better  than  all  these,  I  grew  up  with  love  and  obedience 
to  my  mother,  and  received  from  her  an  early  moral  training, 
to  which,  in  conjunction  with  that  of  my  father,  I  owe,  per- 
haps, more  of  my  humble  success  in  life,  and  of  my  humble 
preparation  for  the  life  to  come,  than  to  any  other  influence. 
She  was  still  more  illiterate  than  my  father,  but  was  pious, 
and  could  read  the  Bible,  Rippon's  hymns,  and  Pilgrim's 
Progress.  Her  natural  understanding  was  tolerable  only, 
but  she  comprehended  the  principles  of  domestic  and  chris- 
tian  duty,  and  sought  to  inculcate  them.  This  she  never 
did  by  protracted  lectures,  but  mixed  them  up  with  all  our 
daily  labors. 

The  era  of  division  of  labor  and  distribution  of  commodi-  Books, 
ties  on  sale,  had  not  yet  arrived;  and,  of  course,  no  particu- 
lar branch  was  pushed  very  far;  and  least  of  all,  that  which 
ministered  to  intellectual  improvement,  for  its  articles  were 
least  in  demand.  Bibles,  hymn-books,  primers,  spelling- 
books,  arithmetics,  and  almanacs,  in  fact,  composed,  in  most 
instances,  the  importation,  which  was  always  from  Philadel- 
phia, the  only  city  of  the  seaboard  which  maintained  any 
commercial  intercourse  with  the  infant  settlements  of  the 
interior.  Our  preachers  and  teachers  were,  in  general,  al- 
most as  destitute  as  the  people  at  large,  many  of  whom 
could  neither  read  or  write,  did  not  send  their  children  to 
school,  and,  of  course,  kept  no  books  in  the  house.  Of  our 
own  library  I  have  already  spoken  incidentally.  A  family 
Bible,  Rippon's  Hymns,  Watt's  Hymns  for  Children,  the 
Pilgrim's  Progress,  an  old  romance  of  the  days  of  knight- 
errantry,  primers,  with  a  plate  representing  John  Rogers  at 
the  stake,  spelling-books,  an  arithmetic,  and  a  new  almanac 


174  Readings  in  American  History 

for  the  new  year,  composed  all  that  I  can  recollect,  till  within 
two  or  three  years  of  my  leaving  home. 

Hospital-  Immigrants  into  the  wilderness  are  or  rather  become,  so- 
ity  general  cjaj  an(j  hospitable;  for  their  isolation  makes  them  glad  to 
frontier.  see  each  other.  They  have  private  or  family  visiting,  with 
crudety  abundance  of  small  talk  about  the  countries  they  had  left, 
about  their  pursuits,  their  children,  and  their  neighbors,  in 
the  last  of  which,  according  to  my  experience,  they  do  not 
yield  to  people  under  any  other  circumstances.  They  also 
have  many  gatherings.  Some  are  composed  of  men  and  boys 
only,  for  raising  houses,  stables,  and  barns,  or  rolling  logs, 
for  husking  corn,  for  opening  new  roads,  and  other  purposes; 
all  of  which  I  have  repeatedly  attended,  and  well  recollect 
that  profanity,  vulgarity  and  drinking  were  their  most  emi- 
nent characteristics.  All  drank,  though  not  to  excess. 
Coarse  jocularities  were  scarcely  frowned  upon  by  any. 
Some  sort  of  physical  amusement,  including  fights,  in  which 
biting  and  gouging  were  essential  elements,  with  the  beastly 
intoxication  of  several  would  generally  wind  up  these  meet- 
ings. 

We  had  other  gatherings  composed  of  females  only,  or  of 
the  two  sexes  united.  Dances  were  not  common.  Weddings, 
commonly  in  the  day  time,  were  scenes  of  carousal  and  of 
mirth.  Another  kind  of  gathering  was  the  quilting  party. 
Military  Mayslick,  although  scarcely  a  village,  was  at  once  an  em- 
amg"  porium  and  capital  for  a  tract  of  country  six  or  eight  miles 
in  diameter  and  embracing  several  hundred  families,  of  which 
those  in  my  father's  neighborhood  were  tolerably  fair  speci- 
mens. ...  It  was  the  place  for  holding  regimental  militia 
musters,  where  all  the  boys,  and  old  men  of  the  surrounding 
country,  not  less  than  those  who  stood  enrolled,  would  assem- 
ble; and  before  dispersing  at  night,  the  training  was  quite 
eclipsed  by  a  heterogeneous  drama  of  foot  racing,  pony  rac- 
ing, wrestling,  fighting,  drunkenness  and  general  uproar.  It 
was  also  a  place  for  political  meetings  and  stump  conflict  by 
opposing  candidates,  and  after  intellectual  performances  there 
generally  followed  an  epilogue  of  oaths,  yells,  loud  blows, 


TJie  Period  of  the  Confederation 


175 


and  gnashing  of  teeth.  Singing-schools  were  likewise  held 
at  the  same  place,  in  a  room  of  Deacon  Morris'  tavern. 

It  may  be  interesting  to  you  to  know  something  of  the 
Baptist  preachers  and  the  prevalent  religious  ideas  of  those 
days.  Most  of  the  former  were  illiterate  persons,  but  some 
were  men  of  considerable  natural  talents.  ...  A  great  deal 
of  the  preaching  of  those  times  was  doctrinal,  I  might  say 
metaphysical,  and  most  of  the  religious  conversation  which  I 
heard  was  of  the  same  kind.  Election,  reprobation,  and  pre- 
destination were  the  favorite  themes.  They  were  all  held 
strongly  in  the  affirmative,  and  the  slightest  doubt  was 
branded  as  tending  to  heresy. 

Presbyterian  ministers  occasionally  preached  in  the  vil- 
lage; but  they  found  little  favor  with  the  predominant  Bap- 
tist people.  The  objections  to  them,  as  I  well  recollect, 
were  their  advocacy  of  sprinkling  and  infant  baptism,  and 
their  having  been  educated  in  early  life  to  the  ministry  as  to 
a  profession. 

The  Methodists  were,  in  the  main,  Marylanders  and  Vir- 
ginians, the  former  predominating.  Most  of  them  were 
among  the  lamentably  ignorant.  The  high  and  disorderly 
excitement  which  characterized  their  worship  was  equally 
lamentable.  Their  preachers,  in  point  of  learning,  were  even 
below  those  of  the  Baptist  connection. 

My  superstition,  and  that  of  the  people  of  Mayslick,  in 
the  days  of  which  I  am  writing,  extended  to  other  things  than 
heaven  and  hell.  It  embraced  omens,  ghosts,  and  even  self- 
notions  of  dead  men's  bones.  .  .  .  We  had,  at  the  period  of 
which  I  write,  several  common  and  current  credulities,  which 
were  not  superstitions,  though  they  are  erroneously  called  so. 
A  belief  in  the  influence  of  the  moon,  not  only  on  the  atmos- 
phere, but  on  vegetation  and  even  animal  life,  was  common. 
Thus,  radishes  must  be  planted  at  the  decrease  of  the  moon, 
for  they  tapered  downward ;  and  so  of  some  other  vegetables. 
And  hogs  must  not  be  killed  in  the  dark  or  decrease  of  that 
luminary,  for  the  pork  would  shrink  and  waste  away  in  the 
barrel.  Then  there  were  the  twelve  signs  of  the  Zodiac, 


Christian 
doctrines. 


Denomi- 
national 
difficul- 
ties. 


Creduli- 
ties of  the 
people. 


176  Readings  in  American  History 

presiding  over  twelve  different  parts  of  the  living  body  in  the 
twelve  months  of  the  year  but  where  or  what  the  Zodiac  was, 
no  one  knew.  Notwithstanding  our  ignorance,  or  rather,  in 
consequence  of  it,  we  believed  that  many  things  must  be 
done,  or  left  undone,  during  the  reign  of  each  constellation, 
and  therefore  the  almanac  was  an  important  book  of  refer- 
ence. . 


38.    A  WEAK  FORM  OF  GOVERNMENT  AND  TRADE  CONDI- 
TIONS, 1787 

Tench  Coxe  was  a  member  of  the  Annapolis  Convention,  1786, 
and  also  of  the  Continental  Congress,  1788.  In  1789,  he  was  made 
assistant  secretary  of  the  treasury.  He  is  noted  as  a  political  econ- 
omist and  for  his  discussions  of  American  industrial  problems. — 
(Tench  Coxe,  A  View  of  the  United  States  of  America,  4,  5,  26-32. 
Philadelphia,  1794.) 

There  are  in  every  country  certain  important  crises,  when 
exertion  or  neglect  must  produce  consequences  of  the  utmost 
moment.  The  period,  at  which  the  inhabitants  of  these 
states  have  now  arrived,  will  be  admitted,  by  every  attentive 
and  serious  person,  to  be  clearly  of  this  description. 

Our  money  absorbed  by  a  wanton  consumption  of  imported 
luxuries,  a  fluctuating  paper  medium  beginning  to  be  substi- 
tuted in  its  stead,  foreign  commerce  extremely  circumscribed, 
and  a  federal  government  not  only  ineffective  but  disjointed, 
tell  us  indeed  too  plainly,  that  further  negligence  may  ruin 
us  forever.  .  .  . 

The  commercial  citizens  of  America  have  for  some  time  felt 
the  deepest  distress.  Among  the  principal  causes  of  their 
cial  troub-  unhappy  situation  were  the  inconsiderate  spirit  of  adventure 
to  this  country,  which  pervaded  almost  every  kingdom  in 
Europe;  and  the  prodigious  credit  there  given  to  our  mer- 
chants on  the  return  of  peace.  To  these  may  be  added,  the 
high  spirits,  and  the  golden  dreams,  which  naturally  followed 
such  a  war,  closed  with  so  much  honour  and  success. — Tri- 
umphant over  a  great  enemy,  courted  by  the  most  powerful 


The  Period  of  the  Confederation 


177 


nations  in  the  world,  it  was  not  in  human  nature,  that  America 
should  immediately  comprehend  her  new  situation.  Really 
possessed  of  the  means  of  future  greatness,  she  anticipated 
the  most  distant  benefits  of  the  revolution,  and  considered 
them  as  already  in  her  hands.  She  formed  the  highest  ex- 
pectations; many  of  which,  however,  serious  experience  has 
taught  her  to  relinquish:  and  now  that  the  thoughtless  ad- 
ventures and  imprudent  credits  from  foreign  countries  take 
place  no  more,  and  time  has  been  given  for  cool  reflection, 
she  can  see  her  real  situation,  and  need  not  be  discouraged.  .  . . 
The  foundations  of  national  wealth  and  consequence  are 
so  firmly  laid  in  the  United  States,  that  no  foreign  power  can 
undermine  or  destroy  them.  But  the  enjoyment  of  these 
substantial  blessings  is  rendered  precarious  by  domestic  cir- 
cumstances. Scarcely  held  together  by  a  weak  and  half- 
formed  federal  constitution,  the  powers  of  our  national  gov- 
ernment are  unequal  to  the  complete  execution  of  any  salutary 
purpose,  foreign  or  domestic.  The  evils  resulting  from  this 
unhappy  state  of  things  have  again  shocked  our  reviving 
credit,  produced  among  our  people  alarming  instances  of  dis- 
obedience to  the  laws,  and,  if  not  remedied,  must  destroy 
our  property,  liberties,  and  peace.  Foreign  powers,  however 
disposed  to  favour  us,  can  expect  neither  satisfaction  nor 
benefit  from  treaties  with  Congress,  while  it  is  unable  to  en- 
force them.  We  can  therefore  hope  to  secure  no  privileges 
from  them,  if  matters  be  thus  conducted.  We  must  imme- 
diately remedy  this  defect,  or  suffer  exceedingly.  Desultory 
commercial  acts  of  the  legislatures,  formed  on  the  impression 
of  the  moment,  proceeding  from  no  uniform  or  permanent 
principles,  clashing  with  the  laws  of  other  states,  and  oppos- 
ing those  made  in  the  preceding  year  by  the  enacting  state, 
can  no  longer  be  supported,  if  we  be  to  continue  one  people. 
A  system,  which  will  promote  the  general  interests,  with  the 
smallest  injury  to  particular  ones,  has  become  indispensably 
necessary.  Commerce  is  more  affected  by  the  distractions 
and  evils  arising  from  the  uncertainty,  opposition,  and  errours, 
of  our  trade  laws,  than  by  the  restrictions  of  any  one  power 


Weakness 
of  govern- 
ment. 


Influence 
of  a  weak 
govern- 
ment on 
foreign  af- 
fairs. 


Conflict  in 
legislation. 


Uncertain 
trade  laws 
and  com- 
merce. 


178 


Readings  in  American  History 


Restora- 
tion of 
public 
credit  a 
necessity. 


Influence 
of  tender 
laws. 


in  Europe.  A  negative  upon  all  commercial  acts  of  the  legis- 
latures, if  granted  to  Congress,  would  be  perfectly  safe,  and 
must  have  an  excellent  effect.  If  thought  expedient,  it 
should  be  given  as  well  with  regard  to  those  that  exist,  as  to 
those  that  may  be  devised  in  future.  Congress  would  thus 
be  enabled  to  prevent  every  regulation,  that  might  oppose 
the  general  interest;  and  by  restraining  the  states  from  im- 
politic laws,  would  gradually  bring  our  national  commerce 
to  order  and  perfection.  .  .  . 

The  restoration  of  public  credit  at  home  and  abroad  should 
be  the  first  wish  of  our  hearts,  and  requires  every  economy, 
every  exertion  we  can  make.  The  wise  and  virtuous  axioms 
of  our  political  constitutions,  resulting  from  a  lively  and  per- 
fect sense  of  what  is  due  from  man  to  man,  should  prompt  us 
to  the  discharge  of  debts  of  such  peculiar  obligation.  We 
stand  bound  to  no  common  creditors.  The  friendly  foreigner, 
the  widow  and  the  orphan,  the  trustees  of  charity  and  religion, 
the  patriotic  citizen,  the  war-worn  soldier,  and  a  magnani- 
mous ally — these  are  the  principal  claimants  upon  the  feelings 
and  justice  of  America.  Let  her  apply  all  her  resources  to 
this  great  duty,  and  wipe  away  the  darkest  stain,  that  has  ever 
fallen  upon  her.  The  general  import — the  sale  of  the  lands, 
and  every  other  unnecessary  article  of  public  property — re- 
straining with  a  firm  hand  every  needless  expence  of  govern- 
ment and  private  life — steady  and  patient  industry,  with 
proper  dispositions  in  the  people — would  relieve  us  of  part 
of  the  burden,  enable  Congress  to  commence  it's  payments, 
and,  with  the  aid  of  taxation,  would  put  the  sinking  and 
funding  of  our  debts  within  the  power  of  the  United  States. 

The  violence  committed  on  the  rights  of  property  under  the 
authority  of  tender  laws,  in  some  of  the  states ;  the  familiarity 
with  which  that  pernicious  measure  has  been  recurred  to; 
and  the  shameless  perseverance  with  which  it  has  been  per- 
sisted in,  after  the  value  of  the  paper  was  confessedly  gone; 
call  aloud  for  some  remedy.  This  is  not  merely  a  matter  of 
justice  between  man  and  man.  It  dishonours  our  national 
character  abroad,  and  the  engine  has  been  employed  to  give 


The  Period  of  the  Confederation  179 

the  coup  de  grace  to  public  credit.     It  would  not  be  difficult, 

perhaps,  to  form  a  new  article  of  confederation  to  prevent  it 

in  future;  and  a  question  may  arise,  whether  fellowship  with 

any  state,  that  would  refuse  to  admit  it,  can  be  satisfactory 

or  safe.     To  remove  difficulties  it  need  not  be  retrospective. 

The  present  state  of  things,  instead  of  inviting  emigrants,   influence 

deters  all  who  have  the  means  of  information,  and  are  capable  £^^1' 

of  thinking.     The  settlement  of  our  lands,  and  the  introduc-  disturb- 

tion  of  manufactories  and  branches  of  trade  yet  unknown  onlm- 

among  us,  or  requiring  a  great  capital,  which  are  to  make  our  migration. 

country  rich  and  powerful,  are  interrupted  and  suspended  by 

our  want  of  public  credit  and  the  numerous  disorders  of 

our  government.  .  .  . 


CHAPTER  XIII 
THE  FORMATION   OF  THE   FEDERAL  CONSTITUTION 

39.    THE  FIRST  ABOLITION  SOCIETY 

The  first  abolition  law  in  the  United  States  was  passed  by  the 
legislature  of  Pennsylvania  in  1780.  This  law,  providing  for  grad- 
ual abolition,  was  due  chiefly  to  the  influence  of  the  Quakers.  The 
contest  for  complete  abolition  was  carried  on  mainly  by  the  Penn- 
sylvania Society  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery.  During 
these  years  the  numbers  of  slaves  in  the  State  were  becoming  fewer. 
According  to  the  census  of  1790  there  were  less  than  four  thousand 
slaves  in  Pennsylvania.  In  1820  there  were  two  hundred  and 
eleven,  and  in  1830  sixty-seven. — (American  Museum,  Vol.  VI,  283.) 

An  address  to  the  public,  from  the  Pennsylvania  Society 
for  promoting  the  abolition  of  slavery,  and  the  relief  of  free 
negroes,  unlawfully  held  in  bondage. 

It  is  with  peculiar  satisfaction,  we  assure  the  friends  of 
humanity,  that,  in  prosecuting  the  design  of  our  association, 
our  endeavours  have  proved  successful,  far  beyond  our  most 
sanguine  expectations. 

Encouraged  by  this  success,  by  the  daily  progress  of  that 
luminous  and  benign  spirit  of  liberty,  which  is  diffusing  itself 
throughout  the  world — and  humbly  hoping  for  the  continu- 
ance of  the  divine  blessing  on  our  labours— we  have  ventured 
to  make  an  important  addition  to  our  original  plans,  and  do, 
therefore,  earnestly  solicit  the  support  and  assistance  of  all 
who  can  feel  the  tender  emotions  of  sympathy  and  compas- 
sion, or  relish  the  exalted  pleasure  of  beneficence. 

Slavery  is  such  an  atrocious  debasement  of  human  nature, 
that  its  very  extirpation,  if  not  performed  with  solicitous 
care,  may  sometimes  open  a  source  of  serious  evils. 

The  unhappy  man,  who  has  long  been  treated  as  a  brute 

180 


Formation  of  the  Federal  Constitution  181 

animal,  too  frequently  sinks  beneath  the  common  standard 
of  the  human  species.  The  galling  chains,  that  bind  his  body 
do  also  fetter  his  intellectual  faculties,  and  impair  the  social 
affections  of  his  heart.  Accustomed  to  move  like  a  mere 
machine,  by  the  will  of  a  master,  reflexion  is  suspended:  he 
has  not  the  power  of  choice;  and  reason  and  conscience  have 
but  little  influence  over  his  conduct:  because  he  is  chiefly 
governed  by  the  passion  of  fear.  He  is  poor  and  friendless 
— perhaps  worn  out  by  extreme  labour  and  disease. 

Under  such  circumstances,  freedom  may  often  prove  a 
misfortune  to  himself,  and  prejudicial  to  society. 

Attention  to  emancipated  black  people,  it  is  therefore  to 
be  hoped,  will  become  a  branch  of  our  national  police;  but 
as  far  as  we  contribute  to  promote  this  emancipation,  so  far 
that  attention  is  evidently  a  serious  duty,  incumbent  on  us, 
and  which  we  mean  to  discharge  to  the  best  of  our  judgment 
and  abilities. 

To  instruct — to  advise — to  qualify — those  who  have  been 
restored  to  freedom,  for  the  exercise  and  enjoyment  of  civil 
liberty — to  promote  in  them  habits  of  industry — to  furnish 
them  with  employments  suited  to  their  age,  sex,  talents,  and 
other  circumstances — and  to  procure  their  children  an  edu- 
cation calculated  for  their  future  situation  in  life — these  are 
the  great  outlines  of  the  annexed  plan,  which  we  have 
adopted,  and  which  we  conceive  will  essentially  promote  the 
public  good,  and  the  happiness  of  these  our  hitherto  too 
much  neglected  fellow  creatures. 

A  plan  so  extensive  cannot  be  carried  into  execution,  with- 
out considerable  pecuniary  resources,  beyond  the  present 
ordinary  funds  of  the  society.  We  hope  much  from  the 
generosity  of  enlightened  and  benevolent  freemen,  and  will 
gratefully  receive  any  donations  or  subscriptions  for  the 
purpose,  which  may  be  made  to  our  treasurer,  James  Starr, 
or  to  James  Pemberton,  chairman  of  our  committee  of  cor- 
respondence. 

Signed  by  order  of  the  society, 

B.  FRANKLIN,  president. 
Philadelphia,  9th  of  Nov.,  1789, 


182  Readings  in  American  History 

Plan  for  improving  the  condition  of  the  free  blacks,  above 
mentioned : 

The  business,  relative  to  free  blacks,  shall  be  transacted  by 
a  committee  of  twenty-four  persons,  annually  elected  by  bal- 
lot, at  the  meeting  of  this  society,  in  the  month  called  April; 
and  in  order  to  perform  the  different  services,  with  expedi- 
tion, regularity,  and  energy,  this  committee  shall  resolve  it- 
self into  the  following  sub-committees,  viz. 

I.  A  committee   of    inspection,    who    shall    superintend 
the  morals,  general  conduct,  and  ordinary  situation  of  the 
free  negroes,  and  afford  them  advice  and  instruction;    pro- 
tection from  wrongs;   and  other  friendly  offices. 

II.  A  committee  of  guardians,  who  shall  place  out  chil- 
dren and  young  people  with  suitable  persons,  that  they  may 
(during  a  moderate  time  of  apprenticeship,   or  servitude) 
learn  some  trade  or  other  business  of  subsistence.     The  com- 
mittee may  effect  this  partly  by  a  persuasive  influence  on 
parents  and  the  persons  concerned ;  and  partly  by  co-operat- 
ing with  the  laws,  which  are,  or  may  be  enacted  for  this, 
and  similar  purposes;    in  forming  contracts  on  these  occa- 
sions, the  committee  shall  secure  to  the  society,  as  far  as 
may  be  practicable,  the  right  of  guardianship,  over  the  per- 
sons so  bound. 

III.  A  committee   of  education,  who  shall   superintend 
the  school  instruction  of  the  children  and  youth  of  the  free- 
blacks;   they  may  either  influence  them  to  attend  regularly 
the  schools,  already  established  in  this  city,  or  form  others 
with  this  view;  they  shall,  in  either  case,  provide,  that  the 
pupils  may  receive  such  learning,  as  is  necessary  for  their 
future  situation  in  life;   and  especially  a  deep  impression  of 
the  most  important,  and  generally  acknowledged  moral  and 
religious  principles.     They  shall  also  procure  and  preserve 
a  regular  record  of  the  marriages,  births,  and  manumissions 
of  all  free  blacks. 

IV.  A  committee  of  employ,  who  shall  endeavour  to  pro- 
cure constant  employment  for  those  free  negroes,  who  are 


Formation  of  the  Federal  Constitution  183 

able  to  work:  as  the  want  of  this  would  occasion  poverty, 
idleness,  and  many  vicious  habits.  This  committee  will,  by 
sedulous  enquiry,  be  enabled  to  find  common  labour  for  a 
great  number;  they  will  also  provide,  that  such  as  indicate 
proper  talents,  may  learn  various  trades,  which  may  be  done 
by  prevailing  upon  them  to  bind  themselves  for  such  a  term 
of  years,  as  shall  compensate  their  masters  for  the  expense 
and  trouble  of  instruction,  and  maintenance.  The  commit- 
tee may  attempt  the  institution  of  some  useful  and  simple 
manufactures,  which  require  but  little  skill,  and  also  may 
assist,  in  commencing  business,  such  as  appear  to  be  quali- 
fied for  it. 

The  expense,  incurred  by  the  promotion  of  this  plan,  shall 
be  defrayed  by  a  fund  to  be  formed  by  donations,  or  sub- 
scriptions, for  these  particular  purposes,  and  to  be  kept  sep- 
arate from  the  other  funds  of  this  society. 

40.    ECONOMIC  AND  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS  IN  AMERICA,  1788 

Jean  Pierre  Brissot  de  Warville,  who  was  one  of  the  leaders  in 
bringing  on  the  French  Revolution,  visited  America  during  the  . 

year  1788  for  the  purpose  of  observing  the  influence  of  liberty  on 
man  in  society.  His  description  of  the  country  and  portrayal  of 
political  and  social  conditions  were  prepared  as  letters  and  later 
were  published  in  book  form.  The  author  stated  in  the  preface: 
"I  should  even  myself  regret  the  time  I  spent  in  reducing  this  work 
to  order,  if  I  did  not  think  that  it  might  be  useful  and  necessary  in 
supporting  our  Revolution." — (J.  P.  Brissot  de  Warville,  New  Trav- 
els in  the  United  States  of  America,  42,  51  passim.  Boston,  1797.) 

With  what  pleasure  did  I  contemplate  this  town,  which   Descrip- 
first  shook  off  the  English  yoke!  which,  for  a  long  time,  re-  3™^ 
sisted  all  the  seductions,  all  the  menaces,  all  the  horrors  of  a 
civil  war!     How  I  delighted  to  wander  up  and  down  that 
long  street  whose  simple  houses  of  wood  border  the  magnif- 
icent channel  of  Boston,  and  whose  stores  offer  me  all  the 
productions  of  the  continent  which  I  had  quitted!     How  I 
enjoyed  the  activity  of  the  merchants,  the  artisans,  and  the 
sailors!     It  was  not  the  noisy  vortex  of  Paris;  it  was  not  the 


184  Readings  in  American  History 

unquiet,  eager  mien  of  my  countrymen;  it  was  the  simple, 
dignified  air  of  men  who  are  conscious  of  liberty,  and  who 
see  in  all  men  their  brothers  and  their  equals. 

Everything  in  this  street  bears  the  marks  of  a  town  still 
in  its  infancy,  but  which,  even  in  its  infancy,  enjoys  a  great 
prosperity.  I  thought  myself  in  that  Salentum,  of  which 
the  lively  pencil  of  Fenelon  has  left  us  so  charming  an  image. 
But  the  prosperity  of  this  new  Salentum  was  not  the  work 
of  one  man,  of  a  king  or  a  minister;  it  is  the  fruit  of  liberty, 
that  parent  of  industry.  Everything  is  rapid,  everything 
great,  everything  durable  with  her.  A  royal  or  ministerial 
prosperity,  like  a  king  or  a  minister,  has  only  the  duration 
of  a  moment.  Boston  is  just  rising  from  the  devastations  of 
war,  and  its  commerce  is  flourishing;  its  manufactures,  pro- 
ductions, arts,  and  sciences,  offer  a  number  of  curious  and 
interesting  observations. 

The  manners  of  the  people  are  not  exactly  the  same  as 
described  by  M.  de  Crevecoeur.  You  no  longer  meet  here 
that  Presbyterian  austerity,  which  interdicted  all  pleasures, 
even  that  of  walking;  which  forbade  travelling  on  Sunday, 
which  persecuted  men  whose  opinions  were  different  from 
their  own.  The  Bostonians  unite  simplicity  of  morals  with 
that  French  politeness  and  delicacy  of  manners  which  render 
virtue  more  amiable.  They  are  hospitable  to  strangers,  and 
obliging  to  friends;  they  are  tender  husbands  and  almost 
idolatrous  parents  and  kind  masters.  Music  which  their 
teachers  formerly  proscribed  as  a  diabolical  art,  begins  to 
make  part  of  their  education.  In  some  homes  you  hear  the 
forte-piano.  This  art,  it  is  true  is  still  in  its  infancy;  but 
the  young  novices  who  exercise  it,  are  so  gentle,  so  complai- 
sant, and  so  modest,  that  the  proud  perfection  of  art  gives  no 
pleasure  equal  to  what  they  afford.  God  grant  that  the 
Bostonian  women  may  never,  like  those  of  France,  acquire 
the  malady  of  perfection  in  this  art!  It  is  never  attained, 
but  at  the  expense  of  domestic  virtues. 

Neatness  without  luxury,  is  a  characteristic  feature  of  this 
purity  of  manners;  and  this  neatness  is  seen  everywhere  at 


For mat iun  of  the  Federal  Constitution  183 

Boston,  in  their  dress,  in  their  houses,  and  in  their  churches. 
Nothing  is  more  charming  than  an  inside  view  of  the  church 
on  Sunday.  The  good  cloth  coat  covers  the  man;  callicoes 
and  chintzes  dress  the  women  and  children,  without  being 
spoiled  by  those  gewgaws  which  whim  and  caprice  have 
added  to  them  among  our  women.  Powder  and  pomatum 
never  sully  the  heads  of  infants  and  children :  I  see  them  with 
pain,  however,  on  the  heads  of  men:  they  invoke  the  art  of 
the  hair-dresser;  for,  unhappily,  this  art  has  already  crossed 
the  seas. 

But  to  crown  my  happiness,  I  saw  none  of  those  livid 
wretches,  covered  with  rags,  who  in  Europe  soliciting  our 
compassion  at  the  foot  of  the  altar,  seem  to  bear  testimony 
against  Providence,  our  humanity,  and  the  order  of  society. 
The  discourse,  the  prayer,  the  worship,  everything,  bore  the 
same  simplicity.  The  sermon  breathed  the  best  morality, 
and  it  was  heard  with  attention. 

It  is  remarked,  that,  in  countries  chiefly  devoted  to  com-  Commer- 
merce  the  sciences  are  not  carried  to  any  high  degree.  This 
remark  applies  to  Boston.  The  university  certainly  con-  nant. 
tains  men  of  worth  and  learning;  but  science  is  not  diffused 
among  the  inhabitants  of  the  town.  Commerce  occupies  all 
their  ideas,  turns  all  their  heads,  and  absorbs  all  their  specu- 
lations. Thus  you  find  few  estimable  works,  and  few  au-, 
thors.  The  expense  of  the  first  volume  of  the  Memoirs  of 
the  Academy  of  this  town,  is  not  yet  covered ;  it  is  two  years 
since  it  appeared.  Sometime  since  was  published,  the  his- 
tory of  the  late  troubles  in  Massachusetts;  it  is  very  well 
written.  The  author  has  found  much  difficulty  to  indem- 
nify himself  for  the  expense  of  printing  it.  Never  has  the 
whole  of  the  precious  history  of  New  Hampshire,  by  Bel- 
knap,  appeared,  for  want  of  encouragement. 

They  publish  a  magazine  here,  though  the  number  of  Ga-  News- 
zettes  is  considerable.     The  multiplicity  of  Gazettes  proves   F 
the   activity  of  commerce,   and   the   taste   for   politics   and 
news;   the  merits  and  multiplicity  of  Literary  and  Political 
Magazines  are  signs  of  the  culture  of  the  sciences. 


186  Readings  in  American  History 

Let  us  not  blame  the  Bostonians;  they  think  of  the  usefull 
before  procuring  to  themselves  the  agreeable.  They  have  no 
brilliant  monuments;  but  they  have  neat  and  commodious 
churches,  but  they  have  good  houses,  but  they  have  superb 
bridges,  and  excellent  ships.  Their  streets  are  well  illumi- 
nated at  night  while  many  ancient  cities  of  Europe  contain- 
ing proud  monuments  of  art,  have  never  yet  thought  of  pre- 
venting the  fatal  effects  of  nocturnal  darkness.  .  .  . 

If  there  is  a  town  on  the  American  continent  where  the 
English  luxury  displays  its  follies,  it  is  New-York.  You 
will  find  here  the  English  fashions.  In  the  dress  of  the  women 
you  will  see  the  most  brilliant  silks,  gauzes,  hats,  and  bor- 
rowed hair.  Equipages  are  rare;  but  they  are  elegant.  The 
men  have  more  simplicity  in  their  dress;  they  disdain  gew- 
gaws, but  they  take  their  revenge  in  the  luxury  of  the  table. 

Luxury  forms  already,  in  this  town,  a  class  of  men  very 
dangerous  in  society — I  mean  bachelors.  The  expence  of 
women  causes  matrimony  to  be  dreaded  by  men. 

I  went  from  New- York  the  25th  of  August,  at  six  o-clock 
in  the  morning;  and  had  to  pass  the  North  River  before 
arriving  to  the  stage.  We  passed  the  ferry  in  an  open  boat, 
and  landed  at  Paulus  Hook;  they  reckon  two  miles  for  this 
ferry,  for  which  we  pay  sixpence,  money  of  New-York. 
,  The  carriage  is  a  kind  of  open  waggon,  hung  with  double 
curtains  of  leather  and  woolen,  which  you  raise  or  let  fall  at 
pleasure:  it  is  not  well  suspended.  But  the  road  was  so  fine, 
being  sand  and  gravel,  that  we  felt  no  inconvenience  from 
that  circumstance.  The  horses  are  good  and  go  with  rapidity. 
These  carriages  have  four  benches,  and  may  contain  twelve 
persons.  The  light  baggage  is  put  under  the  benches,  and 
the  trunks  fixed  on  behind.  A  traveller  who  does  not  choose 
to  take  the  stage,  has  a  one-horse  carriage  by  himself. 

Let  the  Frenchmen  who  have  travelled  in  these  carriages, 
compare  them  to  those  used  in  France;  to  those  heavy  dili- 
gences, where  eight  or  ten  persons  are  stuffed  in  together; 
to  those  cabriolets  in  the  environs  of  Paris,  where  two  persons 
are  closely  confined,  and  deprived  of  air,  driven  by  a  dirty 


Formation  of  the  Federal  Constitution  187 

driver  who  torments  his  miserable  jades :  and  those  carriages 
have  to  run  over  the  finest  roads,  and  yet  make  but  one 
league  an  hour.  If  the  Americans  had  such  roads,  with  what 
rapidity  would  they  travel?  Since  notwithstanding  the  incon- 
venience of  the  roads,  they  now  run  ninety-six  miles  in  a  day. 
Thus,  with  only  a  century  and  a  half  of  existence,  and 
opposed  by  a  thousand  obstacles,  they  are  already  superior 
to  people  who  have  been  undisturbed  in  their  progress  for 
fifteen  centuries. 

You  find  in  these  stages,  men  of  all  professions.  They . 
succeed  each  other  with  rapidity.  One  who  goes  but  twenty 
miles,  yields  his  place  to  one  who  goes  farther.  The  mother 
and  daughter  mount  the  stage  to  go  ten  miles  to  dine ;  another 
stage  brings  them  back.  At  every  instant,  then,  you  are 
making  new  acquaintances.  The  frequency  of  the  carriages, 
the  facility  of  finding  places  in  them,  and  the  low  and  fixed 
price,  invite  the  Americans  to  travel.  These  carriages  have 
another  advantage,  they  keep  up  the  idea  of  equality.  The 
member  of  Congress  is  placed  by  the  side  of  the  shoe  maker 
who  elected  him :  they  fraternize  together  and  converse  with 
familiarity.  You  see  no  person  here  taking  upon  himself 
those  important  airs,  which  you  too  often  meet  with  in 
France.  .  .  . 

This  is  the  hospital  so  justly  celebrated  by  M.  de  Creve-  Hospital 
cceur,  and  which  the  humane  Mr.  Mazzei  regards  only  as  a  ^ae'aV11 
curiosity  scarcely  worth  seeing.  Phiiadel- 

The  building  is  fine,  elegant,  and  well  kept.  I  was  charmed  F 
with  the  cleanliness  in  the  halls  of  the  sick,  as  well  as  in  the 
particular  chambers.  I  observed  the  bust  of  Franklin  in  the 
Library,  and  was  told  that  this  honor  was  rendered  him  as 
one  of  the  principal  founders  of  this  institution.  The  library 
is  not  numerous;  but  well  chosen.  The  hall  on  the  first  floor, 
is  appropriated  to  sick  men :  there  were  six  in  it.  About  the 
same  number  of  sick  women  were  in  a  like  hall  on  the  second 
floor.  These  persons  appeared  by  no  means  miserable;  they 
seemed  to  be  at  home. 

I  went  below  to  see  the  lunatics;  there  were  about  fifteen, 


188  Readings  in  American  History 

male  and  female.  Each  one  has  his  cell,  with  a  bed,  a  table, 
and  a  convenient  window  with  grates.  Stoves  are  fixed  in 
the  walls,  to  warm  the  cell  in  winter. 

There  were  no  mad  persons  among  them.  Most  of  the 
patients  are  the  victims  of  religious  melancholy,  or  of  dis- 
appointed love.  These  unhappy  persons  are  treated  with 
the  greatest  tenderness;  they  are  allowed  to  walk  in  the 
court;  are  constantly  visited  by  two  physicians.  Dr.  Rush 
has  invented  a  kind  of  swing  chair  for  their  exercise. 

What  a  difference  between  this  treatment  and  the  atrocious 
regulations  to  which  we  condemn  such  wretches  in  France! 
where  they  are  rigorously  confined,  and  their  disorders  scarcely 
ever  fail  to  increase  upon  them. 

The  Turks,  on  the  contrary,  manifest  a  singular  respect  to 
persons  insane:  they  are  eager  to  administer  food  to  them,-  to 
load  them  with  caresses.  Fools  in  that  country  are  never 
known  to  be  injurious;  whereas,  with  us,  they  are  dangerous, 
because  they  are  unhappy. 

The  view  of  these  persons  affected  me  more  than  that  of 
the  sick.  The  last  of  human  miseries,  in  my  opinion,  is  con- 
finement; and  I  cannot  conceive  how  a  sick  person  can  be 
cured  in  prison,  for  confinement  itself  is  a  continual  malady. 
The  exercise  of  walking  abroad,  the  view  of  the  field,  the  mur- 
mur of  the  rivulets,  and  the  singing  of  the  birds,  with  the  aid 
of  vegetable  diet,  appear  to  me  the  best  means  of  curing  in- 
sanity. It  is  true,  that  this  method  requires  too  many  attend- 
ants; and  the  impossibility  of  following  it  for  the  hospital  of 
Philadelphia,  makes  it  necessary  to  recur  to  locks  and  bars. 
But  why  do  they  place  these  cells  beneath  the  ground  floor, 
exposed  to  the  unwholesome  humidity  of  the  earth?  The 
enlightened  and  humane  Dr.  Rush  told  me,  that  he  had  en- 
deavored for  a  long  time  in  vain,  to  introduce  a  change  in  this 
particular;  and  that  this  hospital  was  founded  at  a  time  when 
little  attention  was  thought  necessary  for  the  accommodation 
of  fools.  .  .  . 

ft'elm-  ^n  leavmg  him.  I  went  to  see  an  experiment,  near  the 

boat.  Delaware,  on  a  boat,  the  object  of  which  is  to  ascend  rivers 


Formation  of  the  Federal  Constitution  189 

against  the  current.  The  inventor  was  Mr.  Fitch  who  had 
found  a  company  to  support  the  expence.  One  of  the  most 
zealous  associates  is  Mr.  Thornton  of  whom  I  have  spoken. 
This  invention  was  disputed  between  Mr.  Fitch  and  Mr. 
Rumsey  of  Virginia.  However  it  be,  the  machine  I  saw,  ap- 
pears well  executed,  and  well  adapted  to  the  design.  The 
steam  engine  gives  motion  to  three  large  oars  of  considerable 
force  which  were  to  give  fifty  strokes  per  minute. 

I  doubt  not  but,  physically  speaking,  this  machine  may 
produce  part  of  the  effects  which  are  expected  from  it:  but  I 
doubt  its  utility  in  commerce;  for,  notwithstanding  the  as- 
surances of  the  undertakers,  it  must  require  many  men  to 
manage  it,  and  much  expence  in  repairing  the  damages  occa- 
sioned by  the  violence  and  multiplicity  of  the  friction.  .  .  . 

Philadelphia  may  be  considered  as  the  metropolis  of  the   Phiiadei- 
United  States.     It  is  certainly  the  finest  town,  and  best  built.   £fJtaroJ^U 
It  is  the  most  wealthy,  though  not  the  most  luxurious.     You 
find  here  more  men  of  information,  more  political  and  literary 
knowledge,    and    more   learned   societies.     Many   towns   in 
America  are  more  ancient;  but  Philadelphia  has  surpassed  her 
elders. 

At  ten-o-clock  in  the  evening  all  is  tranquil  in  the  streets; 
the  profound  silence  which  reigns  there,  is  only  interrupted 
by  the  voice  of  the  watchmen,  who  are  in  small  numbers  and 
who  form  the  only  patrole.  The  streets  are  lighted  by  lamps, 
placed  like  those  of  London.  .  .  . 


41.    THE  TEMPERANCE  MOVEMENT,  1789 
(The  American  Museum,  VI,  379-381.) 

If  temperance  in  all  things  be  ornamental,  and  necessary  Argu- 
for  the  support  of  our  dignity  and  the  advancement  of  human  ™^^ 
felicity — how  emphatically  important  must  it  be  in  the  use  ance. 
of  intoxicating  spirits?     Here  intemperance  is  fatal !     An  im- 
moderate draught  at  once  drowns  the  reason  of  man,  and 
sinks  him  in  the  deplorable  gulph  of  ignominy  and  contempt. 


190 


Readings  in  American  History 


Influence 
of  the  Rev- 
olution on 
intemper- 
ance. 


Use  of  in- 
toxicants 
general 
among  la- 
borers. 


Those,  who  (notwithstanding  they  may  be  too  lavish  in  the 
use  of  spirituous  liquors)  are  not  lost  to  every  idea  of  decency 
and  decorum,  and  sunk  beneath  the  pride  of  man,  the  specu- 
lator conceives  are  open  to  conviction,  and  will  cheerfully 
embrace  those  habits  which  shall  appear  to  be  the  most  con- 
ducive to  their  own  and  the  community's  prosperity.  Times 
of  public  tumult  and  relaxation  of  government  are  most  com- 
monly times  of  dissipation.  It  proved  so  with  America,  in 
her  late  war  with  Great  Britain.  Before  that  commotion 
took  place,  the  use  of  spirituous  liquors  was  comparatively 
small  to  what  it  has  been  since.  During  the  suspension  of 
law,  money  being  plenty,  and  debtors  not  being  compelled 
to  pay  their  debts,  it  became  a  too  predominant  practice,  to 
waste  large  sums  in  the  purchase  and  expenditure  of  rum 
and  other  spirits.  Idleness  and  a  too  free  use  of  the  cup 
and  can,  those  sister  habits,  infected  the  community  at  large. 
At  the  close  of  the  war,  when  the  circumstances  of  our  coun- 
try demanded  industry  and  economy,  it  was  difficult  to  re- 
turn to  our  pristine  simplicity  of  manners,  and  temperance 
of  life,  in  the  pursuit  of  our  private  or  domestic  affairs.  The 
husbandman  could  not  hire  labourers  to  cultivate  his  lands, 
without  supplying  them  with  a  quantity  of  inflammatory 
liquors,  almost  equal  in  value  to  the  amount  of  their  serv- 
ices. So  general  was  the  custom,  and  so  fashionable  the 
practice,  that  the  labourer  claimed  it  as  his  right;  and  if  he 
could  not  receive  so  much  rum  or  toddy  as  would  almost 
disable  him  from  service,  he  would  quit  the  field  of  his  em- 
ployer, and  leave  his  harvest  to  be  wasted  on  the  ground. 
This  pernicious  fashion  was  not  confined  to  the  labourers  in 
the  field;  the  mechanics,  if  possible,  exceeded  them  in  extrav- 
agance of  these  kinds  of  demands.  Business  was  conse- 
quently ill  performed  and  extravagantly  paid  for.  Our  tav- 
erns were  daily  thronged  with  swarms  of  our  citizens,  who 
there  wasted  their  property,  injured  their  constitutions  and 
corrupted  their  morals.  In  addition  to  all  this,  every  man 
was  obliged  to  keep  a  kind  of  grog  shop  in  his  own  house, 
for  his  neighbours,  acquaintances  and  hangers  on,  or  be  es- 


Formation  of  the  Federal  Constitution  191 

teemed  a  niggard.  Even  among  the  most  indigent,  those 
who  could  but  scantily  provide  bread  for  their  children, 
it  was  thought  ill  usage,  if  they  did  not  hand  out  their  bottles 
to  their  thirsty  visitors.  A  barrel  of  rum  at  that  time  would 
in  many  families  last  but  little  longer  than  a  gallon  would 
have  done  before  the  war.  These  extravagant  habits  so  far 
exceeded  the  ability  of  the  people,  that  many  fell  a  sacrifice 
to  their  folly,  and  involved  themselves  and  families  in  ruin 
and  wretchedness.  Private  debts  could  not  be  discharged, 
nor  could  public  requisitions  be  complied  with.  The  conse- 
quence was  natural — an  universal  complaint  of  hard  times — 
of  cruel  creditors — or  of  oppression  in  rulers.  The  times  were 
truly  hard,  and  so  will  they  ever  be  when  intemperance  pre- 
vails— when  the  people  prefer  the  dissipation  of  a  tavern  to 
the  cultivation  of  their  fields.  But  happily  for  the  commu- 
nity, these  habits  seem  now  to  be  fast  growing  into  disrepute; 
and  temperance,  economy,  and  industry  seem  to  be  esteemed 
objects  of  importance:  and  experience  will  probably  soon 
convince  us,  that  we  can  labour  as  well,  and  enjoy  our  health 
better,  without  inflammatory  spirits  than  with  them.  Prob- 
ably not  a  quarter  part  so  much  rum  has  been  drank  in  this 
part  of  the  country  the  last  year,  as  was  done  in  the  space 
of  a  year,  at  the  close  of  the  war.  Some  of  our  principal  improved 
retailers  have  not,  if  we  can  believe  their  assertions,  sold  so  ° 
many  pints  of  rum  the  last  year  as  they  did  gallons  the  year 
before;  and  then  the  quantity  was  much  diminished  from 
that  which  was  sold  a  few  years  earlier.  Our  taverns,  too, 
are  generally  still  and  quiet,  and  rarely  do  we  find  people  of 
the  vicinity  resorting  to  them,  but  on  business,  or  some  pub- 
lic occasion.  Many  of  our  principal  farmers,  in  different 
parts  of  the  country,  have  nobly  broke  through  the  perni- 
cious custom  of  treating  their  labourers  with  rum;  and  will 
not  employ  those  who  will  not  serve  them  without  spirituous 
liquors.  And  they  have  found  their  account  in  it  the  present 
year — for  it  has  been  very  observable  in  the  course  of  the 
past  summer,  that  those  who  have  hired  without  supplying 
with  spirits,  have  had  the  best  workmen  and  plenty  of  them, 


192  Readings  in  American  History 

and  that  their  work  has  been  done  the  most  neatly  and  with 
the  greatest  dispatch. 

The  mechanics,  also,  in  many  places  and  especially  the 
most  reputable  of  them,  have  almost  forsaken  their  cups. 
And  men  of  business  of  all  kinds,  appear  to  be  convinced 
that  they  can  conduct  their  affairs  better  without  spirituous 
liquors  than  with  them.  In  this  way,  a  great  saving  has 
been  made  the  last  year  by  the  citizens  in  general:  and  let 
any  one  judge  if  any  inconveniences  have  resulted  from  these 
savings. 

Have  not  people  been  as  healthy,  strong  and  robust  as 
when  they  drank  ten  times  as  much  as  they  have  done 
this  year?  Were  our  lands  better  cultivated  then,  than 
they  are  now?  It  was  a  common  observation,  a  few  years 
ago,  that  a  man  lost  nothing  by  giving  rum  to  his  la- 
bourers, for  they  would  do  as  much  more  labour  as  to  pay 
for  it.  But  if  a  man  is  not  able  to  carry  on  business  of  any 
kind,  whatever,  without  rum,  he  is  unfit  to  be  employed. 
When  one  has  contracted  a  habit  of  any  kind,  it  is  difficult 
to  quit  it.  Hence  we  frequently  hear  workmen  say,  they 
cannot  work  without  rum.  'Why?  because  they  have  become 
habituated  to  the  destructive  and  pernicious  use  of  it.  It  is 
no  symptom  that  a  man  ought  not  to  live  without  spiritu- 
ous liquors,  because  he  says  that  he  cannot ;  but  the  reverse. 
His  hankering  after  them  is  conclusive  evidence  that  he  has 
used  them  too  freely  already.  And  it  is  quite  time  for  such 
a  one,  to  reflect  seriously  on  the  importance  of  his  breaking 
the  habit:  he  would  do  well  to  consider  whether  he  be  not 
on  the  road  to  intemperance — and  if  he  is  not  foolishly  wast- 
ing his  earnings;  now  is  the  only  time  for  such  a  one  to  de- 
liberate; for  if  a  habit  of  this  kind  is  ever  to  be  checked,  it 
must  be  done  before  it  be  deeply  rooted;  failure  of  the  prin- 
cipal crops  of  the  earth,  we  think  it  peculiarly  the  duty  of 
every  good  citizen,  to  unite  his  efforts,  to  reform  a  practice 
which  leads  so  many  to  poverty,  distress  and  ruin. 

Whereupon  we  do  hereby  associate,  and  mutually  agree, 
that  hereafter  we  will  carry  on  our  business  without  the  use 


Formation  of  the  Federal  Constitution  193 

of  distilled  spirits,  as  an  article  of  refreshment,  either  for  our- 
selves or  those  whom  we  employ;  and  that  instead  thereof, 
we  will  serve  our  workmen  with  wholesome  food,  and  the 
common  simple  drinks  of  our  own  production. — It  will  not 
answer  for  him  to  wait  until  he  is  sensible  that  he  is  actually 
injured;  for  many  a  man  has  become  a  complete  sot,  before 
he  has  thought  himself  in  any  degree  intemperate. 

Association  of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  Litchfield,  in 
Connecticut,  for  discouraging  the  use  of  spirituous  liquors. 
June,  1789. 

So  many  are  the  avenues  leading  to  human  misery,  that 
it  is  impossible  to  guard  them  all.  Such  evils,  as  are  pro- 
duced by  our  own  folly  and  weakness,  are  within  our  power 
to  avoid.  The  immoderate  use,  which  the  people  of  this 
state  make  of  distilled  spirits,  is  undoubtedly  an  evil  of  this 
kind.  It  is  obvious  to  every  person  of  the  smallest  observa- 
tion, that,  from  this  pernicious  practice,  follows  a  train  of 
evils,  difficult  to  be  enumerated.  The  morals  are  corrupted, 
property  is  exhausted,  and  health  destroyed.  And  it  is  most 
sincerely  to  be  regretted,  that,  from  a  mistaken  idea,  that 
distilled  spirits  are  necessary  to  labouring  men,  to  counter- 
act the  influence  of  heat  and  give  relief  from  severe  fatigue, 
a  most  valuable  class  of  citizens  have  been  led  to  contract 
a  habit  of  such  dangerous  tendency.  Hence  arises  the  in- 
ability to  pay  public  taxes,  to  discharge  private  debts,  and 
to  support  and  educate  families.  .  .  . 


194 


Readings  in  American  History 


Admission 
to  Prince- 
ton. 


Rules  for 
students. 


42.    LIFE  AT  PRINCETON  AND  ON  A  VIRGINIA  PLANTATION, 

1767-1774 

Philip  Vickers  Fithian  was  a  student  at  Princeton  College,  1770-2 
and  at  the  school  of  theology  1772-3.  He  then  went  to  Virginia  for 
a  year  as  tutor  in  the  family  of  Robert  Carter.  His  letters  give  an 
excellent  portrayal  of  the  life  of  that  time. — (Philip  Vickers  Fithian, 
Journal  and  Letters,  1767-74.  Princeton,  N.  J.,  1900.  With  per- 
mission of  Princeton  University  Library.) 

PRINCETON,  Novem: 

30th  Anno  1770. 
VERY  DEAR  FATHER, 

Altho'  I  am  very  busy  seeing  I  begun  to  study  three  weeks 
later  than  the  rest  of  our  Class,  yet  I  think  it  my  Duty  to 
give  you  Notice  of  my  Admission  to  this  flourishing  Semi- 
nary of  Learning,  which  is  another  grand  Step  towards  the 
Summit  of  my  Wishes.  .  .  . 

Mr.  Hunter  and  myself,  were  admitted  into  the  junior- 
Class  on  the  twenty  second  day  of  November,  after  a  pre- 
vious Examination  by  the  President,  Tutors,  and  some  re- 
siding Graduates;  which  was  about  three  Weeks  after  the 
College-Orders  began.  .  .  . 

Every  Student  must  rise  in  the  morning,  at  farthest  by 
half  an  hour  after  five;  the  grammar  Schollars  being  most 
of  them  small,  and  lodging  also  in  Town  at  some  Distance 
from  the  College,  are,  in  Winter,  excused  from  attending 
morning  Prayrs. 

The  Bell  rings  at  five,  after  which  there  is  an  Intermission 
of  half  an  hour,  that  everyone  may  have  time  to  dress,  at 
the  end  of  which  it  rings  again,  and  Prayrs  begin;  And  lest 
any  should  plead  that  he  did  not  hear  the  Bell,  the  Servant 
who  rings,  goes  to  every  Door  and  beats  till  he  wakens  the 
Boys,  which  leaves  them  without  Excuse.  .  .  . 

After  morning  Prayrs,  we  can,  now  in  the  Winter,  study 
an  hour  by  candle  Light  every  morning. 

We  breakfast  at  eight;  from  Eight  to  nine,  is  time  of  our 
own,  to  play  or  exercise. 


Formation  of  the  Federal  Constitution  195 

At  nine  the  Bell  rings  for  Recitation,  after  which  we  study 
till  one  when  the  Bell  rings  for  Dinner —  .  .  . 

After  dinner  till  three  we  have  Liberty  to  go  out  at  Pleas- 
ure. From  three  til'  five  we  study,  when  the  Bell  rings  for 
evening  Prayrs. 

We  sup  at  seven;  At  nine  the  Bell  rings  for  study;  And  a 
Tutor  goes  through  College,  to  see  that  every  Student  is  in 
his  own  room ;  if  he  finds  that  any  are  absent,  or  more  in  any 
Room  than  belong  there,  he  notes  them  down  and  the  day 
following  calls  them  to  an  Account. 

After  nine  any  may  go  to  bed,  but  to  go  before  is  reproach- 
ful. 

No  Student  is  allowed,  on  any  pretence,  Sickness  only  ex- 
cepted,  to  be  absent  on  Sunday,  from  public  Worship:  We 
have  two  Sermons  every  Sabbath:  One  at  eleven  in  the 
morning,  in  the  Church ;  and  the  other  at  three  in  the  After- 
noon, in  the  College  Hall.  I  am  indeed  much  pleased  with 
Dr.  Witherspoon  and  think  his  Sermons  almost  inimitable. 

We  rise  on  Sabbath  mornings  and  have  Prayrs  as  usual, .  .  . 

There  are  upwards  of  an  hundred  now  in  College  including  s 
the  grammar  Scholars:   The  present  Senior  Class  consists  of 
ten:   the  Junior  of  twenty-eight:   the  Sophimore  of  twenty- 
five:  And  the  Freshman  of  eighteen:  In  the  School  there  are 
about  twenty-five. 

I  am,  through  divine  goodness,  very  well,  and  more  recon- 
ciled to  rising  in  the  Morning  so  early  than  at  first.  .  .  . 

From,  Sir,  your  dutiful  Son. 

P.  FlTHIAN. 

Written  at  Princeton 
Jan.  13.  Anno  1772. 
VERY  DEAR,  AND  MUCH  RESPECTED  FATHER, 

Through  the  distinguished  Kindness  of  Heaven,  I  am  in 

good  Health,  and  have  much  Cause  to  be  delighted  with  my 

Lot.     I  would  not  change  my  condition,  nor  give  up  the 

Prospect  I  have  before  me,  on  any  Terms  almost  whatever. 

I  am  not  much  hurried  this  Winter  with  my  Studies;  but 


196 


Readings  in  American  History 


College 
discipline. 


I  am  trying  to  advance  myself  in  an  acquaintance  with  my 
fellow-Creatures;  and  with  the  Labours  of  the  ''Mighty 
Dead." 

I  am  sorry  that  I  may  inform  you,  that  two  of  our  Members 
were  expelled  from  the  College  yesterday;  not  from  Drunk- 
enness, nor  Fighting,  not  for  Swearing,  nor  Sabbath-Breaking; 
But,  they  were  sent  from  this  Seminary,  where  the  greatest 
Pains  and  Care  are  taken  to  cultivate  and  encourage  Decency, 
and  Honesty,  and  Honour,  for  stealing  Hens!  Shameful, 
mean,  unmanly  Conduct! 

If  a  Person  were  to  judge  of  the  generality  of  Students  by 
the  Conduct  of  such  earthborn  insatiate  Helluo's;  or  by  the 
detested  Character  of  wicked  Individuals,  (which  is  generally 
soonest  and  most  extensively  propagated,  and  known  abroad) 
how  terrible  an  Idea  must  he  have!  .  .  . 

P.  FITHIAN. 


A  Virginia 
tutor. 


Decemr.  1st.  1773. 
REV'D  SIR.     (Rev.  Enoch  Green). 

...  I  set  out  from  home  the  20th.  of  Octr.  and  arrived  at 
the  Hon:  Robert  Carters,  of  Xominy,  in  Westmoreland 
County,  the  28th.  I  began  to  teach  his  children  the  first  of 
November.  He  has  two  sons,  and  one  nephew;  the  oldest 
son  is  turned  of  seventeen,  and  is  reading  Salust  and  the 
Greek  grammar;  the  others  are  about  fourteen,  and  in  Eng- 
lish grammar,  and  arithmetic.  He  has  besides,  five  daughters 
which  I  am  to  teach  english,  the  eldest  is  turned  of  fifteen  and 
is  reading  the  spectator;  she  is  employed  two  days  in  every 
week  in  learning  to  play  the  Forte-Piano,  and  Harpsichord — 
the  others  are  smaller  and  learning  to  read  and  spell.  Mr. 
A  Virginia  Carter  is  one  of  the  Councillors  in  the  general  court  at  Will- 
iamsburg,  and  is  possesst  of  as  great,  perhaps  the  clearest 
fortune  according  to  the  estimation  of  people  here,  of  any 
man  in  Virginia.  He  seems  to  be  a  good  scholar,  even  in 
classical  learning,  and  is  a  remarkable  one  in  English  grammar; 
and  notwithstanding  his  rank,  which  in  general  seems  to 
countenance  indulgence  to  children,  both  himself  and  Mrs. 


planter. 


Formation  of  the  Federal  Constitution  197 

Carter  have  a  manner  of  instructing  and  dealing  with  chil- 
dren far  superior,  I  may  say  it  with  confidence,  to  any  I  have 
ever  seen,  in  any  place,  or  in  any  family.  They  keep  them 
in  perfect  subjection  to  themselves,  and  never  pass  over  an 
occasion  of  reproof;  and  I  blush  for  many  of  my  acquaint- 
ances when  I  say  that  the  children  are  more  kind  and  com- 
plaisant to  the  servants  who  constantly  attend  them  than  we 
are  to  our  superiors  in  age  and  condition.  Mr.  Carter  has 
an  overgrown  library  of  Books  of  which  he  allows  me  the  free 
use.  It  consists  of  a  general  collection  of  law  books,  all  the 
Latin  and  Greek  Classicks,  vast  number  of  books  on  Divinity 
chiefly  by  writers  who  are  of  the  established  Religion;  he  has 
the  works  of  almost  all  the  late  famous  writers,  as  Locke,  Ad- 
dison,  Young,  Pope,  Swift,  Dryden  etc.  in  Short,  Sir,  to 
speak  moderately,  he  has  more  than  eight  times  your  number 
— His  eldest  Son,  who  seems  to  be  a  Boy  of  genius  and  appli- 
cation is  to  be  sent  to  Cambridge  University,  but  I  believe 
will  go  through  a  course  either  in  Philadelphia  or  Princeton 
College  first.  As  to  what  is  said  concerning  Virginia  that  it 
is  difficult  to  avoid  being  corrupted  with  the  manners  of  the 
people,  I  believe  it  is  founded  wholly  in  a  mistaken  notion 
that  persons  must,  when  here  frequent  all  promiscuous  as- 
semblies; but  this  is  so  far  from  truth  that  anyone  who  does 
practice  it,  tho'  he  is  accused  of  no'  crime,  loses  at  once  his 
character;  so  that  either  the  manners  have  been  lately 
changed,  or  the  report  is  false,  for  he  seems  now  to  me  best 
esteemed  and  most  applauded  who  attends  to  his  business, 
whatever  it  be,  with  the  greatest  diligence.  .  .  . 

Friday  18,  1774. 

Mr.  Carter  now  possesses  60,000  acres  of  Land,  and  about  A  Virginia 
600  Negroes— But  his  Estate  is  much  divided,  and  lies  in  estate< 
almost  every  county  in  this  Colony;    He  has  Lands  in  the 
Neighbourhood  of  Williamsburg,  and  an  elegant  and  Spacious 
House  in  that  City — He  owns  a  great  part  of  the  well  known 
Iron-works  near  Baltimore  in  Maryland — And  he  has  one  or 
more  considerable  Farms  not  far  from  Anapolis. 


198  Readings  in  American  History 

.  .  .  Out  of  these  Lands,  which  are  situated  so  remote 
from  each  other  in  various  parts  of  these  two  large  Provinces, 
Virginia  and  Maryland,  Mr.  Carter  has  chosen  for  the  place 
of  his  habitation  a  high  spot  of  ground  in  Westmoreland 
County  at  the  Head  of  the  Navigation  of  the  River  Nomini, 
where  he  has  erected  a  large  elegant  House,  at  a  vast  expence, 
which  commonly  goes  by  the  name  of  Nomini-Hall.  This 
House  is  built  with  Brick,  but  the  bricks  have  been  covered 
with  strong  lime  mortar;  so  that  the  building  is  now  perfectly 
white;  it  is  seventy-six  Feet  long  from  East  to  West;  and 
forty-four  wide  from  North  to  South,  two  Stories  high; 

.  .  .  The  north  side  I  think  is  the  most  beautiful  of  all; 
In  the  upper  Story  is  a  Row  of  seven  Windows  with  eighteen 
lights  apiece;  and  below  six  windows,  with  the  like  number 
of  lights;  besides  a  large  Portico  in  the  middle,  at  the  sides 
of  which  are  two  windows  each  with  eighteen  Lights. — At 
the  west  end  are  no  Windows — The  number  of  Lights  in  all 
is  five  hundred,  and  forty  nine —  ...  As  this  House  is 
large,  and  stands  on  a  high  piece  of  Land  it  may  be  seen 
a  considerable  distance;  I  have  seen  it  at  the  Distance  of 
six  miles — 

At  equal  Distances  from  each  corner  of  this  Building  stand 
four  other  considerable  Houses,  which  I  shall  next  a  little 
describe.  First,  at  the  North-East  corner,  and  at  100  yards 
Distance  stands  the  School  House;  at  the  North-West  corner, 
and  at  the  same  Distance  stands  the  stable;  at  the  South- 
West  corner,  and  at  the  same  Distance  stands  the  Coach- 
House;  and  lastly,  at  the  South-East  corner,  and  at- an  equal 
distance  stands  the  Work-House.  These  four  Houses  are  the 
corner  of  a  Square  of  which  the  Great-House  is  the  center — 

.  .  .  Due  East  of  the  Great  House  are  two  Rows  of  tall, 
flourishing,  beautiful,  Poplars,  beginning  on  a  Line  drawn 
from  the  school  to  the  Wash-House;  these  Rows  are  some- 
thing wider  than  the  House,  and  are  about  300  yards  long, 
at  the  Eastermost  end  of  which  is  the  great  Road  leading 
through  Westmoreland  to  Richmond.  These  Rows  of  Pop- 
lars form  an  extremely  pleasant  avenue,  and  at  the  Road, 


Formation  of  the  Federal  Constitution  199 

through  them,  the  House  appears  most  romantic,  at  the  same 
time  that  it  is  truly  elegant — The  area  of  the  Triangle  made 
by  the  Wash-House,  Stable,  and  School-House  is  perfectly 
levil,  and  designed  for  a  bowling-green,  laid  out  in  rectangular 
walks  which  are  paved  with  Brick,  and  covered  over  with 
burnt  Oyster-Shells.  In  the  other  Triangle,  made  by  the 
Wash-House,  Stable,  and  Coach-House  is  the  Kitchen,  a  well- 
built  House,  as  large  as  the  School-House;  Bake-House; 
Dairy;  Store-House  and  several  other  small  Houses;  all  which 
stand  due  West,  and  at  a  small  distance  from  the  great 
House,  and  form  a  little  handsome  Street.  These  Buildings 
stand  about  a  quarter  of  a  Mile  from  a  Fork  in  the  River 
Nomini,  one  Branch  of  which  runs  on  the  East  of  us,  on  which 
are  two  mills;  one  of  them  belongs  to  Mr.  Turburville  the 
other  to  Mr.  Washington  (John  Augustine),  both  within  a 
mile — another  branch  of  the  River  runs  on  the  West  of  us  on 
which  and  at  a  small  distance  above  the  House  stands  Mr. 
Carters  merchant  mill,  ...  to  go  to  the  mill  from  the  House 
we  descend.  I  imagine  about  an  100  feet:  the  Dam  is  so 
broad  that  two  carriages  may  pass  conveniently  on  it;  and 
the  pond  from  twelve  to  Eighteen  Foot  water — At  the  for^ 
Mr.  Carter  has  a  granary,  where  he  lands  his  Wheat  for  the 
Mill,  Iron  from  the  Works  etc. —  .  .  . 

Monday  November  1st.  1773. 

We  began  School — The  School  consists  of  eight — Two  of  A  plan- 
Mr.  Carter's  sons— One  Nephew— and  five  Daughters— The  2SS. 
eldest  Son  is  reading  Salust:  Gramatical  Exercises,  and  latin 
Grammar — The  Second  Son  is  reading  english  Grammar  and 
Reading  English:  Writing  and  Cyphering  in  Subtraction — 
The  Nephew  is  Reading  and  Writing  as  above;  and  Cipher- 
ing in  Reduction — The  eldest  Daughter  is  reading  the  Spec- 
tator; Writing;  and  beginning  to  Cypher — the  second  is 
reading  next  out  of  the  Spelling-Book,  and  beginning  to  write 
—The  next  is  reading  in  the  Spelling-Book — the  fourth  is 
Spelling  in  the  beginning  of  the  Spelling-Book — And  the  last 
is  beginning  her  letters.  .  .  . 


200  )  leadings  in  American  History 

Thursday  4. 

Busy  in  School — To  day  the  two  eldest  daugnters.  and  sec- 
ond son  attended  the  Dancing  School.  .  .  . 

Wednesday  10. 

Busy  in  School — The  eldest  Daughter  taken  off  by  her 
teacher  in  Music:  Mr.  Stadley  who  is  learning  her  to  play 
the  Forte-piano. 

Thursday  25. 

Rode  this  morning  to  Richmond  Court-House,  where  two 
Horses  run  for  a  purse  of  500  Pounds:  besides  small  Betts 
almost  inumerable.  .  .  . 

Thursday  7. 

Mr.  Stadley  Miss  Priscilla's  music  master  arrived  this 
morning — He  performed  several  pieces  on  the  Violin.  .  .  . 

Fry  day  10. 

Miss  Nancy  is  beginning  on  the  Guitar.  Ben  finished 
reading  Salusts  Catiline  Conspiracy. 

Sunday  12. 

Rode  to  Nominy-Church,  parson  Smith  preached  15  min- 
utes— Advertisement  at  the  church  door  dated  Sunday  De- 
cember 12th.  Pork  to  be  sold  to-morrow  at  20/  per  Hun- 
dred.— 

Monday  13. 

.  .  .  Mr.  Carter  is  practising  this  evening  on  the  Guittar. 
He  begins  with  the  Trumpet  Minuet.  He  has  a  good  Ear 
for  Music;  a  vastly  delicate  Taste:  and  keeps  good  Instru- 
ments, he  has  here  at  Home  a  Harpischord,  Forte-Piano, 
Harmonica,  Guittar  and  German  Flutes,  and  at  Williams- 
burg,  has  a  good  organ,  he  himself  also  is  indefatigable  in  the 
Practice.  . 


Formation  of  the  Federal  Constitution  201 

Sunday  3. 

.  .  .  This  being  Easter-Sunday,  all  the  Parish  seemed  to 
meet  together  High,  Low,  black,  white  all  come  out —  .  .  . 
After  Sermon  I  rode  to  Mr.  Turburville's.  There  dined  with 
him,  Ladies  Mrs.  Carter,  and  Mrs.  George  Turburville :  Gen- 
tlemen, Colonel  Carter,  Squire-Lee,  Mr.  Cunningham,  and 
Mr.  Jennings,  Merchants;  Mr.  George  Lee  and  Ben  Carter 
and  myself — We  had  an  elegant  dinner;  Beef  and  greens; 
roast-Pig;  fine  boil'd  Rock-fish,  Pudding,  Cheese  etc. — 
Drink:  good  Porter-Beer,  Cyder,  Rum,  and  Brandy  Toddy. 
The  Virginians  are  so  kind  one  can  scarce  know  how  to  dis- 
pense with  or  indeed  accept  their  kindness  shown  in  such  a 
variety  of  instances. — 

.  .  .  The  country  begins  to  put  on  her  Flowery  Garment,   Fruit- 
and  appear  in  gaity — The  apricots  are  in  their  fullest  Bloom ;  growing- 
Peaches  also,  and  Plumbs,  and  several  sorts  of  Cheries  are 
blossoming;    as  I  look  from  my  window  and  see  groves  of 
Peach  Trees  on  the  Banks  of  Nomini  (for  the  orchards  here 
are  very  large)  and  other  Fruit  trees  in  Blossom.  .  .  . 

After  supper  I  had  a  long  conversation  with  Mrs.  Carter  The  siav- 
concerning  negroes  in  Virginia,  and  find  that  she  esteems  fj^prob 
their  value  at  no  higher  rate  than  I  do.  We  both  concluded, 
(I  am  pretty  certain  that  the  conclusion  is  just)  that  if  in 
Mr.  Carter's,  or  in  any  Gentlemans  Estate,  all  the  Negroes 
should  be  sold,  and  the  money  put  to  Interest  in  safe  hands, 
and  let  the  lands  which  these  Negroes  now  work  be  wholly 
uncultivated,  the  bare  Interest  of  the  price  of  the  Negroes 
would  be  a  much  greater  yearly  income  than  what  is  now  re- 
ceived from  their  working  the  Lands,  making  no  allowance 
at  all  for  the  trouble  and  risk  of  the  masters  as  to  the  Crops, 
and  Negroes. — How  much  greater  then  must  be  the  value  of 
an  estate  here  if  these  poor  enslaved  Africans  were  all  in  their 
native  desired  Country,  and  in  their  Room  industrious  Ten- 
ants, who  being  born  in  freedom,  by  a  laudable  care,  would 
not  only  enrich  their  Landlords,  but  would  raise  a  hardy  Off- 
spring to  be  the  Strength  and  the  honour  of  the  Colony.  .  .  . 


202  Readings  in  American  History 


43.    TREATMENT  OF  PRISONERS,  1785 

Benjamin  Harrison  was  governor  of  Virginia,  1783-6.  The  fol- 
lowing order  for  the  treatment  of  prisoners  was  taken  from  his 
Letter  Book,  pp.  452,  453.  State  Library,  Richmond,  Virginia. 

In  Council  March  28,  1785. 
SIR: 

You  are  to  take  under  your  care  the  prisoners  Francis  Wil- 
son, Bartholomew  Taylor,  Christopher  Clarke,  Thomas  Hum- 
phries, and  Philip  Miles  from  the  hands  of  William  Rose, 
Gaoler  and  to  cause  them  to  labor  upon  such  streets  and 
ways  of  communication  in  the  City  of  Richmond  as  the  Direct- 
ors of  the  Public  buildings  shall  point  out  to  you  from  time 
to  time.  The  said  Davis  for  five  years  and  all  the  others  for 
three  years.  You  are  to  observe  such  a  Degree  of  humanity 
towards  these  people  as  their  condition  will  permit  in  every- 
thing that  relates  to  them.  You  will  take  the  necessary 
measures  to  prevent  escapes  in  order  to  do  this  you  are  to 
cause  them  to  wear  such  irons  as  are  absolutely  necessary 
for  that  purpose.  Particular  care  must  be  taken  that  they 
have  plenty  of  wholesome  Food  and  that  their  Clothes  be 
warm  and  comfortable — two  Duffele  Blankets  must  be  had 
for  each  man,  and  they  are  to  lodge  of  nights  in  the  public 
Jail. 

You  are  to  take  care  that  their  cloaths  and  lodging  be 
kept  clean  and  that  their  labor  be  confined  to  the  usual  hours 
and  good  weather.  In  case  of  sickness  you  are  to  apply  to 
Doctor  Fonshee  for  medical  assistance.  From  the  state  of 
confinement  in  which  the  people  have  remained  lately,  it  is 
necessary  for  you  to  be  careful  that  they  avoid  such  a  De- 
gree of  exposure  and  labor,  as  may  be  safely  practiced  by 
persons  who  have  not  been  confined.  Their  progress  to  a  full 
share  of  labor  must  be  gradual. — You  are  to  see  that  they 
be  not  restrained  from  attending  divine  worship  and  attend 
them  accordingly.  You  are  to  apply  to  the  Directors  of  the 
public  buildings  for  food  for  the  Laborers — Clothes  will  be 


Formation  of  the  Federal  Constitution  203 

furnished  by  Colo.  Meriwether — and  as  a  full  compensation 
for  your  services  herein  you  are  to  be  allowed  one  hundred 
pounds  per  annum  to  be  paid  quarterly  out  of  the  Contin- 
gent Fund. 

I  am  etc. 

B.  H. 

44.     A  TRIP  TO  MT.  VERNON  AND  NORTH  CAROLINA 

During  the  period  of  the  Revolution  and  the  first  third  of  the 
nineteenth  century  Elkanah  Watson,  a  noted  traveler  in  both  Eu- 
rope and  America  recorded  his  observations  on  the  men  he  had  met 
and  incidents  connected  with  his  travels.  He  was  a  careful  ob- 
server, and  was  especially  interested  in  the  construction  of  canals 
and  the  development  of  agriculture. — (Elkanah  Watson,  Men  and 
Times  of  the  Revolution,  262-264  passim.  1856.) 

I  had  feasted  my  imagination  for  several  days  in  the  near  Meeting 
prospect  of  a  visit  to  Mount  Vernon,  the  seat  of  Washing-   Bashing- 
ton.     No  pilgrim  ever  approached  Mecca  with  greater  enthu-  ton. 
siasm.     I  arrived  there  in  the  afternoon  of  January  23d,  '85. 
I  was  the  bearer  of  the  letter  from  Gen.  Green,  with  another 
from  Col.  Fitzgerald,  one  of  the  former  aids  of  Washington, 
and  also  the  books  from  Granville  Sharp.     Although  assured 
that  these  credentials  would  secure  me  a  respectful  reception, 
I  trembled  with  awe  as  I  came  into  the  presence  of  this  great 
man.     I  found  him  at  table  with  Mrs.  Washington  and  his 
private  family,  and  was  received  in  the  native  dignity  and 
with  that  urbanity  so  peculiarly  combined  in  the  character 
of  a  soldier  and  eminent  private  gentleman.      He  soon  put 
me  at  ease  by  unbending  in  a  free  and  affable  conversation. 

The  cautious  reserve  which  wisdom  and  policy  dictated 
whilst  engaged  in  rearing  the  glorious  fabric  of  our  indepen- 
dance,  was  evidently  the  result  of  consummate  prudence,  and 
not  characteristic  of  his  nature.  Although  I  had  frequently 
seen  him  in  the  progress  of  the  revolution  and  had  corre-  , 
sponded  with  him  from  France  in  "81,  and  '82,  this  was  the 
first  occasion  on  which  I  had  contemplated  him  in  his  pri- 
vate relations.  I  observed  a  peculiarity  in  his  smile,  which 


204  Readings  in  American  History 

seemed  to  illuminate  his  eye;  his  whole  countenance  beamed 
with  intelligence,  while  it  commanded  confidence  and  re- 
spect. The  gentleman  who  had  accompanied  me  from  Alex- 
andria, left  in  the  evening,  and  I  remained  alone  in  the  en- 
joyment of  the  society  of  Washington,  for  two  of  the  richest 
days  of  my  life.  I  saw  him  reaping  the  reward  of  his  illus- 
trious deeds,  in  the  quiet  shade  of  his  beloved  retirement. 
He  was  at  the  matured  age  of  fifty-three.  Alexander  and 
Caesar  both  died  before  they  had  reached  that  period  of  life, 
and  both  had  immortalized  their  names.  How  much  stronger 
and  nobler  the  claims  of  Washington  to  immortality !  In  the 
impulses  of  mad  and  selfish  ambition,  they  acquired  fame  by 
wading  to  the  conquest  of  the  world  through  seas  of  blood. 
Washington,  on  the  contrary,  was  parsimonious  of  the  blood 
of  his  countrymen,  and  stood  forth,  the  pure  and  virtuous 
champion  of  their  rights,  and  formed  for  them  (not  himself) 
a  mighty  empire. 

Personal-  To  have  communed  with  such  a  man  in  the  bosom  of  his 
Washing-  faim'y»  I  shall  always  regard  as  one  of  the  highest  privileges 
ton.  of  my  life.  1  found  him  kind,  and  benignant  in  the  domestic 

circle,  beloved  and  revered  by  all  around  him;  agreeably  so- 
cial without  ostentation;  delighting  in  anecdote  and  adven- 
tures without  assumption;  his  domestic  arrangements  har- 
monious and  systematic.  His  servants  seemed  to  watch  his 
eye,  and  to  anticipate  his  every  wish;  hence  a  look  was  equiv- 
alent to  a  command.'  His  servant  Billy,  the  faithful  com- 
panion of  his  military  career,  was  always  at  his  side.  Smil- 
ing content  animated  and  beamed  on  every  countenance  in 
his  presence. 

The  first  evening  I  spent  under  the  wing  of  his  hospitality, 
we  sat  a  full  hour  at  table  by  ourselves  without  the  least  in- 
terruption, after  the  family  had  retired.  I  was  extremly  op- 
pressed by  a  severe  cold  and  excessive  coughing,  contracted 
by  the  exposure  of  a  harsh  winter  journey.  He  pressed  me 
to  use  some  remedies,  but  I  declined  doing  so.  As  usual 
after  retiring,  my  coughing  increased.  When  some  time  had 
elapsed,  the  door  of  my  room  was  gently  opened,  and  on 


Formation  of  the  Federal  Constitution 


205 


drawing  my  bed  curtains,  to  my  utter  astonishment,  I  be- 
held Washington  himself  standing  at  my  bedside,  with  a 
bowl  of  hot  tea  in  his  hand.  I  was  mortified  and  distressed 
beyond  measure.  This  little  incident  occurring  in  common 
life  with  an  ordinary  man,  would  not  have  been  noticed;  but 
as  a  trait  of  the  benevolence  and  private  virtue  of  Washing- 
ton deserves  to  be  recorded. 

He  modestly  waived  all  allusions  to  the  events,  in  which 
he  had  acted  so  glorious  and  conspicuous  a  part.  Much  of 
his  conversation  had  reference  to  the  interior  country,  and 
to  the  opening  of  the  navigation  of  the  Potomac,  by  canals 
and  locks,  at  the  Seneca,  the  Great  and  Little  Falls.  His 
mind  seemed  to  be  deeply  absorbed  by  that  object,  then  in 
earnest  contemplation.  He  allowed  me  to  take  minutes 
from  his  former  journals  on  this  subject,  of  which  the  follow- 
lowing  is  a  partial  summary. 

"  The  stock  of  the  company  is  divided  into  five  hundred 
shares  at  £50  sterling  each.  The  canal  company  has  been 
incorporated  by  both  Maryland  and  Virginia."  (Washington 
had  accepted  the  Presidency).  "The  preliminary  prepa- 
rations are  in  full  train,  to  commence  operations  in  the 
ensuing  Spring,  not  only  to  remove  the  obstacles  in  the 
Potomac  to  a  boat  navigation  from  Georgetown  to  Fort 
Cumberland  a  distance  of  one  hundred  and  ninety  miles,  but 
to  the  ultimate  construction  of  a  canal  to  Lake  Erie,  which 
is  intended  not  only  to  give  a  direction  of  the  fur  trade 
from  Detroit  to  Alexandria,  but  to  attract  the  eventual  trade 
of  the  country  north  of  the  Ohio  which  now  slumbers  in  a 
state  of  nature."  This  scheme  was  worthy  the  compre- 
hensive mind  of  Washington. 

To  demonstrate  the  practicability  and  the  policy  of  divert- 
ing the  trade  of  the  immence  interior  world  yet  unexplored 
to  Atlantic  cities,  especially  in  view  of  the  idea  that  the 
Mississippi  would  be  opened  by  Spain  was  his  constant  and 
favorite  theme.  .  .  . 

Since  my  travels  in  1779,  I  had  been  deeply  and  con- 
stantly impressed  with  the  importance  of  constructing  canals 


Washing- 
ton's in- 
terest in 
internal 
improve- 
ments. 


206 


Readings  in  American  History 


to  connect  the  various  waters  of  America.  This  conviction 
was  confirmed  by  the  examination  of  numerous  canals  in 
Europe,  and  travelling  extensively  on  several  of  them.  Hear- 
ing little  else  for  two  days  from  the  persuasive  tongue  of  this 
great  man,  I  confess  completely  infected  me  with  the  canal 
mania,  and  enkindled  all  my  enthusiasm.  .  .  . 

During  this  period  of  my  residence  in  North  Carolina,  the 
state  was  strongly  convulsed  by  the  agitation  of  the  ques- 
tion of  adopting  the  federal  constitution.  I  embarked  with 
great  zeal  and  ardor,  in  advocating  its  adoption,  personally 
and  by  numerous  contributions  to  the  press,  in  Virginia  and 

North  Carolina.  A  baptist  preacher  named  B ,  was  a 

candidate  for  the  State  convention,  which  was  to  decide,  in 
that  State,  the  great  question  of  acceding  to  or  rejecting  the 
proposed  Constitution.  B —  -  was  a  prominent  leader  of 
the  opposition,  and  with  him  I  had  been  engaged  in  many 
warm  personal  discussions  and  in  public  correspondence. 

The  week  previous  to  the  election,  I  was  riding  in  com- 
pany with  Major  Murfee,  who  has  been  already  introduced  to 
the  reader,  and  a  Dr.  Garvey,  a  warm  hearted  and  energetic 
Irishman,  several  miles  in  the  interior  from  Winton,  where 
we  noticed  a  paper  pasted  upon  a  tree,  which  read  as  follows : 
"  Notice !— On  Wednesday  next,  at  three  o'clock,  all  persons 
desirous  of  hearing  the  new  Constitution  explained,  by  Elder 

B 1,  are  requested  to  attend  his  church  in  the  Woodlands, 

17th  March  1788."  The  time  appointed  was  only  two  days 
previous  to  the  election. 

We  felt  indignant,  at  what  we  deemed  an  insidious  attempt 
to  deceive  the  community;  and  determined  to  be  present  in 
order  to  counteract  his  movement.  On  our  arrival  we  found 
a  horse  hitched  to  every  tree  about  the  church,  and  the  in- 
terior of  the  building  crowded.  We  pressed  our  way  into 

seats  a  little  distance  from  the  pulpit.  B 1  had  been 

some  time  at  his  nefarious  work,  explaining  the  Constitution 
to  suit  his  unhallowed  purposes.  He  frequently  cast  a  sus- 
picious and  disconcerted  eye  upon  our  pew.  He  then  began 
to  explain  the  object  of  the  ten  miles  square,  as  the  con- 


Formation  of  the  Federal  Constitution  207 

templated  seat  of  the  government.  "This,  my  friends," 
said  the  preacher,  "will  be  walled  in  or  fortified.  Here  an 
army  of  50,000,  or,  perhaps  100,000,  will  be  finally  embodied, 
and  will  sally  forth,  and  enslave  the  people,  who  will  be 
gradually  disarmed."  This  absurd  assumption  set  our  blood 
in  fermentation,  strongly  excited  already  in  party  feeling. 
We  consulted  a  moment,  and  agreed  to  possess  ourselves  of 
the  seat  directly  under  the  pulpit,  and  make  an  effort  to  dis- 
cuss the  subject,  or  break  up  the  meeting.  We  arose  to- 
gether, Garvey  with  the  Constitution  in  his  hand,  supported 
by  Murfee  on  his  right,  and  myself  on  his  left.  Garvey 
turned  towards  B 1,  and  said,  in  a  loud  voice: — 

"Sir,  as  to  the  ten  miles  square,  you  are" — here  he  was 
interrupted  by  a  general  movement  and  buzz,  which  in- 
stantly swelled  into  a  perfect  uproar.  At  this  crisis  we  were 
in  a  most  critical  situation,  and  only  saved  from  violence  by 
the  personal  popularity  of  Murfee,  who  was  universally  be- 
loved. We  were  glad  to  pass  out  with  the  torrent,  gain  our 
horses,  and  be  off.  We  however  attained  our  object — the 
meeting  was  dissolved. 

The  next  day  Garvey  and  myself  planned  and  executed  a 
caricature;  and  as  it  was  a  new  exhibition  among  the  people, 
we  hoped  it  would  have  a  good  effect  at  the  polls.  A  clergy- 
man was  represented  in  a  pulpit,  dressed  in  his  bands,  with  a 
label  proceeding  from  his  mouth  having  this  inscription: — 
"And  lo,  he  brayeth!"  This  we  commited  to  some  resolute 
fellows,  with  instructions  to  post  it  up  at  the  door  of  the 
courthouse,  on  the  opening  of  the  polls;  they  engaged  to 

defend  and  protect  it.  Some  of  B t's  friends  stung  to  the 

quick  by  the  sarcasm,  attempted  to  pull  it  down.  A  gen- 
eral battle  ensued.  This  obstructed  as  we  desired,  the  voting. 
Candles  were  lighted  in  the  courthouse;  these  were  extin- 
guished in  the  melee  and  both  parties  in  great  confusion  were 
left  in  the  dark,  literally  as  well  as  politically.  I  embraced 

the  oportunity  of  taking  French  leave.  B 1  gained  the 

election,  to  our  great  annoyance,  and  the  Constitution  was 
rejected  for  that  year  by  North-Carolina. 


CHAPTER  XIV 
ORGANIZATION   OF   THE   NEW   GOVERNMENT 

45.     INAUGURATION  OF  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON 

(David  Ramsay,  The  History  of  the  American  Revolution,  344, 
346  passim.     London,  1793.) 

Washing-  Though  great  diversity  of  opinions  had  prevailed  about 
the  people.  tne  new  constitution,  there  was  but  one  opinion  about  the 
person  who  should  be  appointed  its  supreme  executive  officer. 
The  people,  as  well  anti-federalists  as  federalists,  (for  by 
these  names  the  parties  for  and  against  the  new  constitution 
were  called)  unanimously  turned  their  eyes  on  the  late  com- 
mander of  their  armies,  as  the  most  proper  person  to  be 
their  first  President.  Perhaps  there  was  not  a  well-informed 
individual  in  the  United  States,  (Mr.  Washington  himself 
only  excepted)  who  was  not  anxious  that  he  should  be  called 
to  the  executive  administration  of  the  proposed  new  plan  of 
government.  Unambitious  of  further  honors,  he  had  re- 
tired to  his  farm  in  Virginia,  and  hoped  to  be  excused  from 
all  further  public  service;  but  his  country  called  him  by  an 
unanimous  vote  to  fill  the  highest  station  in  its  gift.  That 
honest  zeal  for  the  public  good,  which  had  uniformly  influ- 
enced him  to  devote  both  his  time  and  talents  to  the  serv- 
ice of  his  country,  got  the  better  of*  his  love  of  retirement, 
and  induced  him  once  more  to  engage  in  the  great  business 
of  making  a  nation  happy.  The  intelligence  of  his  election 
being  communicated  to  him,  while  on  his  farm  in  Virginia, 
he  set  out  soon  after  for  New  York.  On  his  way  thither,  the 
road  was  crowded  with  numbers  anxious  to  see  the  Man  of 
the  people.  Escorts  of  militia,  and  of  gentlemen  of  the  first 

208 


Organization  of  the  New  Government  209 

character  and  station,  attended  him  from  State  to  State,  and 
he  was  everywhere  received  with  the  highest  honors  which 
a  grateful  and  admiring  people  could  confer.  Addresses  of 
congratulation  were  presented  to  him  by  the  inhabitants  of 
almost  every  place  of  consequence  through  which  he  passed, 
to  all  of  which  he  returned  such  modest,  unassuming  answers 
as  were  in  every  respect  suitable  to  his  situation.  So  great 
were  the  honors  with  which  he  was  loaded,  that  they  could 
scarcely  have  failed  to  produce  haughtiness  in  the  mind  of 
any  ordinary  man;  but  nothing  of  the  kind  was  ever  dis- 
covered in  this  extraordinary  personage.  On  all  occasions 
he  behaved  to  all  men  with  the  affability  of  one  citizen  to  an- 
other. He  was  truly  great  in  deserving  the  plaudits  of  his 
country,  but  much  greater  in  not  being  elated  with  them. 

Of  the  numerous  addresses  which  were  presented  on  this 
occasion,  one  subscribed  by  Dennis  Ramsay,  the  mayor  of 
Alexandria,  in  the  name  of  the  people  of  that  city,  who  were 
the  neighbors  of  Mr.  Washington,  was  particularly  and  uni- 
versally admired.  It  was  in  the  following  words : 

"  To  George  Washington,  Esq.,  President  of  the  United  States,  etc. 

"  Again  your  country  commands  your  care.  Obedient  to 
its  wishes,  unmindful  of  your  ease,  we  see  you  again  relin- 
quishing the  bliss  of  retirement;  and  this  too,  at  a  period 
of  life,  when  nature  itself  seems  to  authorize  a  preference  of 
repose! 

"Not  to  extol  your  glory  as  a  soldier;  not  to  pour  forth 
our  gratitude  for  past  services;  not  to  acknowledge  the  jus- 
tice of  the  unexampled  honor  which  has  been  conferred  upon 
you  by  the  spontaneous  and  unanimous  suffrage  of  three 
millions  of  freemen,  in  your  election  to  the  supreme  magis- 
tracy; nor  to  admire  the  patriotism  which  directs  your  con- 
duct, do  your  neighbors  and  friends  now  address  you ;  themes 
less  splendid,  but  more  endearing,  impress  our  minds.  The 
first  and  best  of  citizens  must  leave  us;  our  aged  must  lose 
their  ornament;  our  youth  their  model;  our  agriculture  its 
improver;  our  commerce  its  friend;  our  infant  academy  its 


210  Readings  in  American  History 

protector;  our  poor  their  benefactor;  and  the  interior  navi- 
gation of  the  Potomac  (an  event  replete  with  the  most  ex- 
tensive utility,  already,  by  your  unremitted  exertions,  brought 
into  partial  use)  its  institutor  and  promoter, 

"Farewell! 

"Farewell!  .  .  .  Go!  and  make  a  grateful  people  happy; 
a  people,  who  will  be  doubly  grateful,  when  they  contemplate 
this  recent  sacrifice  for  their  interest. 

"To  that  Being,  who  maketh  and  unmaketh  at  his  will, 
we  commend  you;  and  after  the  accomplishment  of  the 
arduous  business  to  which  you  are  called,  may  he  restore 
you  to  us  again,  the  best  of  men,  and  the  most  beloved  fellow 
citizen!" 

To  this  Mr.  Washington  returned  the  following  answer: 

"GENTLEMEN, 

"Although  I  ought  not  to  conceal,  yet  I  cannot  describe 
the  painful  emotions  which  I  felt  in  being  called  upon  to  de- 
termine whether  I  would  accept  or  refuse  the  Presidency  of 
the  United  States.  The  unanimity  in  the  choice;  the  opinion 
of  my  friends ;  communicated  from  different  parts  of  Europe, 
as  well  as  from  America ;  the  apparent  wish  of  those  who  were 
not  entirely  satisfied  with  the  constitution  in  its  present  form; 
and  an  ardent  desire  on  my  own  part  to  be  instrumental  in 
connecting  the  good  will  of  my  countrymen  towards  each 
other;  have  induced  an  acceptance.  Those  who  knew  me 
best  (and  you,  my  fellow  citizens,  are  from  your  situation  in 
that  number)  know  better  than  any  others,  my  love  of  re- 
tirement is  so  great,  that  no  earthly  consideration,  short  of 
a  conviction  of  duty,  could  have  prevailed  upon  me  to  depart 
from  my  resolution,  'never  more  to  take  any  share  in  trans- 
actions of  a  public  nature.'  For,  at  my  age,  and  in  my  cir- 
cumstances, what  prospects  or  advantages  could  I  propose 
to  myself,  from  embarking  again  on  the  tempestuous  and  un- 
certain ocean  of  public  life? 

"  I  do  not  feel  myself  under  the  necessity  of  making  public 


Organization  of  the  New  Government  211 

declarations,  in  order  to  convince  you,  Gentlemen,  of  my  at- 
tachment to  yourselves,  and  regard  for  your  interests;  the 
whole  tenor  of  my  life  has  been  open  to  your  inspection ;  and 
my  past  actions,  rather  than  my  present  declarations,  must 
be  the  pledge  of  my  future  conduct. 

"  In  the  mean  time,  I  thank  you  most  sincerely  for  the  ex- 
pressions of  kindness  contained  in  your  valedictory  address. 
It  is  true,  just  after  having  bid  adieu  to  my  domestic  con- 
nections, this  tender  proof  of  your  friendships  is  but  too  well 
calculated  still  farther  to  awaken  my  sensibility,  and  increase 
my  regret  at  parting  from  the  enjoyment  of  private  life. 

"  All  that  now  remains  for  me,  is  to  commit  myself  and  you 
to  the  protection  of  that  beneficent  Being,  who  on  a  former 
occasion  hath  happily  Jarought  us  together,  after  a  long  and 
distressing  separation :  perhaps  the  same  gracious  Providence 
will  again  indulge  me.  Unutterable  sensations  must  then 
be  left  to  more  expressive  silence;  while  from  an  aching  heart, 
I  bid  you  all,  my  affectionate  friends,  Und  kind  neighbors, 
farewell!" 

Gray's-Bridge  over  the  Schuylkill,  which  Mr.  Washington  Journey 
had  to  pass,  was  highly  decorated  with  laurels  and  evergreens,  ^ip^" 
At  each  end  of  it  were  erected  magnificent  arches  composed 
of  laurels,  emblematical  of  the  ancient  Roman  triumphal 
arches;  and  on  each  side  of  the  bridge  was  a  laurel  shrubbery. 
As  Mr.  Washington  passed  the  bridge,  a  youth  ornamented 
with  sprigs  of  laurel,  assisted  by  machinery,  let  drop  above 
his  head,  though  unperceived  by  him,  a  civic  crown  of  laurel. 
Upwards  of  20,000  citizens  lined  the  fences,  fields,  and  ave- 
nues, between  the  Schuylkill  and  Philadelphia.  Through 
these  he  was  conducted  to  the  city,  by  a  numerous  and  re- 
spectable body  of  the  citizens,  where  he  partook  of  an  elegant 
entertainment  provided  for  him.  The  pleasures  of  the  day 
were  succeeded  by  a  handsome  display  of  fireworks  in  the 
evening. 

When  Mr.  Washington  crossed  the  Delaware,  and  landed 
on  the  Jersey  shore,  he  was  saluted  with  three  cheers  by  the 


212  Readings  in  American  History 

inhabitants  of  the  vicinity.  When  he  came  to  the  brow  of  the 
hill,  on  his  way  to  Trenton,  a  triumphal  arch  was  erected  on 
the  bridge,  by  the  direction  of  the  ladies  of  the  place.  The 
crown  of  the  arch  was  highly  ornamented  with  imperial 
laurels  and  flowers,  and  on  it  was  displayed  in  large  figures, 
December  26th,  1776.  On  the  sweep  of  the  arch  beneath 
was  this  inscription,  "The  defender  of  the  Mothers  will  also 
protect  their  Daughters."  On  the  north  side  were  ranged 
a  number  of  young  girls  dressed  in  white,  with  garlands  of 
flowers  on  their  heads,  and  baskets  of  flowers  on  their  arms; 
in  the  second  row  stood  the  young  ladies,  and  behind  them  the 
married  ladies  of  the  town.  The  instant  he  passed  the  arch, 
the  young  girls  began  to  sing  the  following  ode: 

"Welcome,  mighty  chief,  once  more, 
Welcome  to  this  grateful  shore: 
Now  no  mercenary  foe 
Aims^  again  the  fatal  blow, 
Aims  at  thee  the  fatal  blow. 
Virgins  fair,  and  matrons  grave, 
These  thy  conquering  arm  did  save, 
Build  for  thee  triumphal  bowers; 
Strew,  ye  fair,  his  way  with  flowers, 
Strew  your  Hero's  way  with  flowers." 

As  they  sung  the  last  lines,  they  strewed  their  flowers  on 
the  road  before  their  beloved  deliverer.  His  situation  on 
this  occasion,  contrasted  with  what  he  had  in  Dec.  1776  felt 
on  the  same  spot,  when  the  affairs  of  America  were  at  the 
lowest  ebb  of  depression,  filled  him  with  sensations  that  cannot 
be  described.  He  was  rowed  across  the  bay  from  Elizabeth- 
Town  to  New-York  in  an  elegant  barge  by  thirteen  pilots. 
All  the  vessels  in  the  harbour  hoisted  their  flags.  Stairs  were 
erected  and  decorated  for  his  reception.  On  his  landing, 
universal  joy  diffused  itself  through  every  order  of  the  people, 
and  he  was  received  and  congratulated  by  the  governor  of 
the  State,  and  officers  of  the  corporation.  He  was  conducted 
from  the  landing-place  to  the  house  which  had  been  fitted 
up  for  his  reception,  and  was  followed  by  an  elegant  proces- 


Organization  of  the  New  Government  213 

sion  of  militia  in  their  uniforms,  and  by  great  numbers  of 
citizens.  In  the  evening,  the  houses  of  the  inhabitants  were 
brilliantly  illuminated.  A  day  was  fixed,  soon  after  his  ar-  The  inau- 
rival,  for  his  taking  the  oath  of  office,  which  was  in  the  follow-  Duration, 
ing  words :  "  I  do  solemnly  swear  that  I  will  faithfully  execute 
the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  and  will,  to  the 
best  of  my  ability,  preserve,  protect,  and  defend,  the  consti- 
tution of  the  United  States."  On  this  occasion  he  was  wholly 
clothed  in  American  manufactures.  In  the  morning  of  the 
day  appointed  for  this  purpose,  the  clergy  of  different  de- 
nominations assembled  their  congregations  in  their  respective 
places  of  worship,  and  offered  up  public  prayers  for  the  Presi- 
dent and  people  of  the  United  States.  About  noon,  a  proces- 
sion, followed  by  a  multitude  of  citizens,  moved  from  the 
President's  house  to  Federal  Hall.  When  they  came  within 
a  short  distance  from  the  Hall,  the  troops  formed  a  line  on 
both  sides  of  the  way,  through  which  Mr.  Washington,  accom- 
panied by  the  Vice-President,  Mr.  John  Adams,  passed  into 
the  Senate  Chamber.  Immediately  after,  accompanied  by 
both  houses,  he  went  into  the  gallery  fronting  Broad-Street, 
and  before  them,  and  an  immense  concourse  of  citizens,  took 
the  oath  prescribed  by  the  constitution,  which  was  adminis- 
tered by  R.  R.  Livingston,  the  Chancellor  of  the  State  of 
New-York.  An  awful  silence  prevailed  among  the  spectators 
during  this  part  of  the  ceremony.  It  was  a  minute  of  the 
most  sublime  political  joy.  The  Chancellor  then  proclaimed 
him  President  of  the  United  States.  This  was  answered  by 
the  discharge  of  13  guns,  and  by  the  effusions  of  shouts,  from 
near  10,000  grateful  and  affectionate  hearts.  The  President 
bowed  most  respectfully  to  the  people,  and  the  air  resounded 
again  with  their  acclamations.  He  then  retired  to  the  Senate 
Chamber,  where  he  made  the  following  speech  to  both  houses : 

*  • ' 
"Fellow  Citizens  of  the  Senate,  and  of  the  House  of  Repre-  inaugural 

sentatives.  addres8' 

"Among  the  vicissitudes  incident  to  life,  no  event  could 
have  filled  me  with  greater  anxieties,  than  that  of  which  the 


214  Readings  in  American  History 

notification  was  transmitted  by  your  order,  and  received  on 
the  14th  day  of  the  present  month.  On  the  one  hand,  I  was 
summoned  by  my  country,  whose  voice  I  can  never  hear  but 
with  veneration  and  love,  from  a  retreat  which  I  had  chosen 
with  the  fondest  predilection,  and  in  my  flattering  hopes,  with 
an  immutable  decision,  as  the  asylum  of  my  declining  years; 
a  retreat  which  was  rendered  every  day  more  necessary  as 
well  as  more  dear  to  me,  by  the  addition  of  habit  to  inclina- 
tion, and  of  frequent  interruptions  in  my  health,  to  the 
gradual  waste  committed  on  it  by  time.  .  .  .  On  the  other 
hand,  the  magnitude  and  difficulty  of  the  trust  to  which  the 
voice  of  my  country  called  me,  being  sufficient  to  awaken  in 
the  wisest  and  most  experienced  of  her  citizens,  a  distrustful 
scrutiny  into  his  qualifications,  could  not  but  overwhelm  with 
despondence,  one,  who,  inheriting  inferior  endowments  from 
nature,  and  unpractised  in  the  duties  of  civil  administra- 
tion, ought  to  be  peculiarly  conscious  of  his  own  deficiencies. 
In  this  conflict  of  emotions,  all  I  dare  aver,  is,  that  it  has  been 
my  faithful  study  to  collect  my  duty  from  a  just  appreciation 
of  every  circumstance  by  which  it  might  be  affected.  All  I 
dare  hope,  is,  that,  if  in  executing  this  task,  I  have  been  too 
much  swayed  by  a  grateful  remembrance  of  former  instances, 
or  by  an  affectionate  sensibility  to  this  transcendent  proof  of 
the  confidence  of  my  fellow-citizens;  and  have  thence  too 
little  consulted  my  incapacity  as  well  as  disinclination,  for 
the  weighty  and  untried  cares  before  me;  my  error  will  be 
palliated  by  the  motives  which  misled  me,  and  its  conse- 
quences be  judged  by  my  country,  with  some  share  of  the 
partiality  in  which  they  originated.  .  .  . 

"To  the  preceeding  observations  I  have  one  to  add,  which 
will  be  most  properly  addressed  to  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives; it  concerns  myself,  and  will,  therefore,  be  as  brief  as 
possible.  / 

"When  I  was  first  honoured  with  a  call  into  the  service  of 
my  country,  then  on  the  eve  of  an  arduous  struggle  for  its 
liberties,  the  light  in  which  I  contemplated  my  duty,  required, 
that  1  should  renounce  every  pecuniary  compensation.  From 


. 
Organization  of  the  New  Government  215 

this  resolution  I  have  in  no  instance  departed.  And  being 
still  under  the  impressions  which  produced  it,  I  must  decline 
as  inapplicable  to  myself,  any  share  in  the  personal  emolu- 
ments, which  may  be  indispensably  included  in  a  permanent 
provision  for  the  executive  department;  and  must  accordingly 
pray,  that  the  pecuniary  estimates  for  the  station  in  which  I 
am  placed,  may,  during  my  continuance  in  it,  be  limited  to 
such  actual  expenditures  as  the  public  good  may  be  thought 
to  require. 

"Having  thus  imparted  to  you  my  sentiments,  as  they  have 
been  awakened  by  the  occasion  which  brings  us  together — 
I  shall  take  my  present  leave;  but  not  without  resorting 
once  more  to  the  benign  Parent  of  the  human  race,  in  hum- 
ble supplication,  that  since  he  has  been  pleased  to  favour 
the  American  people  with  opportunities  for  deliberating  in 
perfect  tranquillity,  and  dispositions  for  deciding  with  unpar- 
alleled unanimity  on  a  form  of  government,  for  the  security 
of  their  union,  and  the  advancement  of  their  happiness;  so 
his  Divine  blessing  may  be  equally  conspicuous  in  the  en- 
larged views,  the  temperate  consultations,  and  the  wise  meas- 
ures on  which  the  success  of  this  government  must  depend." 

The  President  and  Congress  then  attended  on  divine 
service. 

In  the  evening  a  very  ingenious  and  splendid  shew  of  fire-  other  fea- 
works  was  exhibited.     Betwixt  the  fort  and   the  bowling  JJJ^Hu 
green  stood  conspicuous,  a  superb  and  brilliant  transparent  guration. 
painting,  in  the  center  of  which  was  the  portrait  of  the  Presi- 
dent, represented  under  the  emblem  of  fortitude;    on  his 
right  hand  was  Justice,  representing  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States;   and  on  his  left,  Wisdom,  representing  the  House  of 
Represen  tati  ves. 

This  memorable  day  completed  the  organization  of  the 
new  constitution.  By  this  establishment  the  rising  genera- 
tion will  have  an  opportunity  of  observing  the  result  of  an 
experiment  in  politics,  which  before  has  never  been  fairly 
made.  The  experience  of  former  ages  has  given  many  mel- 


210 


Readings  in  American  History 


ancholy  proofs,  that  the  popular  governments  have  seldom 
answered  in  practice  to  the  theories  and  warm  wishes  of 
their  admirers.  The  present  inhabitants  of  independent 
America  now  have  an  opportunity  to  wipe  off  this  aspersion, 
to  assert  the  dignity  of  human  nature,  and  the  capacity  of 
mankind  for  self-government.  .  .  . 


46.  FORMS  AND  CEREMONIES  CONNECTED  WITH  THE  IN- 
AUGURATION OF  THE  GOVERNMENT 

Senator  William  Maclay,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  an  ardent  Anti- 
Federalist.  During  the  two  years  he  was  in  the  Senate,  1789-91,  he 
kept  a  journal,  which  was  not  intended  for  publication.  At  times 
he  was  unduly  severe  in  his  criticisms  of  political  opponents.  De- 
scriptions of  debates  in  the  Senate  and  of  the  forms  and  ceremonies 
of  that  period  are  given  in  a  most  graphic  manner. — (William  Mac- 
lay,  Journal  (edited  by  Edgar  S.  Maclay),  7,  69,  208  passim.  With 
permission  of  D.  Appleton  &  Co.,  New  York,  1890.) 

30th  April,  (1789)  Thursday.— This  is  a  great,  important, 
day.  Goddess  of  etiquette,  assist  me  while  I  describe  it. 
The  Senate  stood  adjourned  to  half  after  eleven  o'clock. 
About  ten  dressed  in  my  best  clothes;  went  for  Mr.  Morris' 
lodgings,  but  met  his  son,  who  told  me  that  his  father  would 
not  be  in  town  until  Saturday.  Turned  into  the  Hall.  The 
crowd  already  great.  The  Senate  met.  The  Vice-President 
rose  in  the  most  solemn  manner.  .  .  .  "Gentlemen,  I  wish 
for  the  direction  of  the  Senate.  The  President  will,  I  sup- 
pose, address  the  Congress.  How  shall  I  behave?  How 
shall  we  receive  it?  Shall  it  be  standing  or  sitting?" 

Here  followed  a  considerable  deal  of  talk  from  him  which 
I  could  make  nothing  of.  Mr.  Lee  began  with  the  House 
of  Commons  (as  is  usual  with  him),  then  the  House  of  Lords; 
then  the  King,  and  then  back  again.  The  result  of  his  in- 
formation was,  that  the  Lords  sat,  and  the  Commons  stood, 
on  the  delivery  of  the  King's  speech.  Mr.  Izard  got  up  and 
told  how  often  he  had  been  in  the  House  of  Parliament.  He 
said  a  great  deal  of  what  he  had  seen  there.  (He)  made, 


Organization  of  tlie  New  Government  217 

however,  this  sagacious  discovery,  that  the  Commons  stood 
because  they  had  no  seats  to  sit  on,  being  arrived  at  the 
bar  of  the  House  of  Lords.  It  was  discovered  after  some 
time  that  the  King  sat,  too,  and  had  his  robes  and  crown  on. 

Mr.  Adams  got  up  again,  and  said  he  had  been  very  often, 
indeed,  at  the  Parliament  on  those  occasions,  but  there  was 
always  such  a  crowd,  and  ladies  along,  he  could  not  say  how 
it  was.  Mr.  Carrol  got  up  to  declare  that  he  thought  it  of 
no  consequence,  how  it  was  in  Great  Britain — they  were  no 
rule  to  us,  etc.  But  all  at  once  the  Secretary,  who  had  been 
out,  whispered  to  the  Chair  that  the  Clerk  from  the  Repre- 
sentatives was  at  the  door  with  a  communication.  Gentle- 
men of  the  Senate,  how  shall  he  be  received?  A  silly  kind 
of  resolution  of  the  committee  on  that  business  had  been 
laid  on  the  table  some  days  ago.  The  amount  of  it  was, 
that  each  House  should  communicate  to  the  other  what  and 
how  they  chose;  it  concluded,  however,  something  in  this 
way;  that  everything  should  be  done  with  all  the  propriety 
that  was  proper.  The  question  was,  Shall  this  be  adopted, 
that  we  may  know  how  to  receive  the  Clerk?  It  was  ob- 
jected; this  will  throw  no  light  on  the  subject;  it  will  leave 
you  where  you  are.  Mr.  Lee  brought  the  House  of  Com- 
mons before  us  again.  He  reprobated  the  rule;  declared 
that  the  Clerk  should  not  come  within  the  bar  of  the  House; 
that  the  proper  mode  was  for  the  Sergeant-at-Arms,  with 
the  mace  on  his  shoulder,  to  meet  the  Clerk  at  the  door  and 
recieve  his  communication;  we  are  not,  however,  provided 
for  this  ceremonious  way  of  doing  business,  having  neither 
mace  nor  Sergeant,  nor  Masters  in  Chancery,  who  carry 
down  bills  from  the  English  Lords. 

Mr.  Izard  got  up  and  labored  unintelligibly  to  show  the 
great  distinction  between  a  communication  and  a  delivery 
of  a  thing;  but  he  was  not  minded.  Mr.  Ellsworth  showed 
plainly  enough  that  if  the  Clerk  was  not  permitted  to  de- 
liver the  communication,  the  Speaker  might  as  well  send  it 
enclosed.  Repeated  accounts  came  (that)  the  Speaker  and 
Representatives  were  at  the  door.  Confusion  ensued;  the 


218 


Readings  in  American  History 


members  left  their  seats:  Mr.  Reed  rose  and  called  the  at- 
tention of  the  Senate  to  the  neglect  that  had  been  shown 
to  Mr.  Thomson,  late  Secretary.  Mr.  Lee  rose  to  answer 
him;  but  I  could  not  hear  one  word  he  said.  The  Speaker 
was  introduced,  followed  by  the  Representatives.  Here  we 
sat  an  hour  and  ten  minutes  before  the  President  arrived — 
this  delay  was  owing  to  Lee,  Izard,  and  Dalton,  who  had 
stayed  with  us  until  the  Speaker  came  in,  instead  of  going 
to  attend  the  President.  The  President  advanced  between 
the  Senate  and  Representatives,  bowing  to  each.  He  was 
placed  in  the  chair  by  the  Vice-President;  the  Senate,  with 
their  President,  on  the  right,  the  Speaker  and  Representa- 
tives on  his  left.  The  Vice-President  rose,  and  addressed  a 
short  sentence  to  him.  The  import  of  it  was  that  he  should 
now  take  the  oath  of  office  as  President.  He  seemed  to  have 
forgot  half  of  what  he  was  to  say,  for  he  made  a  dead  pause 
and  stood  for  some  time,  to  appearance,  in  a  vacant  mood. 
He  finished  with  a  formal  bow,  and  the  President  was  con- 
ducted out  of  the  middle  window  into  the  gallery,  and  the 
oath  was  administered  by  the  Chancellor.  Notice  that  the 
business  was  done  was  communicated  to  the  crowd  by  the 
proclamation,  etc.,  who  gave  three  cheers,  and  repeated  it  on 
the  President's  bowing  to  them. 

As  the  company  returned  into  the  Chamber,  the  President 
took  the  chair  and  the  Senate  and  Representatives,  their 
seats.  He  rose  and  all  rose,  and  addressed  them.  This  great 
man  was  agitated  and  embarrassed  more  than  ever  he  was 
by  the  leveled  cannon  or  pointed  musket.  He  trembled,  and 
several  times  could  scarce  make  out  to  read,  though  it  must 
be  supposed  he  had  often  read  it  before.  He  put  part  of  the 
fingers  of  his  left  hand  into  the  side  of  what  I  think  the 
tailors  call  the  fall  of  the  breeches,  'changing  the  paper  into 
his  left  [right]  hand.  After  some  time  he  then  did  the  same 
with  some  of  the  fingers  of  his  right  hand.  When  he  came 
to  the  words  all  the  world,  he  made  a  flourish  with  his  right 
hand  which  left  rather  an  ungainly  impression.  I  sincerely, 
for  my  part,  wished  all  set  ceremony  in  the  hands  of  the 


Organization  of  the  New  Government 


219 


dancing  masters,  and  that  this  first  of  men  had  read  off  his 
address  in  the  plainest  manner,  without  ever  taking  his  eyes 
from  the  paper;  for  I  felt  hurt  that  he  was  not  first  in  every- 
thing. He  was  dressed  in  deep  brown,  with  metal  buttons, 
with  an  eagle  on  them,  white^stockings,  a  bag,  and  sword. 

From  the  hall  there  was  a  grand  procession  to  St.  Paul's 
Church,  where  prayers  were  said  by  the  Bishop.  The  pro- 
cession was  well  conducted  and  without  accident,  as  far  as 
I  have  heard.  The  militia  were  all  under  arms,  lined  the 
street  near  the  church,  made  a  good  figure,  and  behaved  well. 

The  Senate  returned  to  their  chamber  after  service,  formed, 
and  took  up  the  address.  Our  Vice-President  called  it  his 
most  gracious  speech.  I  cannot  approve  of  this.  A  com- 
mittee was  appointed  on  it — Johnson,  Carrol,  Patterson. 
Adjourned.  In  the  evening  there  were  grand  fireworks.  The 
Spanish  Ambassador's  house  was  adorned  with  transparent 
paintings;  the  French  minister's  house  was  illuminated,  and 
had  some  transparent  pieces;  the  Hall  was  grandly  illumi- 
nated, and  after  all  this  the  people  went  to  bed. 

May  1st. — Attended  at  the  Hall  at  eleven.  The  prayers 
were  over  and  the  minutes  read.  When  we  came  to  the 
minutes  of  the  speech  it  stood,  His  Most  Gracious  Speech. 
I  looked  all  around  the  Senate.  Every  countenance  seemed 
to  wear  a  blank.  The  Secretary  was  going  on :  I  must  speak 
or  nobody  would.  "Mr.  President,  we  have  lately  had  a 
hard  struggle  for  our  liberty  against  kingly  authority.  The 
minds  of  men  are  still  heated;  everything  related  to  that 
species  of  government  is  odious  to  the  people.  The  words 
prefixed  to  the  President's  speech  are  the  same  that  are  usu- 
ally placed  before  the  speech  of  his  Britannic  Majesty?  I 
know  they  will  give  offense.  I  consider  them  as  improper. 
I  therefore  move  that  they  be  struck  out,  and  that  it  stand 
simply  address  or  speech,  as  may  be  judged  most  suitable." 

Mr.  Adams  rose  in  his  chair  and  expressed  the  greatest 
surprise  that  anything  should  be  objected  to  on  account  of 
its  being  taken  from  the  practice  of  that  government  under 
which  we  had  lived  so  long  and  happily  formerly;  that  he 


Procession 
to  Saint 
Paul's 
Church. 


220  Readings  in  American  History 

was  for  a  dignified  and  respectable  government,  and  as  far 
as  he  knew  the  sentiments  of  people  they  thought  as  he  did; 
that  for  his  part  *he  was  one  of  the  first  in  the  late  contest 
[the  Revolution],  and,  if  he  could  have  thought  of  this,  he 
never  would  have  drawn  his  sword. 

Painful  as  it  was,  I  had  to  contend  with  the  Chair.  I  ad- 
mitted that  the  people  of  the  colonies  (now  States)  had  en- 
joyed formerly  great  happiness  under  that  species  of  govern- 
ment, but  the  abuses  of  that  Government  under  which  they 
had  to  fear  from  that  kind  of  government;  that  there  had 
been  a  revolution  in  the  sentiments  of  people  respecting  gov- 
ernment equally  great  as  that  which  had  happened  in  the 
Government  itself;  that  even  the  modes  of  it  were  now  ab- 
horred; that  the  enemies  of  the  Constitution  had  objected 
to  it  the  facility  there  would  be  of  transition  from  it  to 
kingly  government  and  all  the  trappings  and  splendor  of 
royalty;  that  if  such  a  thing  as  this  appeared  on  our  min- 
utes, they  would  not  fail  to  represent  it  as  the  first  step  of 
the  ladder  in  the  ascent  to  royalty.  The  Vice-President 
rose  a  second  time,  and  declared  that  he  had  mentioned  it 
to  the  Secretary;  that  he  could  not  possibly  conceive  that 
any  person  could  take  offense  at  it.  ... 

After  the  House  adjourned  the  Vice-President  took  me  to 
one  side,  declared  how  much  he  was  for  an  efficient  Govern- 
ment, how  much  he  respected  General  Washington,  and  much 
of  that  kind.  I  told  him  I  would  yield  to  no  person  in  re- 
spect to  General  Washington;  that  our  common  friends 
would  perhaps  one  day  inform  him  that  I  was  not  wanting 
in  respect  to  himself  [Adams];  that  my  wishes  for  an  effi- 
cient Government  were  as  high  as  any  man's,  and  I  begged 
him  to  believe  that  I  did  myself  great  violence  when  I  op- 
posed him  in  the  chair,  and  nothing  but  a  sense  of  duty 
could  force  me  to  it.  He  got  on  the  subject  of  checks  to 
government  and  the  balances  of  power.  ...  I  caught  at  the 
last  word,  and  said  undoubtedly  without  a  balance  there  could 
be  no  equilibrium,  and  so  left  him  hanging  in  geometry.  .  .  . 

May  18th,  Monday. — Senate  met.     The  address  [to  the 


Organization  of  the  New  Government  221 

President]  was  read  over,  and  we  proceeded  in  carriages  to  Reply  of 
the  President's  to  present  it.  Having  no  part  to  act  but  {£etbSeenaU5 
that  of  a  mute,  I  had  nothing  to  embarrass  me.  We  were 
received  in  an  antechamber.  Had  some  little  difficulty  about 
seats,  as  there  were  several  wanting,  from  whence  may  be 
inferred  that  the  President's  major-domo  is  not  the  most 
provident,  as  our  numbers  were  well  enough  known.  We 
had  not  been  seated  more  than  three  minutes  when  it  was 
signified  to  us  to  wait  on  the  President  in  his  levee-room. 
The  Vice-President  went  foremost,  and  the  Senators  followed 
without  any  particular  order.  We  made  our  bows  as  we 
entered,  and  the  Vice-President,  having  made  a  bow,  began 
to  read  an  address.  He  was  much  confused.  The  paper 
trembled  in  his  hand,  though  he  had  the  aid  of  both  by 
resting  it  on  his  hat,  which  he  held  in  his  left  hand.  He 
read  very  badly  all  that  was  on  the  front  pages.  The  turn- 
ing of  the  page  seemed  to  restore  him,  and  he  read  the  rest 
with  more  propriety.  This  agitation  was  the  more  remark- 
able, as  there  were  but  twenty-two  persons  present  and  none 
of  them  strangers. 

The  President  took  his  reply  out  of  his  coat-pocket.  He 
had  his  spectacles  in  his  jacket-pocket,  having  his  hat  in  his 
left  hand  and  the  paper  in  his  right.  He  had  too  many  ob- 
jects for  his  hands.  He  shifted  his  hat  between  his  forearm 
and  the  left  side  of  his  breast.  But  taking  his  spectacles 
from  the  case  embarrassed  him.  He  got  rid  of  this  small 
distress  by  laying  the  spectacle-case  on  the  chimney-piece. 
Colonel  Humphreys  stood  on  his  right,  Mr.  Lear  on  his  left. 
Having  adjusted  his  spectacles,  which  was  not  very  easy, 
considering  the  engagements  on  his  hands,  he  read  the  reply 
with  tolerable  exactness  and  without  much  emotion.  I 
thought  he  should  have  received  us  with  spectacles  on,  which 
would  have  saved  the  making  of  some  uncouth  motions. 
Yet,  on  the  whole,  he  did  nearly  as  well  as  anyone  could 
have  done  the  same  motions.  Could  the  laws  of  etiquette 
have  permitted  him  to  have  been  disencumbered  of  his  hat, 
it  would  have  relieved  him  much. 


222  Readings  in  American  History 

After  having  read  his  reply,  he  delivered  the  paper  to  the 
Vice-President  with  an  easy  inclination,  bowed  around  to 
the  company,  and  desired  them  to  be  seated.  This  polite- 
ness seems  founded  on  reason,  for  men  after  standing  quite 
still  for  some  time,  want  to  sit,  if  it  were  for  only  a  minute 
or  two.  The  Vice-President  did  not  comply,  nor  did  he  re- 
fuse, but  stood  so  long  that  the  President  repeated  the  re- 
quest. He  declined  it  by  making  a  low  bow,  and  retired. 
We  made  our  bows,  came  out  to  the  door,  and  waited  till 
our  carriages  took  us  up. 

Returned  [to  the  Hall]  Senate  formed.  The  address  and 
reply  were  ordered  on  the  minutes. 

Had  agreed  with  sundry  of  our  Pennsylvania  friends  to  go 
to  the  levee.  General  Muhlenberg  came  to  me  and  told  me 
they  would  meet  in  the  committee-room.  We  did  so,  and 
went  to  the  levee.  I  went  foremost,  and  left  them  to  follow 
and  do  as  well  as  they  could.  .  .  .  The  company  was  large 
for  the  room.  The  foreign  ministers  were  there,  Van  Bukel, 
the  Dutch  Minister  (for  the  first  time,  I  suppose),  gaudy  as 
a  peacock.  Our  Pennsylvanians  withdrew  before  me.  The 
President  honored  me  with  a  particular  tete-a-tete.  "How 
will  this  weather  suit  your  farming?"  "Poorly,  Sir;  the 
season  is  the  most  backward  I  have  ever  known.  It  is  re- 
markably so  here,  but  by  letters  from  Pennsylvania  vegeta- 
tion is  slow  in  proportion  there."  "The  fruit,  it  is  to  be 
expected,  will  be  safe;  backward  seasons  are  in  favor  of  it, 
but  in  Virginia  it  was  lost  before  I  left  that  place."  "  Much 
depends  on  the  exposure  of  the  orchard.  Those  with  a 
northern  aspect  have  been  found  by  us  [in  Pennsylvania]  to 
be  the  most  certain  in  producing  fruit."  "Yes,  that  is  a 
good  observation  and  should  be  attended  to."  Made  my 
bow  and  retired.  .  .  . 

June  5th,  Friday. —  .  .  .  Here  are  the  most  important 
bills  before  us,  and  yet  ,we  shall  throw  all  by  for  empty  cere- 
mony, for  attending  the  levee  is  little  more.  Nothing  is  re- 
garded or  valued  at  such  meetings  but  the  qualifications  that 


Organization  of  tlie  New  Government  223 

flow  from  the  tailor,  barber,  or  dancing-master.  To  be  clean 
shaved,  shirted,  and  powdered,  to  make  your  bows  with 
grace,  and  to  be  master  of  small  chat  on  the  weather,  play,  or 
newspaper  anecdote  of  the  day,  are  the  highest  qualifications 
necessary.  Levees  may  be  extremely  useful  in  old  countries 
where  men  of  great  fortune  are  collected,  as  it  may  keep  the 
idle  from  being  much  worse  employed.  But  here  I  think 
they  are  hurtful.  They  interfere  with  the  business  of  the 
public,  and,  instead  of  employing  only  the  idle,  have  a  tend- 
ency to  make  men  idle  who  should  be  better  employed. 
Indeed,  from  these  small  beginnings  I  fear  we  shall  follow 
on  nor  cease  till  we  have  reached  the  summit  of  court  eti- 
quette, and  all  the  frivolities,  fopperies,  and  expense  prac- 
ticed in  European  governments.  I  grieve  to  think  that  many 
individuals  among  us  are  aiming  at  these  objects  with  in- 
creasing diligence.  .  .  . 

March  8th,  1790. — This  is  the  important  week,  and  per- 
haps the  important  day,  when  the  question  will  be  put  on 
the  assumption  of  the  State  debts.  I  suspect  this  from  the 
rendezvousing  of  the  crew  of  the  Hamilton  galley.  It  seems 
all  hands  are  piped  to  quarters. 

Four  o'clock, — I  am  rather  deceived,  as  the  adoption  party 
do  not  yet  consider  themselves  strong  enough  to  risk  the 
putting  of  the  question,  for  it  seems  the  day  has  passed  and 
nothing  is  done.  .  .  . 

March  9th. — In  the  Senate  Chamber  this  morning  Butler  Debate  on 
said  he  heard  a  man  say  he  would  give  Vining  one  thousand   ^n™f^ 
guineas  for  his  vote,  but  added;  "I  question  whether  he  would   state 
do  so  in  fact."     So  do  I,  too,  for  he  might  get  it  for  a  tenth 
part  of  that  sum.     I  do  not  know  that  pecuniary  influence 
has  actually  been  used,  but  I  am  certain  that  every  other 
kind  of  management  has  been  practiced  and  every  tool  at 
work  that  could  be  thought  of.     Officers  of  Government, 
clergy,  citizens,  [order  of]  Cincinnati,  and  every  person  under 
the  influence  of  the  Treasury;   Bland  and  Huger  carried  to 


224  Readings  in  American  History 

the  Chamber  of  Representatives — the  one  lame,  the  other 
sick.  Clymer  stopped  from  going  away,  though  he  had  leave, 
and  at  length  they  risked  the  question  and  carried  it,  thirty- 
one  votes  to  twenty-six.  And  all  this  after  having  tampered 
with  the  members  since  the  22nd  of  last  month  [February], 
and  this  only  in  committee,  with  many  doubts  that  some 
will  fly  off  and  great  fears  that  the  North  Carolina  members 
will  be  in  before  a  bill  can  be  matured  or  a  report  gone 
through.  .  .  . 


CHAPTER  XV 

FOREIGN   RELATIONS,   1793-1801 

47.     CONTROL  OF  THE  NAVIGATION  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI  BY 
SPAIN,  1793 

One  of  the  most  perplexing  problems  to  be  met  by  President 
Washington  and  his  advisers  grew  out  of  the  control  of  the  mouth 
of  the  Mississippi  by  Spain.  From  the  close  of  the  Revolution 
men  of  the  West  were  demanding  the  right  to  market  their  produce 
in  New  Orleans  and  to  use  that  port  for  shipping.  The  following 
petition,  printed  in  a  Kentucky  newspaper  of  the  time,  is  one  of  many 
illustrating  the  general  dissatisfaction  in  the  West. 

TO   THE  INHABITANTS  OF   THE  UNITED  STATES   WEST  OF  THE 
ALLEGANY   AND   APALACHIAN   MOUNTAINS. 

Fellow  Citizens, 

The  Democratic  Society  of  Kentucky,  having  had  under  Reason  for 
consideration  the  measures  necessary  to  obtain  the  exercise  appeal- 
of  your  right  to  the  free  navigation  of  the. Mississippi,  have 
determined  to  address  you  upon  that  important  topic.  In 
so  doing,  they  think,  that  they  only  use  the  undoubted  right 
of  Citizens,  to  consult  for  their  common  welfare.  This  meas- 
ure is  not  dictated  by  party  or  faction,  it  is  the  consequence 
of  unavoidable  necessity.  It  has  become  so  from  the  neglect 
shewn  by  the  General  Government,  to  obtain  for  those  of 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  who  are  interested  therein, 
the  navigation  of  that  River. 

In  the  present  age,  when  the  rights  of  man  have  been   Naviga- 
fully  investigated  and  declared  by  the  voice  of  nations,  and   ^^ 
more  particularly  in  America,  where  those  rights  were  first   sippianat- 
developed  and  declared,  it  will  not  be  necessary  to  prove, 

225 


226 


Readings  in  American  History 


that  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  is  the  natural 
right  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  country  watered  by  its  streams. 
It  cannot  be  believed,  that  the  beneficent  God  of  nature 
would  have  blessed  this  country  with  unparalleled  fertility, 
and  furnished  it  with  a  number  of  navigable  streams,  and 
that  that  fertility  should  be  consumed  at  home,  and  those 
streams  should  not  convey  its  superabundance  to  the  climes 
far  from  it;  for  if  we  examine  the  wise  diversity  of  the  earth, 
as  to  climate  and  productions,  lands,  seas  and  rivers,  we 
must  discover  the  glorious  plan  of  infinite  beneficence  to 
unite  by  the  exchange  of  their  surplus,  various  nations,  and 
connect  the  ends  of  the  earth,  in  the  hands  of  commerce  and 
mutual  good  offices.  From  the  everlasting  decrees  of  Prov- 
idence, then,  we  derive  this  right;  and  must  be  criminal 
either  to  surrender  or  suffer  it  to  be  taken  from  us;  without 
the  most  arduous  struggle.  But  this  right  is  ours,  not  only 
from  nature  but  compact.  We  do  not  mean  to  urge  this,  as 
if  a  compact  could  give  an  additional  sanction  to  a  natural 
right;  but  to  shew  that  our  claim  is  derived  from  every 
source  which  can  give  it  validity.  The  Navigation  of  the 
Mississippi  was  solemnly  given  and  confirmed  by  Great  Brit- 
ain, to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  by  the  provisional 
articles  entered  into  at  Paris,  between  the  two  nations. 
More  than  eleven  years  have  since  elapsed,  during  which  we 
have  been  denied  the  exercise  of  a  right,  founded  upon  such 
irrefragible  grounds.  What  has  been  done  by  the  former  or 
present  Government,  during  that  period,  on  our  behalf?  In 
the  former,  we  have  been  able  to  learn  of  no  attempt  to  pro- 
cure from  the  King  of  Spain,  even  an  acknowledgment  of 
our  right.  Repeated  Memorials  were  presented  to  Congress 
upon  the  subject,  but  they  were  treated  with  a  neglect  bor- 
dering on  contempt.  They  were  laid  upon  the  table,  there 
to  rest  in  endless  oblivion.  Once  indeed,  we  know  this  sub- 
ject was  introduced  into  Congress,  under  the  former  Govern- 
ment; but  it  was  by  an  unwarrantable  and  disgraceful  prop- 
osition to  barter  away  our  right.  The  proposition  was  not 
adopted;  the  attempt  being  rendered  abortive  by  the  spirited 


Foreign  Relations  227 

and  patriotic  opposition  of  a  part  of  the  Union.  The  time 
at  length  came,  when  the  voice  of  the  people  called  for  a 
change  in  the  General  Government;  and  the  present  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States  was  adopted.  We  then  flattered 
ourselves  that  our  rights  would  be  protected;  for  we  were 
taught  to  believe,  that  the  former  loose  and  weak  confedera- 
tion having  been  done  away,  the  new  Government  would  pos- 
sess the  requisite  energy.  Memorials  upon  the  subject  were  New  gov- 
renewed:  Six  years  have  passed  away,  and  our  right  is  not  n™™g"nt 
yet  obtained.  Money  is  to  be  taken  from  us  by  an  odious  of  their 
and  oppressive  excise;  but  the  means  of  procuring  it,  by  the 
exercise  of  our  just  right,  is  denied.  In  the  mean  while,  our 
brethren  on  the  Eastern  waters,  possess  every  advantage 
which  nature  or  compact  can  give  them.  Nay,  we  do  not 
know  that  even  one  firm  attempt  to  obtain  it  has  been  made. 
Alas!  Is  the  energy  of  our  Government  not  to  be  exerted 
against  our  enemies?  Is  it  all  to  be  reserved  for  her  citizens? 

Experience,  Fellow-Citizens,  has  shewn  that  the  General  East  vs. 
Government  is  unwilling  that  we  should  obtain  the  naviga-  West- 
tion  of  the  River  Mississippi.  A  local  policy  appears  to  have 
an  undue  weight  in  the  Councils  of  the  Union.  It  seems  to 
be  the  object  of  that  policy  to  prevent  the  population  of  this 
country,  which  would  draw  from  the  Eastern  States  their  in- 
dustrious Citizens.  This  conclusion  inevitably  follows  from 
a  consideration  of  the  measures  taken  to  prevent  the  purchase 
and  settlement  of  the  lands  bordering  on  the  Mississippi. 
Among  those  measures,  the  unconstitutional  interference, 
which  rescinded  sales,  by  one  of  the  States  to  private  indi- 
viduals makes  a  striking  object.  And  perhaps,  the  fear  of  a 
successful  rivalship  in  every  article  of  their  exports  may 
have  its  weight.  But,  if  they  are  not  unwilling  to  do  us  jus- 
tice, they  are  at  least  regardless  of  our  rights  and  welfare. 
We  have  found  prayers  and  supplications  of  no  avail;  and 
should  we  continue  to  load  the  table  of  Congress  with  memo- 
rials, from  a  part  only,  of  the  Western  Country,  it  is  too  prob- 
able they  would  meet  with  a  fate,  similar  to  those  which  have 
formerly  been  presented.  Let  us,  then,  all  unite  our  endeav- 


228 


Readings  in  American  History 


ours  to  the  common  cause.  Let  all  join  in  a  firm  and  manly 
Remonstrance  to  the  President  and  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  stating  our  just  and  undoubted  right  to  the  Naviga- 
tion of  the  Mississippi,  remonstrating  against  the  conduct  of 
government  with  regard  to  that  right,  which  must  have  been 
occasioned  by  local  policy  or  neglect,  and  demanding  of  them 
speedy  and  effectual  exertions  for  its  attainment.  We  cannot 
doubt,  that  you  will  cordially  and  unanimously  join  in  this 
measure.  It  can  hardly  be  necessary  to  remind  you,  that 
considerable  quantities  of  beef,  pork,  flour,  hemp,  tobacco, 
etc.  the  produce  of  this  country,  remain  on  hand  for  want  of 
purchasers,  or  are  sold  at  inadequate  prices.  Much  greater 
quantities  might  be  raised,  if  the  Inhabitants  were  encour- 
aged by  a  certain  sale,  which  the  free  Navigation  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi would  afford.  An  additional  increase  of  those  articles, 
and  a  greater  variety  of  produce  and  manufactures  would  be 
supplied,  by  means  of  the  encouragement,  which  the  attain- 
ment of  that  great  object  would  give  to  migration.  But  it 
is  not  only  your  own  rights  which  you  are  to  regard.  Remem- 
ber that  your  posterity  have  a  claim  to  your  exertions  to 
obtain  and  secure  that  right.  Let  not  your  memory  be  stig- 
matized with  a  neglect  of  duty.  Let  not  history  record,  that 
the  Inhabitants  of  this  beautiful  country  lost  a  most  invalu- 
able right  and  half  the  benefit  bestowed  upon  it  by  a  bounti- 
ful Providence,  through  your  neglect  and  supineness.  The 
present  crisis  is  favorable.  Spain  is  engaged  in  a  war,  which 
requires  all  her  forces.  If  the  present  golden  opportunity  be 
suffered  to  pass  without  advantage,  and  she  shall  have  con- 
cluded a  peace  with  France,  we  must  then  contend  against 
her  undivided  strength. 

But,  what  may  be  the  event  of  the  proposed  application, 
is  yet  uncertain.  We  ought  therefore,  to  be  upon  our  guard, 
and  watchful  to  seize  the  first  favourable  opportunity  to 
gain  our  object.  In  order  to  do  this,  our  union  should  be  as 
perfect  and  lasting  as  possible.  We  propose,  that  societies 
should  be  formed  in  convenient  districts,  in  every  part  of  the 
Western  country  who  shall  preserve  a  correspondence  upon 


Foreign  Relations  229 

this  and  every  other  subject  of  general  concern.  By  means 
of  these  societies,  we  shall  be  enabled  speedily  to  know  what 
may  be  the  result  of  our  endeavours — to  consult  upon  such 
further  measures  as  may  be  necessary — to  preserve  union — 
and  finally,  by  these  means  to  secure  success. 

Remember,  that  it  is  a  cause  which  ought  to  unite  us — 
that  that  cause  is  indubitably  just — that  ourselves  and  pos- 
terity are  interested — that  the  Crisis  is  favourable — and  that 
it  is  only  by  union,  that  the  object  can  be  achieved.  The 
obstacles  are  great,  and  so  ought  to  be  our  efforts.  Adverse 
fortune  may  attend  us,  but  it  shall  never  dispirit  us.  We 
may  for  a  while  exhaust  our  wealth  and  strength  in  vain; 
but  until  the  all-important  object  is  procured,  we  pledge  our- 
selves to  you,  and  let  us  all  pledge  ourselves  to  each  other, 
that  our  perseverance  and  our  firmness  will  be  inexhaustible. 
By  order  of  the  Society 

JOHN  BRECKINRIDGE 

Chairman. 
Teste, 

THOMAS  TODD 
THOMAS  BODLE? 

December  13,  1793. 


|  Clerks 


48.    WASHINGTON'S  FAREWELL  ADDRESS 

In  saying  farewell  to  the  American  people,  whom  he  had  served  so 
well,  Washington  prepared  a  statement  which  is  classed  as  one  of 
our  leading  State  papers.  In  it  he  appealed  for  national  unity,  free- 
dom from  permanent  foreign  alliances,  the  promotion  of  education, 
the  preservation  of  public  credit,  and  the  avoidance  of  debt. — 
(Paul  Leicester  Ford,  The  Writings  of  George  Washington,  XIII, 
1794-8,  277  passim.) 

FRIENDS,  AND  FELLOW-CITIZENS, 

The  period  for  a  new  election  of  a  Citizen,  to  administer  Washing- 
the  Executive  Government  of  the  United  States,  being  not  ataee'r*- 
far  distant,  and  the  time  actually  arrived,  when  your  thoughts  nomina- 
must  be  employed  in  designating  the  person,  who  is  to  be 


230  Readings  in  American  History 

clothed  with  that  important  trust,  it  appears  to  me  proper, 
especially  as  it  may  conduce  to  a  more  distinct  expression  of 
the  public  voice,  that  I  should  now  appraise  you  of  the  reso- 
lution I  have  formed,  to  decline  being  considered  among  the 
number  of  those,  out  of  whom  a  choice  is  to  be  made. 

I  beg  you,  at  the  same  time,  to  do  me  the  justice  to  be  as- 
sured, that  this  resolution  has  not  been  taken,  without  a 
strict  regard  to  all  the  considerations  appertaining  to  the  re- 
lation, which  binds  a  dutiful  citizen  to  his  country — and  that, 
in  withdrawing  the  tender  of  service  which  silence  in  my  situa- 
tion might  imply,  I  am  influenced  by  no  diminution  of  zeal 
for  your  future  interest,  no  deficiency  of  grateful  respect  for 
your  past  kindness ;  but  act  under  and  am  supported  by  a  full 
conviction  that  the  step  is  compatible  with  both.  .  .  . 
His  best  The  impressions,  with  which  I  first  undertook  the  arduous 

forth*8  PUt  trust,  were  explained  on  the  proper  occasion. — In  the  dis- 
charge of  this  trust,  I  will  only  say,  that  I  have,  with  good  in- 
tentions, contributed  towards  the  organization  and  adminis- 
tration of  the  government,  the  best  exertions  of  which  a  very 
fallible  judgment  was  capable. — Not  unconscious,  in  the 
outset,  of  the  inferiority  of  my  qualifications,  experience  in 
my  own  eyes,  perhaps  still  more  in  the  eyes  of  others,  has 
strengthened  the  motives  to  diffidence  of  myself;  and  every 
day  the  increasing  weight  of  years  admonishes  me  more  and 
more,  that  the  shade  of  retirement  is  as  necessary  to  me  as  it 
will  be  welcome. — Satisfied,  that,  if  any  circumstances  have 
given  peculiar  value  to  my  services,  they  were  temporary,  I 
have  the  consolation  to  believe,  that,  while  choice  and  pru- 
dence invite  me  to  quit  the  political  scene,  patriotism  does  not 
forbid  it.  ... 

Value  of  The  Unity  of  Government  which  constitutes  you  one  peo- 
ple, is  also  now  dear  to  you. — It  is  justly  so; — for  it  is  a  main 
Pillar  in  the  Edifice  of  your  real  independence;  the  support 
of  your  tranquillity  at  home;  your  peace  abroad;  of  your 
safety;  of  your  prosperity  in  every  shape;  of  that  very  Lib- 
erty, which  you  so  highly  prize. — But  as  it  is  easy  to  foresee, 
that,  from  different  causes,  and  from  different  quarters, 


Foreign  Relations  231 

much  pains  will  be  taken,  many  artifices  employed,  to  weaken 
in  your  minds  the  conviction  of  this  truth; — as  this  is  the 
point  in  your  political  fortress  against  which  the  batteries  of 
internal  and  external  enemies  will  be  most  constantly  and 
actively  (though  often  covertly  and  insidiously)  directed,  it 
is  of  infinite  moment,  that  you  should  properly  estimate  the 
immense  value  of  your  national  Union  to  your  collective  and 
individual  happiness;  that  you  should  cherish  a  cordial, 
habitual,  and  immoveable  attachment;  accustoming  your- 
selves to  think  and  speak  of  it  as  the  Palladium  of  your  polit- 
ical safety  and  prosperity;  watching  for  its  preservation  with 
jealous  anxiety;  discountenancing  whatever  may  suggest 
even  a  suspicion  that  it  can  in  any  event  be  abandoned,  and 
indignantly  frowning  upon  the  first  dawning  of  every  at- 
tempt to  alienate  any  portion  of  our  Country  from  the  rest, 
or  to  enfeeble  the  sacred  ties  which  now  link  together  the 
various  parts.  .  .  . 

While  then  every  part  of  our  Country  thus  feels  an  imme- 
diate and  particular  interest  in  Union,  all  the  parts  in  the 
united  mass  of  means  and  efforts  cannot  fail  to  find  greater 
strength,  greater  resource,  proportionally  greater  security 
from  external  danger,  a  less  frequent  interruption  of  their 
Peace  by  foreign  nations;  and,  what  is  of  inestimable  value! 
they  must  derive  from  Union  an  exemption  from  those  broils 
and  wars  between  themselves,  which  so  frequently  afflict 
neighboring  countries,  not  tied  together  by  the  same  govern- 
ment; which  their  own  rivalships  alone  would  be  sufficient 
to  produce ;  but  which  opposite  foreign  alliances,  attachments, 
and  intrigues  would  stimulate  and  embitter. — Hence  likewise 
they  will  avoid  the  necessity  of  those  overgrown  military 
establishments,  which  under  any  form  of  government,  are 
inauspicious  to  liberty,  and  which  are  to  be  regarded  as  par- 
ticularly hostile  to  Republican  Liberty:  In  this  sense  it  is, 
that  your  Union  ought  to  be  considered  as  a  main  prop  of 
your  liberty,  and  that  the  love  of  the  one  ought  to  endear  to 
you  the  preservation  of  the  other.  .  .  . 

In  contemplating  the  causes  which  may  disturb  our  Union, 


232 


Readings  in  American  History 


it  occurs  as  matter  of  serious  concern,  that  any  ground  should 
have  been  furnished  for  characterizing  parties  by  geographical 
discriminations — Northern  and  Southern — Atlantic  and  West- 
ern; whence  designing  men  may  endeavor  to  excite  a  belief, 
that  there  is  a  real  difference  of  local  interests  and  views.  One 
of  the  expedients  of  Party  to  acquire  influence,  within  particu- 
lar districts,  is  to  misrepresent  the  opinions  and  aims  of  other 
districts. — You  cannot  shield  yourselves  too  much  against 
the  jealousies  and  heart  burnings  which  spring  from  these 
misrepresentations; — They  tend  to  render  alien  to  each  other 
those  who  ought  to  be  bound  together  by  fraternal  affec- 
tion. .  .  . 

There  is  an  opinion  that  parties  in  free  countries  are  use- 
ful checks  upon  the  Administration  of  the  Government,  and 
serve  to  keep  alive  the  Spirit  of  Liberty. — This  within  cer- 
tain limits  is  probably  true — and  in  governments  of  a  Mon- 
archical cast,  Patriotism  may  look  with  indulgence,  if  not 
with  favour,  upon  the  spirit  of  party. — But  in  those  of  the 
popular  character,  in  Governments  purely  elective,  it  is  a 
spirit  not  to  be  encouraged.  From  their  natural  tendency, 
it  is  certain  there  will  always  be  enough  of  that  spirit  for 
every  salutary  purpose,  and  there  being  constant  danger  of 
excess,  the  effort  ought  to  be,  by  force  of  public  opinion,  to 
mitigate  and  assuage  it.  A  fire  not  to  be  quenched;  it  de- 
mands a  uniform  vigilance  to  prevent  its  bursting  into  a 
flame,  lest,  instead  of  warning,  it  should  consume.  .  .  . 

Of  all  the.  dispositions  and  habits,  which  lead  to  political 
prosperity,  Religion  and  morality  are  indispensable  supports. 
— In  vain  would  that  man  claim  the  tribute  of  Patriotism, 
who  should  labour  to  subvert  these  great  Pillars  of  human 
happiness,  these  firmest  props  of  the  duties  of  Men  and  Citi- 
zens.— The  mere  Politician,  equally  with  the  pious  man, 
ought  to  respect  and  to  cherish  them. — A  volume  could  not 
trace  all  their  connections  with  private  and  public  felicity. — 
Let  it  simply  be  asked  where  is  the  security  for  property,  for 
reputation,  for  life,  if  the  sense  of  religious  obligation  desert 
the  oaths,  which  are  the  instruments  of  investigation  in 


Foreign  Relations  233 

Courts  of  Justice?  And  let  us  with  caution  indulge  the 
supposition,  that  morality  can  be  maintained  without  relig- 
ion.— Whatever  may  be  conceded  to  the  influence  of  refined 
education  on  minds  of  peculiar  structure — reason  and  experi- 
ence both  forbid  us  to  expect,  that  national  mdrality  can 
prevail  in  exclusion  of  religious  principle. — 

'Tis  substantially  true,  that  virtue  or  morality  is  a  neces- 
sary spring  of  popular  government. — The  rule  indeed  extends 
with  more  or  less  force  to  every  species  of  Free  Government. 
— Who  that  is  a  sincere  friend  to  it  can  look  with  indiffer- 
ence upon  attempts  to  shake  the  foundation  of  the  fabric? — 

Promote,  then,  as  an  object  of  primary  importance,  insti-  Aneniight- 
tutions  for  the  general  diffusion  of  knowledge.     In  propor-  fj"^^^ 
tion  as  the  structure  of  a  government  gives  force  to  public 
opinion,  it  is  essential  that  public  opinion  should  be  en- 
lightened.— 

As  a  very  important  source  of  strength  and  security,  cher-  Preserve 
ish  public  credit. — One  method  of  preserving  it  is,  to  use  it  credH 
as  sparingly  as  possible: — avoiding  occasions  of  expense  by 
cultivating  peace,  but  remembering  also  that  timely  disburse- 
ments to  prepare  for  danger  frequently  prevent  much  greater 
disbursements  to  repel  it.  ... 

Cultivate  peace  and  harmony  with  all. — Religion  and  Peace 
Morality  enjoin  this  conduct;  and  can  it  be  that  good  policy  nations 
does  not  equally  enjoin  it? — It  will  be  worthy  of  a  free,  en- 
lightened, and,  at  no  distant  period,  a  great  nation,  to  give 
to  mankind  the  magnanimous  and  too  novel  example  of  a 
People  always  guided  by  an  exalted  justice  and  benevolence. 
— Who  can  doubt  that  in  the  course  of  time  and  things,  the 
fruits  of  such  a  plan  would  richly  repay  any  temporary  ad- 
vantages, which  might  be  lost  by  a  steady  adherence  to  it? 
Can  it  be  that  Providence  has  not  connected  the  permanent 
felicity  of  a  Nation  with  its  virtue?  The  experiment,  at  least, 
is  recommended  by  every  sentiment  which  ennobles  human 
nature. — Alas!  is  it  rendered  impossible  by  its  vices? 

In  the  execution  of  such  a  plan  nothing  is  more  essential 
than  that  permanent,  inveterate  antipathies  against  particu- 


234 


Readings  in  American  History 


lar  nations  and  passionate  attachments  for  others  should  be 
excluded;  and  that  in  place  of  them  just  and  amicable  feel- 
ings towards  all  should  be  cultivated.  .  .  . 

The  great  rule  of  conduct  for  us,  in  regard  to  foreign  Na- 
ti°ns>  'ls>  ^n  extending  our  commercial  relations,  to  have  with 
with  other  them  as  little  Political  connection  as  possible. — So  far  as  we 
have  already  formed  engagements,  let  them  be  fulfilled  with 
perfect  good  faith. — Here  let  us  stop. — 

Europe  has  a  set  of  primary  interests,  which  to  us  have 
none,  or  a  very  remote  relation. — Hence  she  must  be  engaged 
in  frequent  controversies,  the  causes  of  which  are  essentially 
foreign  to  our  concerns. — Hence  therefore  it  must  be  unwise 
in  us  to  implicate  ourselves,  by  artificial  ties  in  the  ordinary 
vicissitudes  of  her  politics,  or  the  ordinary  combinations  and 
collisions  of  her  friendships,  or  enmities.  .  .  . 

Though,  in  reviewing  the  incidents  of  my  administration, 
j  am  unconscious  of  intentional  error — I  am  nevertheless  too 
sensible  of  my  defects  not  to  think  it  probable  that  I  may 
have  committed  many  errors. — Whatever  they  may  be,  I 
fervently  beseech  the  Almighty  to  avert  or  mitigate  the 
evils  to  which  they  may  tend. — I  shall  also  carry  with  me 
the  hope  that  my  country  will  never  cease  to  view  them 
with  indulgence;  and  that  after  forty-five  years  of  my  life 
dedicated  to  its  service,  with  an  upright  zeal,  the  faults  of 
incompetent  abilities  will  be  consigned  to  oblivion,  as  my- 
self must  soon  be  to  the  mansions  of  rest.  .  .  . 

Relying  on  its  kindness  in  this  as  in  other  things,  and  ac- 
tuated by  that  fervent  love  towards  it,  which  is  so  natural 
to  a  man,  who  views  in  it  the  native  soil  of  himself  and  his 
progenitors  for  several  generations; — I  anticipate  with  pleas- 
ing expectation,  that  retreat,  in  which  I  promise  myself  to 
realize,  without  alloy,  the  sweet  enjoyment  of  partaking,  in 
the  midst  of  my  fellow-citizens,  the  benign  influence  of  good 
laws  under  a  free  Government, — the  ever  favourite  object  of 
my  heart,  and  the  happy  reward,  as  I  trust,  of  our  mutual 
cares,  labours,  and  dangers. 

United  States,  September  19th,  1796. 


Foreign  Relations 


235 


49.    THE  X.  Y.  Z.  CORRESPONDENCE,  1797 

In  1796  Washington  appointed  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  to 
succeed  James  Monroe  as  minister  to  France.  The  Directory,  the 
French  Executive  of  that  time,  refused  to  receive  Pinckney,  and  or- 
dered him  to  leave  France.  This  insult  was  thought  by  most  Ameri- 
cans to  be  sufficient  cause  for  war,  but  President  Adams,  determined 
to  preserve  peace,  if  possible,  sent  three  commissioners  to  France  to 
attempt  negotiation.  These  three  men,  C.  C.  Pinckney,  John  Mar- 
shall, and  Elbridge  Gerry,  were  interviewed  by  the  secret  agents  of 
Talleyrand,  who  was  minister  of  foreign  affairs.  Refusing  to  accede 
to  their  demands,  Pinckney  and  Marshall  left  Paris,  and  Gerry  also 
returned  to  America  shortly  after.  The  letters  giving  an  account 
of  the  proceedings  were  sent  to  Timothy  Pickering,  Secretary  of 
State,  and  were  later  submitted  to  Congress. — (American  State 
Papers,  Foreign  Relations,  II,  157-166.) 


No.  1 

PARIS,  October  22,  1797. 
DEAR  SIR: 

All  of  us  having  arrived  at  Paris  on  the  evening  of  the  4th  Arrival  in 
instant,  on  the  next  day  we  verbally,  and  unofficially,  informed  Paris- 
the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  therewith,  and  desired  to 
know  when  he  would  be  at  leisure  to  receive  one  of  our  sec- 
retaries with  the  official  notification.     He  appointed  the  next 
day  at  two  o'clock,  when  Major  Rutledge  waited  on  him  witTi 
the  following  letter: 

Citizen  Minister:  The  United  States  of  America  being  de-  Address  to 
sirous  of  terminating  all  differences  between  them  and  the  ^^"ch 
French  republic,  and  of  restoring  that  harmony  and  good 
understanding,  and  that  commercial  and  friendly  intercourse, 
which  from  the  commencement  of  their  political  connexion 
until  lately  have  so  happily  subsisted,  the  President  has  nom- 
inated, and,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Sen- 
ate, has  appointed  us,  the  undersigned,  jointly  and  severally, 
envoys  extraordinary  and  ministers  plenipotentiary  to  the 
French  republic,  for  the  purpose  of  accomplishing  these  great 
objects.  In  pursuance  of  such  nomination  and  appointment, 


236  Readings  in  American  History 

and  with  such  view,  having  come  to  Paris,  we  wish,  citizen 
minister,  to  wait  on  you  at  any  hour  you  will  be  pleased  to 
appoint,  to  present  the  copy  of  our  letters  of  credence;  and 
whilst  we  evince  our  sincere  and  ardent  desire  for  the  speedy 
restoration  of  friendship  and  harmony  between  the  two  re- 
publics, we  flatter  ourselves  with  your  concurrence  in  the 
accomplishment  of  this  desirable  event.  We  request  you 
will  accept  the  assurances  of  our  perfect  esteem  and  consid- 
eration. 

CHARLES  COTESWORTH  PINCKNEY, 

JOHN  MARSHALL, 

ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

...  In  the  morning  of  October  the  18th,  Mr.  W.,  of  the 
house  of  -  — ,  called  on  General  Pinckney  and  informed 
him  that  a  Mr.  X.,  who  was  in  Paris,  and  whom  the  General 
had  seen,  .  .  .  was  a  gentleman  of  considerable  credit  and 
reputation,  .  .  .  and  that  we  might  place  great  reliance  on 
him. 

In  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  Mr.  X.  called  on  General 
Pinckney,  and  after  having  sat  some  time,  .  .  .  whispered 
him  that  he  had  a  message  from  M.  Talleyrand  to  communi- 
cate when  he  was  at  leisure.  General  Pinckney  immediately 
withdrew  with  him  into  another  room;  and,  when  they  were 
alone,  Mr.  X.  said  that  he  was  charged  with  a  business  in 
which  he  was  a  novice;  that  he  had  been  acquainted  with 
M.  Talleyrand,  .  .  .  and  that  he  was  sure  he  had  a  great 
regard  for  [America]  and  its  citizens;  and  was  very  desirous 
that  a  reconciliation  should  be  brought  about  with  France; 
that,  to  effectuate  that  end,  he  was  ready,  if  it  was  thought 
proper,  to  suggest  a  plan,  confidentially,  that  M.  Talley- 
rand expected  would  answer  the  purpose.  General  Pinck- 
ney said  he  should  be  glad  to  hear  it.  Mr.  X.  replied  that 
the  Directory,  and  particularly  two  of  the  members  of  it, 
were  exceedingly  irritated  at  some  passages  of  the  President's 
speech,  and  desired  that  they  should  be  softened;  and  that 
this  step  would  be  necessary  previous  to  our  reception.  That, 


Foreign  Relations  237 

besides  this,  a  sum  of  money  was  required  for  the  pocket  of  the  Bribe  de- 
Directory  and  ministers,  which  would  be  at  the  disposal  of  manded- 
M.  Talleyrand;  and  that  a  loan  would  also  be  insisted  on. 
Mr.  X.  said  if  we  acceded  to  these  measures,  M.  Talleyrand 
had  no  doubt  that  all  our  differences  with  France  might  be 
accomodated.  On  inquiry,  Mr.  X.  could  not  point  out  the 
particular  passages  of  the  speech  that  had  given  offence,  nor 
the  quantum  of  the  loan,  but  mentioned  that  the  douceur 
for  the  pocket  was  twelve  hundred  thousand  livres,  about 
fifty  thousand  pounds  sterling.  General  Pinckney  told  him, 
his  colleagues  and  himself,  from  the  time  of  their  arrival  here, 
had  been  treated  with  great  slight  and  disrespect;  that  they 
earnestly  wished  for  peace  and  reconciliation  with  France; 
and  had  been  entrusted  by  their  country  with  very  great 
powers,  to  obtain  these  ends  on  honourable  terms;  that, 
with  regard  to  the  propositions  made,  he  could  not  even  con- 
sider of  them  before  he  had  communicated  them  to  his  col- 
leagues; that,  after  he  had  done  so,  he  should  hear  from  him. 
After  a  communication  and  consultation,  it  was  agreed 
that  General  Pinckney  should  call  on  Mr.  X.  and  request 
him  to  make  his  propositions  to  us  all;  and  for  fear  of  mis- 
take or  misapprehension,  that  he  should  be  requested  to  re- 
duce the  heads  into  writing.  Accordingly,  on  the  morning 
of  October  19th,  General  Pinckney  called  on  Mr.  X.,  who 
consented  to  see  his  colleagues  in  the  evening,  and  to  reduce 
his  propositions  to  writing.  He  said  his  communication  was 
not  immediately  with  M.  Talleyrand,  but  through  another 
gentleman  in  whom  M.  Talleyrand  had  great  confidence. 
This  proved  afterwards  to  be  Mr.  Y.  .  .  .  October  the  21st, 
Mr.  X.  came  before  nine  o'clock;  Mr.  Y.  did  not  come  until 
ten:  he  had  passed  the  morning  with  M.  Talleyrand.  After 
breakfast  the  subject  was  immediately  resumed.  He  repre- 
sented to  us,  that  we  were  not  yet  acknowledged  or  received; 
that  the  Directory  were  so  exasperated  against  the  United 
States,  as  to  have  come  to  a  determination  to  demand  from  us, 
previous  to  our  reception,  those  disavowals,  reparations,  and 
explanations,  which  were  stated  at  large  last  evening.  .  .  . 


238 


Readings  in  American  History 


He  said  further,  that  if  we  desired  him  to  point  out  the  sum 
which  he  believed  would  be  satisfactory,  he  would  do  so.  We 
requested  him  to  proceed;  and  he  said  that  there  were  thirty- 
two  millions  of  florins,  of  Dutch  inscriptions,  worth  ten  shil- 
lings in  the  pound,  which  might  be  assigned  to  us  at  twenty 
shillings  in  the  pound;  and  he  proceeded  to  state  to  us  the 
certainty  that,  after  a  peace,  the  Dutch  Government  would 
repay  us  the  money ;  so  that  we  should  ultimately  lose  noth- 
ing, and  the  only  operation  of  the  measure  would  be,  an  ad- 
vance from  us  to  France  of  thirty-two  millions,  on  the  credit 
of  the  Government  of  Holland.  We  asked  him  whether  the 
fifty  thousand  pounds  sterling,  as  a  douceur  to  the  Directory, 
must  be  in  addition  to  this  sum.  He  answered  in  the  affirma- 
tive. We  told  him  that,  on  the  subject  of  the  treaty,  we  had 
no  hesitation  in  saying  that  our  powers  were  ample;  that,  on 
the  other  points  proposed  to  us,  we  would  retire  into  another 
room,  and  return  in  a  few  minutes  with  our  answer. 

We  committed  immediately  to  writing  the  answer  we  pro- 
posed, in  the  following  words:  "Our  powers  respecting  a 
treaty  are  ample;  but  the  proposition  of  a  loan,  in  the  form 
of  Dutch  inscriptions,  or  in  any  other  form,  is  not  within 
the  limits  of  our  instructions;  upon  this  point,  therefore,  the 
Government  must  be  consulted;  one  of  the  American  min- 
isters will,  for  the  purpose,  forthwith  embark  for  America; 
providing  the  Directory  will  suspend  all  further  captures  on 
American  vessels,  and  will  suspend  proceedings  on  those  al- 
ready captured,  as  well  where  they  have  been  already  con- 
demned, as  where  the  decisions  have  not  yet  been  rendered; 
and  that  where  sales  have  been  made,  but  the  money  not 
yet  received  by  the  captors,  it  shall  not  be  paid  until  the  pre- 
liminary questions,  proposed  to  the  ministers  of  the  United 
States,  be  discussed  and  decided":  which  was  read  as  a  ver- 
bal answer;  and  we  told  them  they  might  copy  it  if  they 
pleased.  Mr.  Y.  refused  to  do  so;  his  disappointment  was 
apparent;  he  said  we  treated  the  money  part  of  the  proposi- 
tion as  if  it  had  proceeded  from  the  Directory;  whereas,  in 
fact,  it  did  not  proceed  even  from  the  minister,  but  was  only 


Foreign  Relations  239 

a  suggestion  from  himself,  as  a  substitute  to  be  proposed  by 
us,  in  order  to  avoid  the  painful  acknowledgment  that  the 
Directory  had  determined  to  demand  of  us.  It  was  told 
him  that  we  understood  that  matter  perfectly;  that  we  knew 
the  proposition  was  in  form  to  be  ours;  but  that  it  came 
substantially  from  the  minister.  We  asked  him  what  had 
led  him  to  our  present  conversation?  And  General  Pinck- 
ney  then  repeated  the  first  communication  from  Mr.  X.  (to 
the  whole  of  which  that  gentleman  assented)  and  we  ob- 
served that  those  gentlemen  had  brought  no  testimonials  of 
their  speaking  any  thing  from  authority;  but  that,  relying 
on  the  fair  characters  they  bore,  we  had  believed  them  when 
they  said  they  were  from  the  minister,  and  had  conversed 
with  them,  in  like  manner,  as  if  we  were  conversing  with 
M.  Talleyrand  himself.  .  .  . 

About  twelve  we  received  another  visit  from  Mr.  X.  He 
immediately  mentioned  the  great  event  announced  in  th6 
papers,  and  then  said,  that  some  proposals  from  us  had  been 
expected  on  the  subject  on  which  we  had  before  conversed: 
that  the  Directory  were  becoming  impatient,  and  would  take 
a  decided  course  with  regard  to  America,  if  we  could  not 
soften  them.  We  answered,  that  on  that  subject  we  had 
already  spoken  explicitly,  and  had  nothing  further  to  add. 
He  mentioned  the  change  in  the  state  of  things  which  had 
been  produced  by  the  peace  with  the  emperor,  as  warranting 
an  expectation  of  a  change  in  our  system;  to  which  we  only 
replied,  that  this  event  had  been  expected  by  us,  and  would 
not,  in  any  degree,  affect  our  conduct.  Mr.  X.  urged,  that 
the  Directory  had,  since  this  peace,  taken  a  higher  and  more 
decided  tone  with  respect  to  us,  and  all  other  neutral  na- 
tions, than  had  been  before  taken;  that  it  had  been  deter- 
mined, that  all  nations  should  aid  them,  or  be  considered 
and  treated  as  their  enemies.  We  answered,  that  such  an 
effect  had  already  been  contemplated  by  us,  as  probable,  and 
had  not  been  overlooked  when  we  gave  to  this  proposition 
our  decided  answer;  and  further,  that  we  had  no  powers  to 
negotiate  for  a  loan  of  money;  that  our  Government  had 


240 


Readings  in  American  History 


not  contemplated  such  a  circumstance  in  any  degree  what- 
cver;  that  if  we  should  stipulate  a  loan,  it  would  be  a  per- 
fectly  void  thing,  and  would  only  deceive  France,  and  ex- 
pose ourselves.  Mr.  X.  again  expatiated  on  the  power  and 
violence  of  France:  he  urged  the  danger  of  our  situation, 
and  pressed  the  policy  of  softening  them,  and  of  thereby 
obtaining  time.  The  present  men,  he  said,  would  very 
probably  not  continue  long  in  power,  and  it  would  be  very 
unfortunate  if  those  who  might  succeed,  with  better  disposi- 
tions towards  us,  should  find  the  two  nations  in  actual  war. 
We  answered,  that  if  war  should  be  made  on  us  by  France, 
it  would  be  so  obviously  forced  on  us,  that  on  a  change  of 
men,  peace  might  be  made  with  as  much  facility  as  the 
present  differences  could  be  accomodated.  We  added,  that 
all  America  deprecated  a  war  with  France;  but  that  our 
present  situation  was  more  ruinous  to  us  than  a  declared 
war  could  be;  that  at  present  our  commerce  was  plundered 
unprotected;  but  that  if  war  was  declared,  we  should  seek 
the  means  of  protection.  Mr.  X.  said,  he  hoped  we  should 
not  form  a  connection  with  Britain;  and  we  answered,  that 
we  hoped  so  too;  that  we  had  all  been  engaged  in  our  Rev- 
olutionary war,  and  felt  its  injuries,  that  it  had  made  the 
deepest  impression  on  us;  but  that  if  France  should  attack 
us,  we  must  seek  the  best  means  of  self-defense.  Mr.  X. 
again  returned  to  the  subject  of  money:  Said  he,  "Gentlemen, 
you  do  not  speak  to  the  point;  it  is  money:  it  is  expected 
that  you  will  offer  money."  We  said  that  we  had  spoken  to 
that  point  very  explicitly:  we  had  given  an  answer.  "No," 
said  he,  "you  have  not:  what  is  your  answer?"  We  replied, 
it  is  no;  no;  not  a  sixpence.  He  again  called  our  attention 
*°  *ne  dangers  which  threatened  our  country,  and  asked,  if 
it  would  not  be  prudent,  though  we  might  not  make  a  loan 
to  the  nation,  to  interest  an  influential  friend  in  our  favor. 
He  said  we  ought  to  consider  what  men  we  had  to  treat  with ; 
that  they  disregarded  the  justice  of  our  claims,  and  the  rea- 
soning with  which  we  might  support  them;  that  they  dis- 
regarded their  own  colonies,  and  considered  themselves  as 


foreign  Relations  241 

perfectly  invulnerable  with  respect  to  us;  that  we  could  only 
acquire  an  interest  among  them  by  a  judicious  application 
of  money,  and  it  was  for  us  to  consider,  whether  the  situa- 
tion of  our  country  did  not  require  that  these  means  should 
be  resorted  to.  We  observed  that  the  conduct  of  the  French 
Government  was  such  as  to  leave  us  much  reason  to  fear,  that 
should  we  give  the  money,  it  would  effect  no  good  purpose, 
and  would  not  produce  a  just  mode  of  thinking  with  respect 
to  us.  ... 

We  have  not,  however,  hitherto  received  any  official  inti-  commts- 
mation  relative  to  this  business:  we  are  not  yet  received;  and   officially0' 
the  condemnation  of  our  vessels,  for  want  of  a  role  d'equi-  received. 
page,   is   unremittingly   continued.     Frequent    and    urgent 
attempts  have  been  made  to  inveigle  us  again  into  nego- 
tiations with  persons  not  officially  authorized,  of  which  the 
obtaining  of  money  is  the  basis:  but  we  have  persisted  in  de- 
clining to  have  any  further  communications  relative  to  dip- 
lomatic business  with  persons  of  that  description;    and  we 
mean  to  adhere  to  this  determination.     We  are  sorry  to 
inform  you  that  the  present  disposition  of  the  Government 
of  this  country  appears  to  be  as  unfriendly  towards  ours  as 
ever,  and  that  we  have  very  little  prospect  of  succeeding  in 
our  mission. 

We  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc. 

CHARLES  COTESWORTH  PINCKNEY, 

J.  MARSHALL, 

E.  GERRY. 


50.    JOHN  MARSHALL'S  RETURN  To  AMERICA  AND  FRENCH- 
AMERICAN  RELATIONS,  1798 

(The  Philadelphia  Gazette,  June  19,  1798.) 

He  was  met  at  Frankfort  by  the  Secretary  of  State  and 
other  citizens  and  escorted  to  town  by  the  city  cavalry  com- 
manded by  Captains  Dunlap,  Singer  and  Morrell.  The  bells 
were  rung,  and  the  streets  crowded  with  citizens,  who,  by 


242  Readings  in  American  History 

repeated  acclamations  evinced  their  affectionate  respect  to 
the  distinguished  talents  and  character  of  their  fellow  citizen 
and  their  satisfaction  at  his  safe  return  from  a  very  arduous 
and  important  mission.  .  .  . 

John  Marshall  was  given  a  dinner  by  the  members  of  both 
Houses  of  Congress.  The  following  toasts  were  offered.  Number 
thirteen  is  particularly  noteworthy  as  it  has  been  commonly 
accepted  as  the  reply  of  Mr.  Pinckney  which  was  "  No,  No,  Not 
a  six-pence." 

1.  "  The  United  States,  free  sovereign,  and  independent." 

2.  "  The  people  and  the  government,  one  and  indivisible." 
13.  "  Millions  for  defense  but  not  a  cent  for  tribute." 


ATTITUDE    OF    THE    PEOPLE 

President  Adams  declared  in  his  message  to  Congress  that  nego- 
tiation was  at  an  end  and  concluded  with  the  famous  statement: 
"  I  will  never  send  another  minister  to  France  without  assurances 
that  he  will  be  received,  respected,  and  honored  as  the  representa- 
tive of  a  great,  free,  powerful  and  independent  nation."  Thousands 
of  copies  of  the  message  and  papers  accompanying  it  were  printed 
and  dispersed  by  the  Government  and  thousands  more  by  individu- 
als at  their  own  expense.  The  minds  of  the  people  were  roused  to 
the  highest  pitch.  Addresses  expressing  confidence  were  sent  to 
the  President  from  all  parts  of  the  country.  Calls  for  volunteers 
for  the  defence  of  the  government  were  general.  A  company  of 
Baltimore  women  proposed  to  associate  themselves  into  a  military 
corps  for  the  defence  of  the  country  under  the  name  of  the  Ameri- 
can Amazon  Infantry.  Some  Philadelphia  women  formed  them- 
selves into  a  reserve  corps  ready  to  march  against  the  enemy  when 
affairs  should  appear  sufficiently  gloomy  to  justify  the  measure. 
The  following  call  for  volunteers  appeared  in  the  Philadelphia 
Gazette  for  July  27,  1798: 

General  Washington  Commands! 

Hark!     The  Drum  Beats  To  Arms! 

Recruiting  Sergeant  to  the  Youth  of  New  Jersey. 

But  to  those  youthful  heroes  who  have  never  seen  the 
world  or  heard  the  inspiring  heart  cheering  sound  of  the  drum 
and  trumpet,  he  begs  leave  to  address  a  few  words.  Your 
country,  my  boys  is  threatened  with  invasion!  Your  houses 


Foreign  Relations  243 

and  farms  with  fire,  plunder  and  pillage.  ...  To  arms  then, 
my  dear  brave  boys !  leave  your  lonesome  cottages  and  repair 
to  the  drum-head  at  New  Brunswick  where  you  will  find  me 
and  my  Comrades  (all  true  sons  of  thunder)  drinking  bowls 
of  cool  grog,  to  the  health  and  honour  of  Congress  and  our 
noble  President.  You  shall  there  receive  a  handsome  bounty 
with  five  dollars  a  month  (until  promoted)  an  elegant  suit  of 
clothes,  draw  daily  rations  that  might  tempt  an  epicure,  and 
be  treated  with  kindness  and  attention  by  your  loving  friend 
and  well-wisher. 

JAMES  HAMILTON 

Recruiting  Sergeant. 

THE    PEOPLE    AND    PRESIDENT    ADAMS 

Lord  Listen,  British  Minister  to  America,  was  a  close  observer  of 
passing  events.  In  the  following  letter  to  his  home  government, 
May  2,  1798,  copied  from  the  original  in  the  British  Public  Record 
Office,  he  described  the  attitude  of  Americans  toward  President 
Adams: 

His  conduct  towards  the  French  Government  is  considered 
as  affording  proofs  of  equal  decision,  ability  and  wisdom;  he 
is  looked  up  to  as  eminently  calculated  by  his  fortitude  and 
genius  to  conduct  the  nation  through  the  impending  storm: 
and  he  is  of  a  sudden  become  highly  popular. 

I  have  seen  him  at  the  beginning  of  this  season  enter  the 
theater  and  leave  it  without  receiving  the  slightest  mark  of 
attention.  Last  night  all  the  spectators  rose  when  he  ap- 
peared, the  house  was  shaken  with  loud  and  protracted  ac- 
clamations. A  patriotic  song,  of  no  great  poetical  merit 
but  in  which  there  was  introduced  a  stanza  in  his  praise, 
was  repeatedly  called  for,  and  received  with  enthusiastic  ap- 
plause, and  the  whole  audience  joined  in  the  chorus.  In  the 
night  he  was  serenaded  by  a  band  of  musicians  and  singers 
accompanied  by  a  great  number  of  persons  of  some  rank — 
a  compliment  which  was  afterwards  extended  to  the  prin- 
cipal members  of  his  administration. 


244  Readings  in  American  History 


51.     STEPS  LEADING  TO  AN  UNDERSTANDING 

During  the  summer  of  1798,  Talleyrand  in  a  letter  to  the  French 
minister  in  Holland  intimated  that  France  was  then  prepared  to 
receive  a  representative  from  America.  As  was  expected,  this  com- 
munication was  made  known  to  the  American  minister  in  Holland, 
William  Vans  Murray.  This  finally  led  to  the  sending  of  the  second 
commission  of  three  men  by  President  Adams. — (American  State 
Papers,  Foreign  Relations,  II,  242.) 

The  Minister  of  Exterior  Relations  to  Citizen  Pichon,  Secre- 
tary of  Legation  of  the  French  republic  near  the  Batavian 
republic. 

PARIS,  the  7th  Vendemiaire,  (September  28,  1798), 
7th  year  of  the  French  republic,  one  and  indivisible. 
I  have  received,  successively,  citizen,  your  letters  of  the 
22nd  and  27th  Fructidor,  (8th  and  13th  of  September.) 
They  give  me  more  and  more  cause  to  be  pleased  with  the 
measures  you  have  adopted  to  detail  to  me  your  conversa- 
tions with  Mr.  Murray:  those  conversations,  at  first  merely 
friendly,  have  acquired  a  consistency,  by  my  sanction,  trans- 
mitted to  you  on  the  llth  Fructidor,  (28th  of  August.)  I  do 
not  regret  that  you  have  trusted  to  Mr.  Murray's  honor  a 
copy  of  my  letter.  It  was  intended  only  for  you ;  and  it  con- 
tains nothing  but  what  is  conformable  to  the  Government's 
intention.  I  am  fully  convinced  that  should  explanations 
once  take  place  with  confidence  between  the  two  cabinets, 
irritation  would  cease,  a  number  of  misunderstandings  would 
disappear,  and  the  ties  of  friendship  would  be  more  strongly 
united,  as  both  parties  would  be  made  sensible  what  hand 
had  attempted  to  disunite  them.  But  I  do  not  conceal  from 
you  that  your  letter  of  the  2nd  and  3rd  Vendemiaire,  (23rd 
and  24th  of  September,)  this  moment  arrived,  surprises  me 
much.  What  Mr.  Murray  is  still  doubtful  of  has  been  very 
explicitly  declared,  before  even  the  President's  message  to 
Congress,  of  the  3rd  Messidor,  (21st  of  June,)  was  known  in 
France.  I  had  written  it  to  Mr.  Gerrv,  namelv  on  the  24th 


Foreign  Relations  245 

Messidor,  (12th  of  July,)  and  4th  Thermidor,  (July  22nd.) 
I  repeated  it  to  him  before  he  set  off.  A  whole  paragraph  of 
my  letter  to  you,  of  the  llth  Fructidor,  (28th  of  August,)  of 
which  Mr.  Murray  has  a  copy,  is  devoted  to  develop  still 
more  the  fixed  determination  of  the  French  Government. 
According  to  these  bases,  you  were  right  to  assert  that  what- 
ever plenipotentiary  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
might  send  to  France,  in  order  to  terminate  the  existing  dif- 
ferences between  the  two  countries,  he  would  be  undoubtedly 
received  with  the  respect  due  to  the  representative  of  a  free, 
independent,  and  powerful  nation. 

I  cannot  persuade  myself,  citizen,  that  the  American  Gov- 
ernment need  any  further  declaration  from  us,  to  take  the 
resolution,  in  order  to  renew  the  negotiations;  to  adopt  such 
measures,  as  would  suggest  their  wish  to  bring  the  differences 
to  a  peaceable  end.  If  misunderstandings  on  both  sides 
have  prevented  former  explanations  reaching  that  end,  it  is 
presumable  that  these  misunderstandings  being  done  away, 
nothing  henceforth  will  raise  any  obstacle  to  the  reciprocal 
dispositions.  .  .  . 


CHAPTER  XVI 

DEMOCRACY   AND  EXPANSION,    1801-1811 
52.    THOMAS  JEFFERSON  AS  MAN  AND  STATESMAN 

The  first  number  of  the  National  Intelligencer  was  published  in 
Washington,  October  31,  1800.  For  over  fifty  years,  as  a  triweekly, 
and  later  as  a  daily,  it  was  one  of  the  leading  national  newspapers. 
Mrs.  Samuel  Harrison  Smith,  wife  of  the  first  owner  of  the  paper, 
counted  among  her  friends  the  men  and  women  of  the  time  who 
were  the  leaders  in  political  and  social  life.  She  was  in  position, 
therefore,  to  give  a  good  description  of  the  period  when  Jefferson 
became  President. — (Mrs.  Samuel  Harrison  Smith,  Diaries  and 
Family  Letters,  edited  by  Gaillard  Hunt,  Scribner's  Magazine,  XL, 
September,  1906,  294  passim.) 

"And  is  this,"  said  I,  after  my  first  interview  with  Mr. 
Jefferson,  "  the  violent  democrat,  the  vulgar  demagogue,  the 
bold  atheist  &  profligate  man  I  have  so  often  heard  denounced 
by  the  federalists?  Can  this  man  so  meek  &  mild,  yet  digni- 
fied in  his  manners,  with  a  voice  so  soft  &  low,  with  a  coun- 
tenance so  benignant  &  intelligent,  can  he  be  that  daring 
leader  of  a  faction,  that  disturber  of  the  peace,  that  leader 
of  all  rank  &  order?"  Mr.  Smith,  indeed,  (himself  a  demo- 
crat) had  given  me  a  very  different  description  of  this  cele- 
brated individual;  but  his  favourable  opinion  I  attributed  in 
a  great  measure  to  his  political  feelings,  which  led  him  zeal- 
ously to  support  &  exalt  the  party  to  which  he  belonged, 
especially  its  popular  &  almost  idolized  leader.  Thus  the 
virulence  of  party-spirit  was  somewhat  neutralized,  nay,  I 
even  entertained  towards  him  the  most  kindly  dispositions, 
knowing  him  to  be  not  only  politically  but  personally  friendly 

246 


Democracy  and  Expansion  247 

to  my  husband;  yet  I  believed  that  he  was  an  ambitious  & 
violent  demagogue  coarse  &  vulgar  in  his  manners,  awkward 
&  rude  in  his  appearance,  for  such  had  the  public  journals  & 
private  conversations  of  the  federal  party  represented  him 
to  be. 

At  this  time  Mr.  Jefferson  was  vice-President  &  in  nomina-  The  capi- 
tion  for  the  Presidency.  Our  infant  city  afforded  scant  ac-  tol  city* 
commodations  for  the  members  of  Congress.  There  were 
few  good  boarding-houses,  but  Mr.  Jefferson  was  fortunate 
enough  to  obtain  one  of  the  best.  Thomas  Law  one  of  the 
wealthiest  citizens  &  largest  proprietors  of  city  property, 
had  just  finished  for  his  own  use  a  commodious  &  hand- 
some house  on  Capitol  hill;  this,  on  discovering  the  in- 
sufficiency of  accommodation,  he  gave  up  to  Conrad  for  a 
boarding-house,  &  removed  to  a  very  inconvenient  dwell- 
ing on  Greenleaf's  point,  almost  two  miles  distant  from  the 
Capitol. 

Conrad's  boarding-house  was  on  the  south  side  of  Capitol 
hill  &  commanded  an  extensive  &  beautiful  view.  It  was  on 
the  top  of  the  hill,  the  precipitous  sides  of  which  were  covered 
with  grass,  shrubs  &  trees  in  their  wild  uncultivated  state. 
Between  the  foot  of  the  hill  &  the  broad  Potomac  extended 
a  wide  plain,  through  which  the  Tiber  wound  its  way.  The 
romantic  beauty  of  this  little  stream  was  not  then  deformed 
by  wharves  or  other  works  of  art.  Its  banks  were  shaded 
with  tall  &  umbrageous  forest  trees  of  every  variety,  among 
which  the  superb  Tulip-Poplar  rose  conspicuous;  The  mag- 
nolia, the  azalia,  the  hawthorn,  the  wild-rose  &  many  other 
indigenous  shrubs  grew  beneath  their  shade,  while  violets, 
anemonies  &  a  thousand  other  sweet  wood-flowers  found  shel- 
ter among  their  roots,  from  the  winter's  frost  &  greeted  with  the 
earliest  bloom  the  return  of  spring.  .  .  .  Not  only  the  banks 
of  the  Tiber,  but  those  of  the  Potomack  &  Anacosta,  were  at 
this  period  adorned  with  native  trees  &  shrubs  &  were  dis- 
tinguished by  as  romantic  scenery  as  any  rivers  in  our  coun- 
try. Indeed  the  whole  plain  was  diversified  with  groves  & 
clumps  of  forest  trees  which  gave  it  the  appearance  of  a  fine 


248  Readings  in  American  History 

park.  Such  as  grew  on  the  public  grounds  ought  to  have 
been  preserved,  but  in  a  government  such  as  ours,  where  the 
people  are  sovereign,  this  could  not  be  done.  The  people,  the 
poorer  inhabitants  cut  down  these  noble  &  beautiful  trees 
for  fuel.  In  one  single  night  seventy  Tulip- Poplars  were  gir- 
dled, by  which  process  life  is  destroyed  &  afterwards  cut  up 
at  their  leisure  by  the  people.  Nothing  afflicted  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son like  this  wanton  destruction  of  the  fine  trees  scattered 
over  the  city-grounds.  I  remember  on  one  occasion  (it  was 
after  he  was  President)  his  exclaiming  "  How  I  wish  that  I 
possessed  the  power  of  a  despot."  The  company  at  table 
stared  at  a  declaration  so  opposed  to  his  disposition  &  prin- 
ciples. "  Yes,"  continued  he,  in  reply  to  their  inquiring  looks, 
"  I  wish  I  was  a  despot  that  I  might  save  the  noble,  the  beau- 
tiful trees  that  are  daily  falling  sacrifices  to  the  cupidity  of 
their  owners,  or  the  necessity  of  the  poor." 

"  And  have  you  not  authority  to  save  those  on  the  public 
grounds?"  asked  one  of  the  company.  "No,"  answered  Mr. 
J.,  "only  an  armed  guard  could  save  them.  The  unneces- 
sary felling  of  a  tree,  perhaps  the  growth  of  centuries  seems 
to  me  a  crime  little  short  of  murder,  it  pains  me  to  an  un- 
speakable degree." 

It  was  partly  from  this  love  of  nature,  that  he  selected 
Conrad's  boarding-house,  being  there  able  to  enjoy  the  beau- 
tiful &  extensive  prospect  described  above.  Here  he  had  a 
separate  drawing-room  for  the  reception  of  his  visitors,  in 
all  other  respects  he  lived  on  a  perfect  equality  with  his  fel- 
low boarders,  and  eat  at  a  common  table.  Even  here,  so  far 
from  taking  precedence  of  the  other  members  of  Congress, 
he  always  placed  himself  at  the  lowest  end  of  the  table.  Mrs. 
Brown,  the  wife  of  the  senator  from  Kentucky,  suggested 
that  a  seat  should  be  offered  him  at  the  upper  end,  near  the 
fire,  if  not  on  account  of  his  rank  as  vice-President,  at  least 
as  the  oldest  man  in  company.  But  the  idea  was  rejected 
by  his  democratic  friends,  &  he  occupied  during  the  whole 
winter  the  lowest  &  coldest  seat  at  a  long  table  at  which  a 
company  of  more  than  thirty  sat  down. 


Democracy  and  Expansion  249 

February,  1801. 

It  was  a  day,  "big  with  our  country's  fate" — a  fate  not  Jefferson 
suspended  on  the  triumph  or  defeat  of  two  contending  armies  pf^*? 
drawn  forth  in  battle  array — but  on  two  contending  political 
Parties,  who  after  years  of  conflict,  were  now  brought  to  issue. 
The  power,  which  had  been  originally  vested  in  the  Federal 
party,  had  been  gradually  diminished  by  the  force  of  public 
opinion,  &  transferred  to  the  Democratic  Party.  For  a  while 
equality  of  power  was  maintained — but  the  equipoise  did  not 
last  long, — a  great  &  preponderating  majority  in  the  Presi- 
dential election,  decided  the  relative  strength  of  parties,  the 
Democrats  prevailed  &  brought  into  office,  on  the  full-tide 
of  popularity,  the  man  who  had  been  long  recognized  as  the 
head  of  their  Party. 

There  was  not  a  shadow  of  doubt  or  uncertainty  as  to  the 
object  of  the  people's  choice.  It  had  been  proclaimed  too 
widely  &  too  loudly  for  any  individual  to  remain  ignorant  of 
the  fact. 

But  this  accidental  &  uncalculated  result,  gave  the  Federal 
party  a  chance  of  preventing  the  election  of  a  man  they 
politically  abhorred — a  man  whose  weight  of  influence  had 
turned  the  scale  in  favour  of  the  opposing  Party.  No  means 
were  left  unattempted  (perhaps  I  ought  to  say  no  honest 
means)  to  effect  this  measure. 

It  was  an  aweful  crisis.  The  People  who  with  such  an 
overwhelming  majority  had  declared  their  will  would  never 
peaceably  have  allowed  the  man  of  their  choice  to  be  set 
aside,  &  the  individual  they  had  chosen  as  vice-President,  to 
be  put  in  his  place.  A  civil  war  must  have  taken  place,  to 
be  terminated  in  all  human  probability  by  a  rupture  of  the 
Union.  Such  consequences  were  at  least  calculated  on,  & 
excited  a  deep  &  inflamatory  interest.  Crowds  of  anxious 
spirits  from  the  adjacent  county  &  cities  thronged  to  the 
seat  of  government  &  hung  like  a  thunder  cloud  over  the 
Capitol,  their  indignation  ready  to  burst  on  any  individual 
who  might  be  designated  as  President  in  opposition  to  the 
people's  known  choice.  The  citizens  of  Baltimore  who  from 


250  Readings  in  American  History 

their  proximity,  were  the  first  apprised  of  this  daring  design, 
were  with  difficulty  restrained  from  rushing  on  with  an  armed 
force,  to  prevent, — or  if  they  could  not  prevent,  to  avenge 
this  violation  of  the  People's  will  &  in  their  own  vehement 
language,  to  hurl  the  usurper  from  his  seat.  Mr.  Jefferson, 
then  President  of  the  Senate,  sitting  in  the  midst  of  these 
conspirators,  as  they  were  then  called,  unavoidably  hearing 
their  loudly  whispered  designs,  witnessing  their  gloomy  &  rest- 
less machinations,  aware  of  the  dreadful  consequences,  which 
must  follow  their  meditated  designs,  preserved  through  this 
trying  period  the  most  unclouded  serenity  the  most  perfect 
equanimity.  A  spectator  who  watched  his  countenance, 
would  never  have  surmised,  that  he  had  any  personal  inter- 
est in  the  impending  event.  Calm  &  self  possessed,  he  re- 
tained his  seat  in  the  midst  of  the  angry  &  stormy,  though 
half  smothered  passions  that  were  struggling  around  him, 
&  by  this  dignified  tranquility  repressed  any  open  violence, 
— tho'  insufficient  to  prevent  whispered  menaces  &  in- 
sults, to  these  however  he  turned  a  deaf  ear,  &  resolutely 
maintained  a  placidity  which  baffled  the  designs  of  his 
enemies. 

The  crisis  was  at  hand.  The  two  bodies  of  Congress  met, 
the  Senators  as  witnesses  the  Representatives  as  electors. 
The  question  on  which  hung  peace  or  war,  nay,  the  Union  of 
the  States  was  to  be  decided.  What  an  awful  responsibility 
was  attached  to  every  vote  given  on  that  occasion.  The 
sitting  was  held  with  closed  doors.  It  lasted  the  whole  day, 
the  whole  night.  Not  an  individual  left  that  solemn  assem- 
bly, the  necessary  refreshment  they  required  was  taken  in 
rooms  adjoining  the  Hall.  They  were  not  like  the  Roman 
conclave  legally  &  forcibly  confined,  the  restriction  was  self- 
imposed  from  the  deep-felt  necessity  of  avoiding  any  extrinsic 
or  external  influence.  Beds,  as  well  as  food  were  sent,  for 
the  accommodation  of  those  whom  age  or  debility  disabled 
from  enduring  such  a  long  protracted  sitting— the  ballotting 
took  place  every  hour — in  the  interval  men  ate,  drank,  slept 
or  pondered  over  the  result  of  the  last  ballot,  compared  ideas 


Democracy  and  Expansion  251 

&  persuasions  to  change  votes,  or  gloomily  anticipated  the 
consequences,  let  the  result  be  what  it  would. 

With  what  an  intense  interest  did  every  individual  watch 
each  successive  examination  of  the  Ballot-box,  how  breath- 
lessly did  they  listen  to  the  counting  of  the  votes!  Every 
hour  a  messenger  brought  to  the  Editor  of  the  N.  I*  the  re- 
sult of  the  Ballot.  That  night  I  never  lay  down  or  closed 
my  eyes.  As  the  hour  drew  near  its  close,  my  heart  would 
almost  audibly  beat  &  I  was  seized  with  a  tremour  that  al- 
most disabled  me  from  opening  the  door  for  the  expected 
messenger. 

For  more  than  thirty  hours  the  struggle  was  maintained, 
but  finding  the  republican  phalanx  impenetrable,  not  to  be 
shaken  in  their  purpose,  every  effort  proving  unavailing,  the 
Senator  from  Delaware  (James  A.  Bayard)  the  withdrawal 
of  whose  vote  would  determine  the  issue,  took  his  part,  gave 
up  his  party  for  his  country,  and  threw  into  the  box  a  blank 
ballot,  thus  leaving  to  the  republicans  a  majority.  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson was  declared  duly  elected.  The  assembled  crowds, 
without  the  Capitol,  rent  the  air  with  their  acclamations  and 
gratulations,  and  the  Conspirators  as  they  were  called,  hur- 
ried to  their  lodgings  under  strong  apprehensions  of  suffering 
from  the  just  indignation  of  their  fellow  citizens. 

The  dark  and  threatening  cloud  which  had  hung  over  the 
political  horrison,  rolled  harmlessly  away,  and  the  sunshine 
of  prosperity  and  gladness  broke  forth  and  ever  since,  with 
the  exception  of  a  few  passing  clouds  has  continued  to  shine 
on  our  happy  country.  .  .  . 

His  tall  and  slender  figure  is  not  impaired  by  age,  tho'  bent  visit  to 
by  care  and  labour.     His  white  locks  announce  an  age  his  ac-  ceuo'i's 
tivity,  strength,  health,  enthusiasm,  ardour  and  gaiety  con- 
tradict.    His  face  owes  all  its  charm  to  its  expression  and 
intelligence;    his  features  are  not  good  and  his  complexion 
bad,  but  his  countenance  is  so  full  of  soul  and  beams  with 
such  benignity,  that  when  the  eye  rests  on  his  face,  it  is  too 
busy  in  perusing  its  expression,  to  think  of  its  features  or 
*  National  Intelligencer. 


252 


Readings  in  American  History 


complexion.  His  low  and  mild  voice,  harmonizes  with  his 
countenance  rather  than  his  figure.  But  his  manners, — how 
gentle,  how  humble,  how  kind.  His  meanest  slave  must  feel 
as  if  it  were  a  father  instead  of  a  master  who  addressed  him, 
when  he  speaks.  To  a  disposition  ardent,  affectionate  and 
communicative,  he  joins  manners  timid,  even  to  bashfulness 
and  reserved  even  to  coldness.  If  his  life  had  not  proved  to 
the  contrary  I  should  have  pronounced  him  rather  a  man  of 
imagination  and  taste,  than  a  man  of  judgement,  a  literary 
rather  than  a  scientific  man,  and  least  of  all  a  politician,  a 
character  for  which  nature  never  seemed  to  have  intended 
him,  and  for  which  the  natural  turn  of  mind,  and  his  disposi- 
tion, taste,  and  feeling  equally  unfit  him.  I  should  have  been 
sure  that  this  was  the  case,  even  had  he  not  told  me  so.  In 
an  interesting  conversation  I  had  one  evening — speaking  of 
his  past  public  and  present  domestic  life — "  The  whole  of  my 
life,"  said  he,  "  has  been  a  war  with  my  natural  taste,  feelings 
and  wishes.  Domestic  life  and  literary  pursuits,  were  my 
first  and  my  latest  inclinations,  circumstances  and  not  my 
desires  lead  me  to  the  path  I  have  trod.  And  like  a  bow 
tho  long  bent,  which  when  unstrung  flies  back  to  its  natural 
state,  I  resume  with  delight  the  character  and  pursuits  for 
which  nature  designed  me. 

"The  circumstances  of  our  country,"  continued  he,  "at 
my  entrance  into  life,  were  such  that  every  honest  man  felt 
himself  compelled  to  take  part,  and  to  act  up  to  the  best  of 
his  abilities." 


53.    THOMAS  JEFFERSON  AS  SEEN  BY  DANIEL  WEBSTER 

Webster  visited  Jefferson  at  Monticello  during  the  year  1824. 
This  description  is  given  in  George  Tioknor  Curtis's  Life  of  Daniel 
Webster,  I,  581-4: 

Personal  Mr.  Jefferson  is  now  between  81  and  82  above  six  feet 

ancefof        hign>  °f  an  ample  bony  frame,  rather  thin  and  spare.     His 
Jefferson,     head  is  set  forward  on  his  shoulders.     His  head  is  well  cov- 
ered with  hair,  which  having  once  been  red,  and  now  turning 


Democracy  and  Expansion  253 

white,  is  of  an  indistinct  light  sandy  color.  His  eyes  are 
small,  very  light  and  now  neither  brilliant  nor  striking.  His 
chin  is  rather  long,  not  sharp;  his  nose  small,  regular  in  its 
outline,  with  the  nostrils  a  little  elevated.  His  mouth  is 
well  formed,  generally  strongly  compressed,  having  an  ex- 
pression of  contentment  and  benevolence.  His  limbs  are 
uncommonly  long  and  his  hands  and  feet  very  large.  He 
stoops  a  little,  not  so  much  from  age  as  from  constitutional 
formation.  His  whole  dress  is  not  slovenly  but  neglected. 

Every  fair  morning  he  rides  on  horseback  not  less  than  Jefferson's 
seven  miles,  sometimes  twelve  or  fourteen.  His  conversa-  tastes- 
tion  is  easy  and  natural.  The  topics  when  not  selected  to 
suit  the  character  and  feeling  of  his  auditor,  are  those  sub- 
jects with  which  his  mind  seems  particularly  occupied  and 
these  at  present  may  be  justly  said  to  be — 1.  science  and 
letters,  especially  the  University  of  Virginia  which  is  coming 
into  existence,  almost  entirely  from  his  exertions.  When  we 
were  with  him,  his  favorite  literary  subjects  were  Greek  and 
Anglo-Saxon  and  2.  Historical  recollections  of  the  times  and 
events  of  the  Revolution,  and  of  his  residence  in  France  from 
1783-1789. 


54.    ATTITUDE  OF  JEFFERSON  TOWARDS  THE 
CONSTITUTION 

Jefferson  feared  that  a  monarchical  form  of  government  would 
ultimately  be  established  in  the  United  States.  The  following  let- 
ter to  Elbridge  Gerry,  of  Massachusetts,  states  his  view  on  the 
methods  which  would  be  used  by  his  political  opponents  to  ac- 
complish their  purpose. — (Paul  Leicester  Ford,  Writings  of  Thomas 
Jefferson,  VII,  327.  With  the  permission  of  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons, 
New  York.) 

I  do  then,  with  sincere  zeal,  wish  an  unviolable  preserva- 
tion of  our  present  federal  constitution,  according  to  the  true 
sense  in  which  it  was  adopted  by  the  States,  that  in  which  it 
was  advocated  by  its  friends  and  not  that  which  its  enemies 
apprehended,  who  therefore  became  its  enemies;  and  I  am 


254  Readings  in  American  History 

opposed  to  the  monarchising  its  features  by  the  forms  of  its 
administration,  with  a  view  to  conciliate  a  first  transition  to 
a  President  and  Senate  for  life  and  from  that  to  a  hereditary 
tenure  of  these  offices,  and  thus  to  worm  out  the  elective 
principle.  I  am  for  preserving  to  the  States  the  powers  not 
yielded  by  them  to  the  Union,  and  to  the  legislature  of  the 
Union  it's  constitutional  share  in  the  division  of  powers ;  and 
I  am  not  for  transferring  all  the  powers  of  the  States  to  the 
general  Gov't.  and  all  those  of  that  Gov't.  to  the  executive 
branch.  I  am  for  a  gov't  rigorously  frugal  and  simple,  ap- 
plying all  the  possible  savings  of  the  public  revenue  to  the 
discharge  of  the  national  debt;  and  not  for  a  multiplication 
of  officers  and  salaries  merely  to  make  partisans,  and  for  in- 
creasing by  every  device,  the  public  debt,  on  the  principle  of 
its  being  a  public  blessing.  I  am  for  relying,  for  internal  de- 
fense on  our  militia,  solely  till  actual  invasion,  and  for  such 
a  naval  force  only  as  may  protect  our  coasts  and  harbors 
from  such  depredations  as  we  have  experienced;  and  not  for 
a  standing  army  in  time  of  peace,  which  may  overawe  the 
public  sentiment;  nor  for  a  navy,  which  by  its  own  expenses 
and  the  eternal  wars  in  which  it  will  implicate  us,  will  grind 
us  with  public  burthens  and  sink  us  under  them.  I  am  for 
free  commerce  with  all  nations;  political  connection  with 
none;  and  little  or  no  diplomatic  establishment,  and  I  am 
not  for  linking  ourselves  by  new  treaties  with  the  quarrels  of 
Europe,  entering  that  field  of  slaughter  to  preserve  their  bal- 
ance, or  joining  in  the  confederacy  of  kings  to  war  against 
the  principles  of  liberty. 

I  am  for  freedom  of  religion,  and  against  all  manoeuvres  to 
bring  about  a  legal  ascendancy  of  one  sect  over  another;  for 
freedom  of  the  press,  and  against  all  violations  of  the  consti- 
tution to  silence  by  force  and  not  by  reason  the  complaints 
or  criticisms,  just  or  unjust,  of  our  citizens  against  the  con- 
duct of  their  agents.  And  I  am  for  encouraging  the  progress 
of  science  in  all  its  branches. 

For  my  own  part  I  consider  these  laws  as  merely  an  ex- 
periment on  the  American  mind,  to  see  how  far  it  will  bear 


Democracy  and  Expansion 


255 


an  avowed  violation  of  the  Constitution.     If  this  goes  down  Alien  and 

we  shall  immediately  see  attempted  another  act  of  Congress,  A^gtlon 

declaring  that  the  President  shall  continue  in  office  during  Writings, 

life,  reserving  to  another  occasion  the  transfer  of  the  sue-  VII>  283' 
cession  to  his  heirs  and  the  establishment  of  the  Senate  for 
life. 


55.    FOUNDING  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  VIRGINIA,  1819 

Thomas  Jefferson  was  graduated  from  William  and  Mary's  Col- 
lege. While  in  Europe  he  made  a  study  of  European  universities 
and  desired  to  found  in  America  an  institution  for  higher  learning 
which  should  partake  of  the  leading  features  of  Edinburgh  and 
Geneva,  especially,  which  he  called  "the  two  eyes  of  Europe."  In 
place  of  emphasizing  Greek  and  Latin,  as  was  common  in  the  col- 
leges of  the  time,  he  provided  a  large  place  for  the  sciences  planned 
for  military  and  technological  education  and  for  distinct  professional 
schools  of  law,  medicine,  and  other  subjects. 

Joseph  Priestley,  who  was  consulted  by  Jefferson  relative  to  the 
courses  of  study  for  the  University,  was  an  English  scientist  who 
came  to  America  in  1794  and  afterwards  lived  in  Northumberland, 
Pennsylvania. — (Paul  Leicester  Ford,  Writings  of  Thomas  Jefferson, 
VII,  407  passim.) 

We  have  in  that  state  a  college  (Wm.  and  Mary)  just  well 
enough  endowed  to  draw  out  the  miserable  existence  to  which 
a  miserable  constitution  has  doomed  it.  It  is  moreover  ec- 
centric in  its  position,  exposed  to  all  bilious  diseases  as  all 
the  lower  country  is,  and  therefore  abandoned  by  the  public 
care,  as  that  part  of  the  country  itself  is  in  a  considerable 
degree  by  its  inhabitants.  We  wish  to  establish  in  the  upper  Type  of 
and  healthier  country,  and  more  centrally  for  the  state,  an  J^11^^!-^ 
University  on  a  plan  so  broad  and  liberal  and  modern,  as  to  tabiished. 
be  worth  patronizing  with  the  public  support,  and  be  a  temp- 
tation to  the  youth  of  other  states  to  come  and  drink  of  the 
cup  of  knowledge  and  fraternize  with  us.  The  first  step  is 
to  obtain  a  good  plan;  that  is,  a  judicious  selection  of  the 
sciences,  and  a  practicable  grouping  of  some  of  them  together, 
and  ramifying  of  others,  so  as  to  adapt  the  professorships  to 
our  uses  and  our  means.  In  an  institution  meant  chiefly  for 


256 


Readings  in  American  History 


use,  some  branches  of  science,  formerly  esteemed,  may  be 
now  omitted;  so  may  others  now  valued  in  Europe,  but  use- 
less to  us  for  ages  to  come.  As  an  example  of  the  former, 
the  oriental  learning,  and  of  the  latter,  almost  the  whole  of 
the  institution  proposed  to  Congress  by  the  Secretary  of 
war's  report  of  the  5th  inst.  Now  there  is  no  one  to  whom 
this  subject  is  so  familiar  as  yourself.  There  is  no  one  in  the 
world  who,  equally  with  yourself,  unites  this  full  possession 
of  the  subject  with  such  a  knowledge  of  the  state  of  our  ex- 
istence, as  enables  you  to  fit  the  garment  to  him  who  is  to 
pay  for  it  and  to  wear  it.  To  you  therefore  we  address  our 
solicitations,  and  to  lessen  to  you  as  much  as  possible  the 
ambiguities  of  our  object,  I  will  venture  even  to  sketch  the 
sciences  which  seem  useful  and  practicable  for  us,  as  they 
occur  to  me  while  holding  my  pen.  Botany,  Chemistry,  Zo- 
ology, Anatomy,  Surgery,  Medicine,  Natl  Philosophy,  Agri- 
culture, Politics,  Commerce,  History,  Ethics,  Law,  Arts,  Fine- 
arts.  This  list  is  imperfect  because  I  make  it  hastily,  and 
because  I  am  unequal  to  the  subject.  It  is  evident  that 
some  of  these  articles  are  too  much  for  one  professor  and 
must  therefore  be  ramified ;  others  may  be  ascribed  in  groups 
to  a  single  professor.  This  is  the  difficult  part  of  the  work, 
and  requires  a  head  perfectly  knowing  the  extent  of  each 
branch,  and  the  limits  within  which  it  may  be  circumscribed, 
so  as  to  bring  the  whole  within  the  power  of  the  fewest  pro- 
fessors possible,  and  consequently  within  the  degree  of  ex- 
pense practicable  for  us.  We  should  propose  that  the  pro- 
fessors follow  no  other  calling,  so  that  their  whole  time  may 
be  given  to  their  academical  functions;  and  we  should  pro- 
pose to  draw  from  Europe  the  first  characters  in  science,  by 
considerable  temptations,  which  would  not  need  to  be  re- 
peated after  the  first  set  should  have  prepared  fit  successors 
and  given  reputation  to  the  institution.  From  some  splen- 
did characters  I  have  received  offers  most  perfectly  reason- 
able and  practicable. 

I  do  not  propose  to  give  you  all  this  trouble  merely  of  my 
own  head,  that  would  be  arrogance.     It  has  been  the  sub- 


Democracy  and  Expansion 


257 


ject  of  consultation  among  the  ablest  and  highest  characters 
of  our  State,  who  only  wait  for  a  plan  to  make  a  joint  and 
I  hope  successful  effort  to  get  the  thing  carried  into  ef- 
fect. .  .  . 

To  JOSEPH  PRIESTLEY 

PHILADELPHIA,  Jan.  27,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  In  my  letter  of  the  18th,  I  omitted  to  say  any-  Language. 
thing  of  the  languages  as  part  of  our  proposed  university. 
It  was  not  that  I  think,  as  some  do,  that  they  are  useless.  I 
am  of  a  very  different  opinion.  I  do  not  think  them  essen- 
tial to  the  obtaining  eminent  degrees  of  science;  but  I  think 
them  very  useful  towards  it.  I  suppose  there  is  a  portion  of 
life  during  which  our  faculties  are  ripe  enough  for  this,  and 
for  nothing  more  useful.  I  think  the  Greeks  and  Romans 
have  left  us  the  present  models  which  exist  of  fine  composi- 
tion, whether  we  examine  them  as  works  of  reason,  or  of 
style  and  fancy;  and  to  them  we  probably  owe  these  char- 
acteristics of  modern  composition.  I  know  of  no  composi- 
tion of  any  other  ancient  people,  which  merits  the  least  re- 
gard as  a  model  for  its  matter  or  style.  To  all  this  I  add, 
that  to  read  the  Latin  and  Greek  authors  in  their  original,  is 
a  sublime  luxury;  and  I  deem  luxury  in  science  to  be  at 
least  as  justifiable  as  in  architecture,  painting,  gardening,  or 
the  other  arts.  I  enjoy  Homer  in  his  own  language  infinitely 
beyond  Pope's  translation  of  him,  and  both  beyond  the  dull 
narrative  of  the  same  events  by  Dares  Phrygius;  and  it  is 
an  innocent  enjoyment.  I  thank  on  my  knees,  him  who  di- 
rected my  early  education,  for  having  put  into  my  possession 
this  rich  source  of  delight;  and  I  would  not  exchange  it  for 
anything  which  I  could  then  have  acquired,  and  have  not 
since  acquired.  With  this  regard  for  those  languages,  you 
will  acquit  me  of  meaning  to  omit  them.  About  twenty  pian  for 
years  ago,  I  drew  a  bill  for  our  legislature,  which  proposed  to  ^j^,**111' 
lay  off  every  county  into  hundreds  or  townships  of  5.  or  6. 
miles  square,  in  the  centre  of  each  of  which  was  to  be  a  free 
English  school;  the  whole  state  was  further  laid  off  into  10 


258  Readings  in  American  History 

districts,  in  each  of  which  was  to  be  a  college  for  teaching  the 
languages,  geography,  surveying,  and  other  useful  things  of 
that  grade,  and  then  a  single  University  for  the  sciences.  It 
was  received  with  enthusiasm;  but  as  I  had  proposed  that 
Wm.  and  Mary,  under  an  improved  form,  should  be  the  Uni- 
versity, and  that  was  at  that  time  pretty  highly  Episcopal,  the 
dissenters  after  a  while  began  to  apprehend  some  secret  de- 
sign of  a  preference  to  that  sect  and  nothing  could  then  be 
done.  About  three  years  ago  they  enacted  that  part  of  my 
bill  which  related  to  English  schools,  except  that  instead  of 
obliging,  they  left  it  optional  in  the  court  of  every  county  to 
carry  it  into  execution  or  not.  I  think  it  probable  the  part 
of  the  plan  for  the  middle  grade  of  education,  may  also  be 
brought  forward  in  due  time.  In  the  meanwhile,  we  are  not 
without  a  sufficient  number  of  good  country  schools,  where 
the  languages,  geography,  and  the  first  elements  of  Mathe- 
matics, are  taught.  Having  omitted  this  information  in  my 
former  letter,  I  thought  it  necessary  now  to  supply  it,  that 
you  might  know  on  what  base  your  superstructure  was  to 
be  reared.  .  .  . 

56.    THE  LEWIS  AND  CLARK  EXPEDITION 

President  Jefferson,  in  January,  1803,  asked  Congress  to  appro- 
priate twenty-five  hundred  dollars  for  an  exploring  expedition  to 
the  Pacific  Ocean.  This  was  granted,  and  Captain  Meriwether  Lewis, 
who  was  at  the  time  Mr.  Jefferson's  private  secretary,  was  ap- 
pointed to  take  charge  of  the  expedition.  Captain  Lewis  desired 
to  have  Captain  William  Clark,  the  younger  brother  of  George 
Rogers  Clark,  accompany  him.  On  July  5,  a  few  days  after  the 
news  was  received  of  the  purchase  of  Louisiana,  Captain  Lewis  set 
out  from  Washington.  The  winter  was  passed  on  the  east  side  of 
the  Mississippi  River,  nearly  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Missouri. 
May  14,  1804,  the  party  began  their  journey  up  the  Missouri. — 
(Paul  Allen,  History  of  the  Expedition  under  the  Command  of  Cap- 
tains Lewis  and  Clark  to  the  Sources  of  the  Missouri,  etc.  From 
the  Journal  of  Lewis  and  Clark,  I,  53  passim;  II,  83  passim,  in 
M'Vickar  abridgment,  1855.) 

The  party.       The  party  consisted  of  nine  young  men  from  Kentucky, 
fourteen  soldiers  of  the  United  States  army,  who  volunteered 


Democracy  and  Expansion  259 

their  services,  two  French  watermen  (an  interpreter  and 
hunter)  and  a  black  servant  belonging  to  Captain  Clark. 
All  these,  except  the  last,  were  enlisted  to  serve  as  privates 
during  the  expedition,  and  three  sergeants  appointed  from 
among  them  by  the  captains.  In  addition  to  these  were  en- 
gaged a  corporal  and  six  soldiers,  and  nine  watermen,  to  ac- 
company the  expedition  as  far  as  the  Mandan  nation,  in  order 
to  assist  in  carrying  the  stores  or  repelling  an  attack,  which 
was  most  to  be  apprehended  between  Wood  River  and  that 
tribe.  The  necessary  stores  were  subdivided  into  seven  bales  The  outfit, 
and  one  box,  containing  a  small  portion  of  each  article  in 
case  of  accident.  They  consisted  of  a  great  variety  of  cloth- 
ing, working  utensils,  locks,  flints,  powder,  ball,  and  articles 
of  the  greatest  use.  To  these  were  added  fourteen  bales  and 
one  box  of  Indian  presents,  distributed  in  the  same  manner, 
and  composed  of  richly-laced  coats  and  other  articles  of  dress, 
medals,  flags,  knives,  and  tomahawks  for  the  chiefs;  orna- 
ments of  different  kinds,  particularly  beads,  looking-glasses, 
handkerchiefs,  paints,  and,  generally,  such  articles  as  were 
deemed  best  calculated  for  the  taste  of  the  Indians.  The 
party  was  to  embark  on  board  of  boats :  the  first  was  a  keel-  Boats, 
boat  fifty-five  feet  long,  drawing  three  feet  water,  carrying 
one  large  square-sail  and  twenty-two  oars;  a  deck  of  ten 
feet  in  the  bow  and  stern  formed  a  forecastle  and  cabin,  while 
the  middle  was  covered  by  lockers,  which  might  be  raised  so 
as  to  form  a  breastwork  in  case  of  attack.  This  was  accom- 
panied by  two  piroques  or  open  boats,  one  of  six  and  the 
other  of  seven  oars.  Two  horses  were  at  the  same  time  to 
be  led  along  the  banks  of  the  river,  for  the  purpose  of  bring- 
ing home  game,  or  hunting  in  case  of  scarcity.  .  .  . 

June  24,  he  sent  J.  Fields  up  the  river,  with  orders  to  go  Some  of 
four  miles  and  return,  whether  he  found  the  two  absent  gjJuw*" 
hunters  or  not.     Then,   descending  the  southwest  side  of 
Medicine  River,  he  crossed  the  Missouri  in  the  canoe,  and 
sent  Shannon  back  to  his  camp  to  join  Fields,  and  bring  the 
meat  which  they  had  killed:  this  they  did,  and  arrived  in 
the  evening  at  the  camp  at  White  Bear  Islands.     Part  of  the 


260  Readings  in  American  History 

men  from  Portage  Creek  also  arrived  with  two  canoes  and 
baggage.  On  going  down  yesterday,  Captain  Clark  cut  off 
several  angles  of  the  former  route,  so  as  to  shorten  the  por- 
tage considerably,  and  marked  it  with  stakes:  he  arrived 
there  in  time  to  have  two  of  the  canoes  carried  up  in  the 
high  plain,  about  a  mile  in  advance.  Here  they  all  repaired 
their  moccasins,  and  put  on  double  soles  to  protect  them 
from  the  prickly-pear,  and  from  the  sharp  points  of  earth 
which  have  been  formed  by  the  trampling  of  the  buffalo  dur- 
ing the  late  rains.  This  of  itself  is  sufficient  to  render  the 
portage  disagreeable  to  one  who  had  no  burden;  but,  as  the 
men  are  loaded  as  heavily  as  their  strength  will  permit,  the 
crossing  is  really  painful.  Some  are  limping  with  the  sore- 
ness of  their  feet ;  others  are  scarcely  able  to  stand  for  more 
than  a  few  minutes  from  the  heat  and  fatigue;  they  are  all 
obliged  to  halt  and  rest  frequently;  and  at  almost  every 
stopping-place  they  fall,  and  many  of  them  are  asleep  in  an 
instant;  yet  no  one  complains,  and  they  go  on  with  great 
cheerfulness.  At  their  camp  Drewyer  and  Fields  joined 
them;  and,  while  Captain  Lewis  was  looking  for  them  at 
Medicine  River,  they  returned  to  report  the  absence  of  Shan- 
non, about  whom  they  had  been  very  uneasy.  They  had 
killed  several  buffalo  at  the  bend  of  the  Missouri  above  the 
falls,  and  dried  about  eight  hundred  pounds  of  meat,  and 
got  one  hundred  pounds  of  tallow:  they  had  also  killed  some 
deer,  but  had  seen  no  elk.  After  getting  the  party  in  mo- 
tion with  the  canoes,  Captain  Clark  returned  to  his  camp 
at  Portage  Creek.  .  .  . 

July  28.  Captain  Clark  continued  very  unwell  during 
the  night,  but  was  somewhat  relieved  this  morning.  On  ex- 
amining the  two  streams,  it  became  difficult  to  decide  which 
was  the  larger,  or  the  real  Missouri:  they  are  each  ninety 
yards  wide,  and  so  perfectly  similar  in  character  and  appear- 
ance that  they  seem  to  have  been  formed  in  the  same  mould. 


Jefferson.  We  were  therefore  induced  to  discontinue  the  name  of  Mis- 
and  Gaiia-  SOUI%i>  an(l  give  to  the  southwest  branch  the  name  of  Jefferson, 
tin  Rivers.  jn  honor  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  the  projector 


Democracy  and  Expansion  261 

of  the  enterprise;  and  called  the  middle  branch  Madison, 
after  James  Madison,  secretary  of  state.  These  two,  as  well 
as  Gallatin  River,  run  with  great  velocity,  and  throw  out 
large  bodies  of  water.  Gallatin  River  is,  however,  the  most 
rapid  of  the  three,  and,  though  not  quite  as  deep,  navigable 
for  a  considerable  distance.  Madison  River,  though  much 
less  rapid  than  the  Gallatin,  is  somewhat  more  rapid  than 
the  Jefferson:  the  beds  of  all  of  them  are  formed  of  smooth 
pebble  and  gravel,  and  the  waters  are  perfectly  transpar- 
ent. .  .  . 

The  greater  part  of  the  men,  having  yesterday  put  their 
deerskins  in  water,  were  this  day  engaged  in  dressing  them, 
for  the  purpose  of  making  clothing.  .  .  . 

July  30.  Captain  (Mark  was  this  morning  much  re- 
stored; and,  therefore,  having  made  all  the  observations 
necessary  to  fix  the  longitude,  we  reloaded  our  canoes,  and 
began  to  ascend  Jefferson  River.  .  .  . 

Here,  as  had  been  previously  arranged,  Captain  Lewis  left 
us,  with  Sergeant  Gass,  Chaboneau,  and  Drewyer,  intending 
to  go  in  advance  in  search  of  the  Shoshonees.  .  .  . 

In  the  mean  time  we  proceeded  on  slowly,  the  current 
being  so  strong  as  to  require  the  utmost  exertions  of  the 
men  to  make  any  advance,  even  with  the  aid  of  the  cord  and 
pole,  the  wind  being  from  the  northwest.  The  channel,  cur- 
rent, banks,  and  general  appearance  of  the  river  are  like 
that  of  yesterday.  .  .  . 

From  a  careful  observation  of  the  direction  and  character 
of  these  streams,  he  became  satisfied  that  the  middle  one  was 
the  best  to  be  taken  by  the  canoes,  and  left  a  note  for 
Captain  Clark  to  that  effect.  The  party  in  the  canoes 
proceeded  onward  as  usual,  finding  but  little  change  in  the 
country,  killing  game  as  they  had  opportunity  for  their  sub- 
sistence, and  encountering  many  difficulties  from  the  ripples 
and  shoals  of  the  river.  The  men  were  becoming  much  en- 
feebled from  the  severity  of  their  labours  and  being  con- 
stantly in  the  water.  .  .  . 

We  arrived  at  the  forks  about  four  o'clock,  but,  unluck- 


262  Readings  in  American  History 

ily,  Captain  Lewis's  note  had  been  attached  to  a  green  pole, 
which  the  beaver  had  cut  Jown,  and  carried  off  with  the  note 
on  it:  an  accident  which  deprived  us  of  all  information  as  to 
the  character  of  the  two  branches  of  the  river.  Observing, 
therefore,  that  the  northwest  fork  was  most  in  our  direction, 
we  ascended  it.  We  found  it  extremely  rapid,  and  its  waters 
were  scattered  in  such  a  manner  that  for  a  quarter  of  a  mile 
we  were  forced  to  cut  a  passage  through  the  willow-brush 
that  leaned  over  the  little  channels  and  united  at  the  top. 
After  going  up  it  for  a  mile,  we  encamped  on  an  island  which 
had  been  overflowed,  and  was  still  so  wet  that  we  were  com- 
pelled to  make  beds  of  brush  to  keep  ourselves  out  of  the 
mud.  Our  provision  consisted  of  two  deer  which  had  been 
killed  in  the  morning.  .  .  .  Here  we  were  joined  by  Drewyer, 
who  informed  us  of  the  state  of  the  two  streams,  and  of  Cap- 
tain Lewis's  note,  when  we  immediately  began  to  descend 
the  river,  in  order  to  take  the  other  branch.  In  going  down 
one  of  the  canoes  upset,  and  two  others  were  filled  with 
water,  by  which  all  the  baggage  was  wet,  and  several  articles 
irrevocably  lost.  As  one  of  them  swung  round  in  a  rapid 
current,  Whitehouse  was  thrown  out  of  her,  and  while  down 
the  canoe  passed  over  him,  and,  had  the  water  been  two 
inches  shallower,  would  have  crushed  him  to  pieces;  but  he 
escaped  with  a  severe  bruise  of  the  leg.  In  order  to  repair 
these  misfortunes,  we  hastened  to  the  forks,  where  we  were 
joined  by  Captain  Lewis.  .  .  .  We  were  now  completely  sat- 
isfied that  the  middle  branch  was  the  most  navigable,  and 
the  true  continuation  of  the  Jefferson.  The  northwest  fork 
seems  to  be  the  drain  of  the  melting  snows  of  the  mountains: 
we  called  it  Wisdom  River.  .  .  . 

Beaver's  On  our  right  is  the  point  of  a  high  plain,  which  our  In- 
dian woman  recognizes  as  the  place  called  the  Beaver's  Head, 
from  a  supposed  resemblance  to  that  object.  This,  she  says, 
is  not  far  from  the  summer  retreat  of  her  countrymen,  which 
is  on  a  river  beyond  the  mountains,  and  running  to  the  west. 
She  is  therefore  certain  that  we  shall  meet  them  either  on 
this  river  or  on  that  immediately  west  of  its  source,  which, 


Democracy  and  Expansion  263 

judging  from  its  present  size,  cannot  be  far  distant.     Per-  search  for 
suaded  of  the  absolute  necessity  of  procuring  horses  to  cross  g{Jo,fj£j~ 
the  mountains,  it  was  determined  that  one  of  us  should  pro- 
ceed in  the  morning  to  the  head  of  the  river,  and  penetrate 
the  mountains  till  he  found  the  Shoshonees  or  some  other  na- 
tion who  can  assist  us  in  transporting  our  baggage,  the  greater 
part  of  which  we  shall  be  compelled  to  leave  without  the  aid 
of  horses.  .  .  .  From  the  foot  of  one  of  the  lowest  of  these'  Head- 
mountains,  which  rises  with  a  gentle  ascent  of  about  half  a  ^att7-°f 
mile,  issues  the  remotest  water  of  the  Missouri.  souri. 

They  had  now  reached  the  hidden  sources  of  that  river, 
which  had  never  before  been  seen  by  civilized  man;  and  as 
they  quenched  their  thirst  at  the  chaste  and  icy  fountain — as 
they  sat  down  by  the  brink  of  that  little  rivulet,  which 
yielded  its  distant  and  modest  tribute  to  the  parent  ocean, 
they  felt  themselves  rewarded  for  all  their  labours  and  all 
their  difficulties.  They  left  reluctantly  this  interesting  spot, 
and,  pursuing  the  Indian  road  through  the  interval  of  the 
hills,  arrived  at  the  top  of  a  ridge,  from  which  they  saw  high 
mountains,  partially  covered  with  snow,  still  to  the  west  of 
them. 

The  ridge  on  which  they  stood  formed  the  dividing-line 
between  the  waters  of  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Oceans.  They 
followed  a  descent  much  steeper  than  that  on  the  eastern 
side,  and  at  the  distance  of  three  quarters  of  a  mile  reached 
a  handsome,  bold  creek  of  cold,  clear  water  running  to  the 
westward.  They  stopped  to  taste,  for  the  first  time,  the  Head- 
waters of  the  Columbia;  and,  after  a  few  minutes,  followed 
the  road  across  steep  hills  and  low  hollows,  when  they  came  bia. 
to  a  spring  on  the  side  of  a  mountain.  Here  they  found  a 
sufficient  quantity  of  dry  willow-brush  for  fuel,  and  there- 
fore halted  for  the  night;  and,  having  killed  nothing  in  the 
course  of  the  day,  supped  on  their  last  piece  of  pork,  and 
trusted  to  fortune  for  some  other  food  to  mix  with  a  little 
flour  and  parched  meal  which  was  all  that  now  remained  of 
their  provisions.  ...  In  this  way  they  inarched  two  miles, 
when  they  met  a  troop  of  nearly  sixty  warriors,  mounted  on 


264 


Readings  in  American  History 


excellent  horses,  riding  at  full  speed  towards  them.  As  they 
came  forward,  Captain  Lewis  put  down  his  gun,  and  went 
with  the  flag  about  fifty  paces  in  advance.  The  chief,  who 
with  two  men  was  riding  in  front  of  the  main  body,  spoke 
to  the  women,  who  now  explained  that  the  party  was  com- 
posed of  white  men,  and  showed  exultingly  the  presents 
they  had  received.  The  three  men  immediately  leaped  from 
their  horses,  came  up  to  Captain  Lewis,  and  embraced  him 
with  great  cordiality,  putting  their  left  arm  over  his  right 
shoulder,  and  clasping  his  back,  applying  at  the  same  time 
their  left  cheek  to  his,  and  frequently  vociferating  "ah  hi  e! 
ah  hi  e!"  "I  am  much  pleased,  I  am  much  rejoiced."  The 
whole  body  of  warriors  now  came  forward,  and  our  men  re- 
ceived the  caresses,  and  no  small  share  of  the  grease  and 
paint,  of  their  new  friends.  After  this  fraternal  embrace,  of 
which  the  motive  was  much  more  agreeable  than  the  man- 
ner, Captain  Lewis  lighted  a  pipe,  and  offered  it  to  the  In- 
dians, who  had  now  seated  themselves  in  a  circle  around  the 
party.  .  .  . 

This  rapid  forms  the  last  of  the  descents  of  the  Columbia; 
and  immediately  below  it  the  river  widens,  and  tide-water 
commences.  .  .  . 

November  7.  The  morning,  proceeds  the  narrative,  was 
rainy,  and  the  fog  so  thick  that  we  could  not  see  across  the 
river.  .  .  .  We  had  not  gone  far  from  this  village  when,  the 
fog  suddenly  clearing  away,  we  were  at  last  presented  with  the 
glorious  sight  of  the  ocean — that  ocean,  the  object  of  all  our 
labours,  the  reward  of  all  our  anxieties.  This  animating 
sight  exhilarated  the  spirits  of  all  the  party,  who  were  still 
more  delighted  on  hearing  the  distant  roar  of  the  breakers. 
We  went  on  with  great  cheerfulness  along  the  high,  moun- 
tainous country  which  bordered  the  right  bank:  the  shore, 
however,  was  so  bold  and  rocky,  that  we  could  not,  until  at 
a  distance  of  fourteen  miles  from  the  last  village,  find  any 
spot  fit  for  an  encampment.  Having  made  during  the  day 
thirty-four  miles,  we  now  spread  our  mats  on  the  ground, 
and  passed  the  night  in  the  rain.  Here  we  were  joined  by 


Democracy  and  Expansion  265 

our  small  canoe,  which  had  been  separated  from  us  during 
the  fog  this  morning.  .  .  . 

Having  now  examined  the  coast,  it  became  necessary  to 
decide  on  the  spot  for  our  winter-quarters.  .  .  . 

57.    ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  FIRST  STEAMBOAT 

Experiments  made  by  two  Americans,  James  Rumsey  (1785)  and 
John  Fitch  (1790),  proved  that  boats  could  be  driven  by  steam. 
In  1804  Oliver  Evans  experimented  with  a  stern-wheel  steamboat 
on  the  Delaware  River,  and  at  the  same  time  John  C.  Stevens  was 
experimenting  with  a  screw  propeller  on  the  Hudson.  When  he 
was  asked  what  was  the  greatest  event  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
Lord  Acton,  then  Professor  of  History  at  Cambridge,  England,  is 
said  to  have  answered:  "The  accidental  sinking  of  Fulton's  steamer 
in  the  River  Seine  in  1804.  If  it  had  been  successful  Napoleon 
would  have  been  able  to  land  his  forces  wherever  he  pleased  and 
the  conquest  of  the  British  Isles  might  have  followed."  Robert 
Fulton,  a  native  of  Pennsylvania,  at  the  close  of  the  Revolution, 
went  to  England,  where  he  was  engaged  for  a  time  as  a  painter  of 
portraits.  In  1793  he  assisted  James  Watt  in  the  construction  of 
steam-engines.  In  1794  he  went  to  Paris,  where,  with  the  assistance 
of  Robert  R.  Livingston,  he  constructed  a  steamboat.  The  first 
trial  of  the  boat  before  a  committee  appointed  by  Napoleon  was  a 
failure.  Later  trials  were  successful,  but  Napoleon  took  no  further 
interest  in  it.  Fulton  returned  to  America  and  again  aided  by 
Livingston  constructed  the  Clermont. 

The  writer  of  the  following  account  was  a  Scotchman  who  trav- 
elled extensively  in  America. — (James  Stuart,  Three  Years  in  North 
America,  I,  45  passim.  Glasgow,  1833.) 

Fulton,  who  unquestionably  had  the  merit,  the  great  merit,  Honor  due 
of  accomplishing  what  many  ingenious  men  had  previously  J 
unsuccessfully  attempted,  is  well  entitled  to  the  lasting  grati- 
tude of  the  people  of  the  United  States;  and  it  will  not  be 
to  their  credit,  if  the  general  government  do  not,  in  the  end, 
make  some  great  and  liberal  provision  for  the  family  of  an 
individual,  who  was  so  great  a  benefactor  of  his  own  coun- 
try, and  of  the  world.  It  is  as  well  established,  that  Fulton 
first  of  all  adapted  the  steam  engine  to  the  model  of  such  a 
vessel  as  would  answer  the  purpose,  as  that  many  able  men 
had  previously  pretty  clearly  perceived  that  the  thing  was 


266  Readings  in  American  History 

possible,  although  they  could  not  exactly  hit  on  the  method 
of  doing  it.  ... 

Aids  to  It  was  thus  undoubtedly  left  for  Fulton,  in  the  nineteenth 

century,  to  confer  on  his  country  and  the  world  the  great 
boon  of  steam  navigation;  but  let  those  who  assisted  him 
have  their  due  share  of  praise.  Henry  Bell  of  Glasgow  either 
gave  him  the  model  of  the  vessel  which  made  the  first  voyage, 
or  aided  him  most  materially  in  her  construction.  Messrs. 
Boulton,  Watt,  and  Co.  of  Birmingham,  manufactured  the 
engine  used  in  her.  And  Chancellor  Livingston,  of  the  state 
of  New  York,  encouraged  the  undertaking,  although  at  the 
time  laughed  at  as  a  wild  speculation,  and  assisted  Fulton 
with  the  pecuniary  means  for  carrying  it  into  execution. 
The  difficulties  he  after  all  encountered  were  such,  that, 
though  the  engine  was  furnished  in  the  year  1804,  it  was  not 
until  the  summer  of  1807  that  it  was  put  to  use  in  the  vessel, 
the  Clermont,  of  160  tons,  in  which,  on  the  Hudson,  the 
first  steamboat  voyage  in  the  world  was  made.  Fulton's 
letter  to  his  friend,  Joel  Barlow,  giving  an  account*  of  that 
experimental  voyage,  is  extremely  interesting. 

"  NEW  YORK,  August  2,  1807. 
"My  DEAR  FRIEND, 

Trip  to  "My  steamboat  voyage  to  Albany  and  back  has  turned 

ibany.  ou^  ratner  more  favourable  than  I  had  calculated.  The  dis- 
tance from  New  York  to  Albany  is  150  miles;  I  ran  it  up  in 
thirty-two  hours,  and  down  in  thirty  hours;  the  latter  is  just 
five  miles  an  hour.  I  had  a  light  breeze  against  me  the  whole 
way  going  and  coming,  so  that  no  use  was  made  of  my  sails, 
and  the  voyage  has  been  performed  wholly  by  the  power  of 
the  steam  engine.  I  overtook  many  sloops  and  schooners 
beating  to  windward,  and  passed  them  as  if  they  had  been 
at  anchor. 

"The  power  of  propelling  boats  by  steam  is  now  fully 
proved.  The  morning  I  left  New  York,  there  were  not  per- 
haps thirty  persons  in  the  city  who  believed  that  the  boat 
would  ever  move  one  mile  an  hour,  or  be  of  the  least  utility ; 


Democracy  and  Expansion  267 

and  while  we  were  putting  off  from  the  wharf,  which  was 
crowded  with  spectators,  I  heard  a  number  of  sarcastic  re- 
marks. This  is  the  way,  you  know,  in  which  ignorant  men 
compliment  what  they  call  philosophers  and  projectors. 

"  Having  employed  much  time,  and  money  and  zeal,  in  ac-  Fulton's 
complishing  this  work,  it  gives  me,  as  it  will  you,  great  pleas-  plans- 
ure  to  see  it  so  fully  answer  my  expectations.     It  will  give  a 
cheap  and  quick  conveyance  to  merchandise  on  the  Missis- 
sippi and  Missouri,  and  other  great  rivers,  which  are  now  lay- 
ing open  their  treasures  to  the  enterprise  of  our  countrymen. 
And  although  the  prospect  of  personal  emolument  has  been 
some  inducement  to  me,  yet  I  feel  infinitely  more  pleasure 
in  reflecting  with  you  on  the  immense  advantage  that  my 
country  will  derive  from  the  invention." 

It  is  not  very  creditable  to  the  spirit  of  enterprise,  for  Progress  in 
which  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  the  two  greatest  ^^boat 
commercial  nations,  take  credit,  to  find  that  several  years  not  rapid, 
elapsed  after  the  power  of  propelling  vessels  by  steam  was 
thus  in  1807  completely  proved,  before  any  attempt  to  con- 
struct a  steam-vessel  in  Britain  was  made,  and  before  steam- 
boats appeared  on  the  great  western  rivers  of  America,  for 
the  navigation  of  which  they  are,  above  all,  admirably  cal- 
culated. .  .  . 

The  State  of  New  York  was  early  sensible  of  the  great  Monopoly 
services  which  Fulton  had  rendered ;  and  conferred  on  him  a  fJDw^^f 
most  valuable  monopoly, — the  exclusive  right  to  navigate  in 
the  waters  of  the  state  with  steam-vessels  for  a  term  of 
years;  if  I  remember  right,  till  the  year  1838.  It  was  sub- 
sequently, indeed,  found,  after  a  keen  litigation  in  the  su- 
preme court  of  the  United  States,  that  no  separate  state 
could  establish  such  a  monopoly, — the  general  government 
alone  having  power,  by  the  American  constitution,  "  to  regu- 
late commerce  among  the  several  states."  New  York  state, 
however,  it  is  undeniable,  showed  their  feeling  of  lasting  obli- 
gation to  their  meritorious  countryman,  and  their  desire  to 
see  him  suitably  rewarded;  .  .  . 


268 


Readings  in  American  History 


58.     INAUGURATION  OF  PRESIDENT  MADISON 

From  the  Diaries  and  Family  Letters  of  Mrs.  Samuel  Harrison 
Smith. — (Scribner's  Magazine,  XL,  September,  1906,  p.  299  passim.) 

To-day  after  the  inauguration,  we  all  went  to  Mrs.  Madi- 
son's. The  street  was  full  of  carriages  and  people,  and  we  had 
to  wait  near  half  an  hour,  before  we  could  get  in, — the  house 
was  completely  filled,  parlours,  entry,  drawing  room  and  bed 
room.  Near  the  door  of  the  drawing  room  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Madison  stood  to  receive  their  company.  She  looked  ex- 
tremely beautiful,  was  drest  in  a  plain  cambric  dress  with  a 
very  long  train,  plain  round  the  neck  without  any  handker- 
chief, and  beautiful  bonnet  of  purple  velvet,  and  white  satin 
with  white  plumes.  She  was  all  dignity,  grace,  and  affabil- 
ity. Mr.  Madison  shook  my  hand  with  the  cordiality  of  old 
acquaintance.  The  crowd  was  immense  both  at  the  Capitol 
&  here,  thousands  &  thousands  of  people  thronged  the 
avenue.  The  Capitol  presented  a  gay  scene.  Every  inch  of 
space  was  crowded  &  there  being  as  many  ladies  as  gentle- 
men, all  in  full  dress,  it  gave  it  rather  a  gay  than  a  solemn 
appearance, — there  was  an  attempt  made  to  appropriate  par- 
ticular seats  for  the  ladies  of  public  characters,  but  it  was 
found  impossible  to  carry  it  into  effect,  for  the  sovereign 
people  would  not  resign  their  privileges  &  the  high  &  low 
were  promiscuously  blended  on  the  floor  &  in  the  galleries. 

Mr.  Madison  was  extremely  pale  &  trembled  excessively 
when  he  first  began  to  speak,  but  soon  gained  confidence  & 
spoke  audibly.  From  the  Capitol  we  went  to  Mrs.  M's,  & 
from  there  to  Mr.  Jefferson's. 

Sunday  morning.  Well,  my  dear  Susan,  the  chapter  draws 
to  a  close.  Last  night  concluded  the  important  day,  on  which 
our  country  received  a  new  magistrate.  To  a  philosopher, 
who  while  he  contemplated  the  scene,  revolved  past  ages  in 
his  mind,  it  must  have  been  a  pleasing  sight.  A  citizen, 
chosen  from  among  his  equals,  and  quietly  and  unanimously 


Democracy  and  Expansion  269 

elevated  to  a  power,  which  in  other  countries  and  in  all  ages 
of  the  world  has  cost  so  much  blood  to  attain! 

Last  evening,  I  endeavored  calmly  to  look  on,  and  amidst 
the  noise,  bustle  and  crowd,  to  spend  an  hour  or  two  in 
sober  reflection. 

The  room  was  so  terribly  crowded  that  we  had  to  stand  on  First  inau- 
benches;  from  this  situation  we  had  a  view  of  the  moving  gural  bal1' 
mass,  for  it  was  nothing  else.  It  was  scarcely  possible  to 
elbow  your  way  from  one  side  to  another,  &  poor  Mrs.  Madi- 
son was  almost  pressed  to  death,  for  every  one  crowded  round 
her,  those  behind  pressing  on  those  before  &  peeping  over 
their  shoulders  to  have  a  peep  of  her,  &  those  who  were  so 
fortunate  as  to  get  near  enough  to  speak  to  her  were  happy 
indeed.  As  the  upper  sashes  of  the  windows  could  not  let 
down,  the  glass  was  broken,  to  ventilate  the  room,  the  air 
of  which  had  become  oppressive,  but  here  I  begin  again  at 
the  end  of  the  story.  Well,  to  make  up  for  it  I  will  begin 
at  the  beginning.  When  we  went  there  were  not  above  50 
persons  in  the  room,  we  were  led  to  benches  at  the  upper 
fire  place. 

Not  long  afterwards,  the  musick  struck  up  Jefferson's 
March,  &  he  &  Mr.  Coles  entered.  He  spoke  to  all  whom 
he  knew,  &  was  quite  the  plain,  unassuming  citizen.  Madi- 
son's March  was  then  played  &  Mrs.  Madison  led  in  by 
one  of  the  managers  &  Mrs.  Cutts  &  Mr.  Madison,  she 
was  led  to  the  part  of  the  room  where  we  happened  to 
be,  so  that  I  accidentally  was  placed  next  her.  She  looked 
a  queen.  She  had  on  a  pale  buff  colored  velvet,  made 
plain,  with  a  very  long  train,  but  not  the  least  trimming, 
&  beautiful  pearl  necklace,  earrings  &  bracelets.  Her  head 
dress  was  a  turban  of  the  same  coloured  velvet  &  white 
satin  (from  Paris)  with  two  superb  plumes,  the  bird  of  para- 
dise feathers. 

It  would  be  absolutely  impossible  for  any  one  to  behave 
with  more  perfect  propriety  than  she  did.  Unassuming  dig- 
nity, sweetness,  grace.  It  seems  to  me  that  such  manners 
would  disarm  envy  itself,  &  conciliate  even  enemies.  The 


270  Readings  in  American  History 

managers  presented  her  with  the  first  number, — "  But  what 
shall  I  do  with  it?"  said  she,  "I  do  not  dance."  "Give  it  to 
your  neighbor,"  said  Capt.  Tingey.  "Oh  no,"  said  she, 
"that  would  look  like  partiality."  "Then  I  will"  said  the 
Capt.  &  he  presented  it  to  Mrs.  Cutts.  I  really  admired  this 
in  Mrs.  M.  She  was  led  to  supper  by  the  French  minister, 
Mrs.  Cutts  by  the  English  minister,  she  sat  at  the  centre  of 
the  table,  which  was  a  crescent,  the  French  and  English  min- 
isters on  each  hand,  Mrs.  Cutts  the  next  on  the  right  hand, 
Mrs.  Smith  the  next  on  the  left  and  Mr.  Madison  on  the 
other  side  of  the  table  opposite  Mrs.  M.  I  chose  a  place 
where  I  could  see  Mrs.  M.  to  advantage.  She  really  in  man- 
ners and  appearance,  answered  all  my  ideas  of  royalty.  She 
was  so  equally  gracious  to  both  French  and  English,  and  so 
affable  to  all.  I  suspect  Mrs.  Smith  could  not  like  the  su- 
periority of  Mrs.  Cutts,  and  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  Mrs. 
Madison's  —  —  causes  her  some  heart  burnings.  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son did  not  stay  above  two  hours;  he  seemed  in  high  spirits 
and  his  countenance  beamed  with  a  benevolent  joy.  I  do 
believe  father  never  loved  son  more  than  he  loves  Mr.  Madi- 
son, and  I  believe  too  that  every  demonstration  of  respect  to 
Mr.  M.  gave  Mr.  J.  more  pleasure  than  if  paid  to  himself. 
Oh  he  is  a  good  man!  And  the  day  will  come  when  all 
party  spirit  shall  expire,  that  every  citizen  of  the  United 
States  will  join  in  saying  "  He  is  a  good  man."  Mr.  Madi- 
son, on  the  contrary,  seemed  spiritless  and  exhausted.  While 
he  was  standing  by  me  I  said  "  I  wish  with  all  my  heart  I 
had  a  little  bit  of  seat  to  offer  you."  "I  wish  so  too,"  said 
he,  with  a  most  woe  begone  face,  and  looking  as  if  he  could 
scarcely  stand, — the  managers  came  up  to  ask  him  to  stay 
to  supper,  he  assented,  and  turning  to  me,  "  but  I  would 
much  rather  be  in  bed"  said  he.  Immediately  after  supper 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  M.  withdrew,  the  rest  of  the  company  danced 
until  12,  the  moment  the  clock  struck  that  hour,  the  music 
stopped,  and  we  all  came  home  tired  and  sick.  "  And  such," 
said  I,  as  I  threw  myself  on  the  bed,  "  such  are  the  gaity  and 
pleasures  of  the  world!  Oh  give  me  the  solitude  of  our  cot- 


Democracy  and  Expansion  271 

tage,  where  after  a  day  well  spent,  I  lay  down  so  tranquill 
and  cheerful."  Never  do  I  recollect  one  night,  retiring  with 
such  a  vacuum,  such  a  dissatisfied  craving,  such  a  restless- 
ness of  spirit,  such  undefined,  vague  desires,  as  I  now  do. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

THE   WAR  OF   1812 

59.     BRITISH  JUSTIFICATION  OF  THE  WAR  OF  1812 
(Hansard,  Parliamentary  Debates,  First  Series,  Vol.  24,  374-7.) 

Declaration  of  his  Royal  Highness  the  Prince  Regent 
Relative  to  the  Causes  and  Origin  of  the  War  with  America. 

After  this  exposition  of  the  circumstances  which  preceded, 
and  which  have  followed  the  declaration  of  war  by  the  United 
States,  His  royal  highness  the  Prince  Regent,  acting  in  the 
name  and  on  the  behalf  of  his  Majesty,  feels  himself  called 
upon  to  declare  the  leading  principles,  by  which  the  conduct 
of  Great  Britain  has  been  regulated  in  the  transactions  con- 
nected with  these  discussions. 

His  Royal  Highness  can  never  acknowledge  any  blockade 
whatsoever  to  be  illegal,  which  has  been  duly  notified,  and  is 
supported  by  an  adequate  force,  merely  upon  the  ground  of 
its  extent,  or  because  the  forts  or  coasts  blockaded,  are  not 
at  the  same  time  invested  by  land. 

His  Royal  Highness  can  never  admit,  that  neutral  trade 
with  Great  Britain  can  be  constituted  a  public  crime,  the 
commission  of  which  can  expose  the  ships  of  any  power  what- 
ever to  be  denationalized. 

His  Royal  Highness  can  never  admit,  that  Great  Britain 
can  be  debarred  of  its  right  of  just  and  necessary  retaliation, 
through  the  fear  of  eventually  affecting  the  interest  of  a 
neutral. 

His  Royal  Highness  can  never  admit,  that  in  the  exercise 
of  the  undoubted  and  hitherto  disputed  right  of  searching 
neutral  merchant  vessels  in  time  of  war,  the  impressment  of 

272 


The  War  of  1812  273 

British  seamen,  when  found  therein  can  be  deemed  any  vio- 
lation of  a  neutral  flag.  Neither  can  he  admit,  that  the  taking 
such  seamen  from  on  board  such  vessels,  can  be  considered 
by  any  neutral  state  as  a  hostile  measure,  or  a  justifiable 
cause  of  war. 

There  is  no  right  more  clearly  established,  than  the  right   Naturai- 
which  a  sovereign  has  to  the  allegiance  of  his  subjects,  more  ^'^  of 
especially  in  time  of  war.     Their  allegiance  is  no  optional  seamen 
duty,  which  they  can  decline,  and  resume  at  pleasure.     It  is 
a  call  which  they  are  bound  to  obey:    it  began  with  their 
birth,  and  can  only  terminate  with  their  existence.  .  .  . 

But,  if  to  the  practice  of  the  United  States  to  harbour 
British  seamen,  be  added  their  assumed  right,  to  transfer  the 
allegiance  of  British  subjects,  and  thus  cancel  the  jurisdiction 
of  their  legitimate  sovereign,  by  acts  of  naturalization  and 
certificates  of  citizenship,  which  they  pretend  to  be  as  valid 
out  of  their  own  territory,  as  within  it,  it  is  obvious  that  to 
abandon  this  ancient  right  of  Great  Britain,  and  to  admit 
these  novel  pretensions  of  the  United  States  would  be  to 
expose  to  danger  the  very  foundation  of  our  maritime 
strength.  .  .  . 

The  government  of  America,   if  the  difference  between   TheOirs- 
States  are  not  interminable,  has  as  little  right  to  notice  the  uptake. 
affair  of  the  Chesapeake.     The  aggression,  in  this  instance, 
on  the  part  of  a  British  officer,  was  acknowledged,  his  con- 
duct was  disapproved,  and  a  reparation  was  regularly  ten- 
dered by  Mr.  Foster  on  the  part  of  his  Majesty,  and  accepted 
by  the  government  of  the  United  States. 

It  is  not  less  unwarranted  in  its  allusion  to  the  mission  of 
Mr.  Henry;  a  mission  undertaken  without  the  authority,  or 
even  knowledge  of  his  Majesty's  government  and  which  Mr. 
Foster  was  authorized  formally  and  officially  to  disavow. 

The  charge  of  exciting  the  Indians  to  offensive  measures   British 
against  the  United  States,  is  equally  void  of  foundation. 
Before  the  war  began,  a  policy  the  most  opposite  had  been 
uniformly  pursued,  and  proof  of  this  was  tendered  by  Mr. 
Foster  to  the  American  government. 


274  Readings  in  American  History 

Such  are  the  causes  of  war  which  have  been  put  forward  by 
the  government  of  the  United  States.  But  the  real  origin 
of  the  present  contest  will  be  found  in  the  spirit,  which  has 
long  unhappily  actuated  the  councils  of  the  United  States: 
their  marked  partiality  in  palliating  and  assisting  the  aggres- 
sive tyranny  of  France;  their  systematic  endeavours  to  in- 
flame their  people  against  the  defensive  measures  of  Great 
Britain;  their  ungenerous  conduct  towards  Spain,  the  inti- 
mate ally  of  Great  Britain;  and  their  unworthy  desertion  of 
the  cause  of  other  neutral  nations.  It  is  through  the  preva- 
lence of  such  councils,  that  America  has  been  associated  in 
policy  with  France,  and  committed  in  war  against  Great 
Britain. 

And  under  what  conduct  on  the  part  of  France  has  the 
government  of  the  United  States  thus  lent  itself  to  the 
enemy?  The  contemptuous  violation  of  the  commercial 
treaty  of  the  year  1800,  between  France  and  the  United 
States;  the  treacherous  seizure  of  all  American  vessels  and 
cargoes  in  every  harbour  subject  to  the  control  of  the  French 
arms;  the  tyrannical  principles  of  the  Berlin  and  Milan 
Decrees,  and  the  confiscations  under  them;  the  subsequent 
condemnations  under  the  Rambouillet  Decree,  antedated  or 
concealed  to  render  it  the  more  effectual:  The  French  com- 
mercial regulations  which  render  the  traffic  of  the  United 
States  with  France  almost  illusory ;  the  burning  of  their  mer- 
chant ships  at  sea,  long  after  the  alleged  repeal  of  the  French 
Decrees — all  these  acts  of  violence  on  the  part  of  France  pro- 
duce from  the  government  of  the  United  States,  only  such 
complaints  as  end  in  acquiescence  and  submission,  or  are  ac- 
companied by  suggestions  for  enabling  France  to  give  the 
semblance  of  a  legal  form  to  her  usurpations,  by  converting 
them  into  municipal  regulations. 

This  disposition  of  the  government  of  the  United  States 
—This  complete  subserviency  to  the  ruler  of  France — This 
hostile  temper  towards  Great  Britain — are  evident  in  almost 
every  page  of  the  official  correspondence  of  the  American 
with  the  French  government. 


The  War  of  1812  275 

Against  this  course  of  conduct,  the  real  cause  of  the  present 
war,  the  Prince  Regent  solemnly  protests.  Whilst  contending 
against  France,  in  defence  not  only  of  the  liberties  of  Great 
Britain,  but  of  the  world,  his  Royal  Highness  was  entitled  to 
look  for  a  far  different  result.  From  their  common  origin — 
from  their  professed  principles  of  freedom  and  independence, 
the  United  States  were  the  last  power  in  which  Great  Britain 
could  have  expected  to  find  a  willing  instrument,  and  abettor 
of  French  tyranny. 

Disappointed  in  this  his  just  expectation,  the  Prince  Regent 
will  still  pursue  the  policy,  which  the  British  Government 
has  so  long,  and  invariably  maintained,  in  repelling  injustice, 
and  in  supporting  the  general  rights  of  nations;  and,  under 
the  favour  of  Providence,  relying  on  the  justice  of  his  Cause, 
and  the  tried  loyalty  and  firmness  of  the  British  Nation,  his 
Royal  Highness  confidently  looks  forward  to  a  successful 
issue  to  the  contest,  in  which  he  has  thus  been  compelled 
most  reluctantly  to  engage. 

Westminster,  Jan.  9,  1813. 


PARLIAMENT  AND  WAR  WITH   AMERICA 

(From  the  London  Courier  of  February  19, 1813.  Quoted  in  Niles, 
Weekly  Register,  vol.  IV,  136.) 

"An  unanimous  vote  of  both  houses  of  Parliament  last 
night,  approved  of  the  war  with  America  sanctioning  its 
justice,  and  determined  to  support  the  government  in  a 
vigorous  prosecution  of  it.  We  conceive,  and  heartily  con- 
gratulate the  country  upon  it,  that  Parliament  did  last  night, 
give  a  solemn  pledge  to  the  people  of  the  British  empire,  that 
at  no  time  under  no  circumstances,  for  no  advantages,  polit- 
ical or  commercial,  however  great,  will  it  yield,  barter  or 
fetter  the  exercise  of  our  great  maritime  rights — the  right  of 
search  and  the  right  of  impressment." 


276 


Readings  in  American  History 


60.     FAVORABLE  VIEW  OF  WAR 
(Niles,  Weekly  Register,  II,  208,  209.) 

Every  considerate  and  unprejudiced  man,  in  every  part  of 
the  union,  freely  admits  we  have  just  cause  for  war  with  both 
the  great  belligerents,  and  especially  England;  whose  mara- 
time  depredations  are  not  only  far  more  extensive  than  those 
of  her  rival,  but  who  has  superadded  thereto  the  most  flagrant 
violations  of  the  individual,  national,  and  territorial  rights  of 
the  American  people;  matters  of  much  higher  import  and 
consequence.  But  a  state  of  war  is  desired  by  no  man; 
though  most  men  agree  it  is  not  "the  greatest  of  evils."  .  .  . 

It  is  very  certain  that  no  good  citizen  of  the  United  States 
would  wantonly  promote  a  rupture  with  Great  Britain,  or 
any  other  country.  The  American  people  will  never  wage 
offensive  war;  but  every  feeling  of  the  heart  is  interested  to 
preserve  the  rights  our  fathers  won  by  countless  hardships 
and  innumerable  sufferings.  Our  love  of  peace  is  known  to 
the  world;  nay,  so  powerful  is  the  desire  to  preserve  it,  that 
it  has  been  laughingly  said,  even  in  the  hall  of  congress,  that 
"  we  cannot  be  kick'd  into  war."  Every  measure  that  For- 
bearance could  devise,  has  been  resorted  to — and  we  have 
suffered  injuries,  particularly  in  the  stealth  of  our  citizens, 
which  no  independent  nation  ever  submitted  to.  Embargo 
was  tried:  through  the  timidity  of  the  10th  Congress,  excited 
by  the  insolent  clamors  of  a  small,  but  wicked,  portion  of  the 
people,  aided  by  the  inefficiency  of  the  laws  for  enforcing  it, 
it  failed  of  its  foreign  operation.  Since  that  time  we  have 
virtually  submitted,  and  thereby  only  lengthened  the  chain 
of  encroachment.  As  has  been  before  observed,  we  are 
driven  into  a  corner,  and  must  surrender  at  the  discretion  of 
a  wicked  and  unprincipled  enemy,  or  hew  our  way  out  of  it — 
the  hazard  of  life  itself  is  preferable  to  the  certain  loss  of  all 
that  makes  it  desirable.  .  .  . 

To  us  she  is  the  most  vulnerable  of  all  nations — we  can 
successfully  attack  her  at  home  and  abroad.  War  will  de- 


The  War  of  1812  217 

prive  her  of  an  immense  stock  of  raw  materials,  on  the  manu-  Great 
facture  and  application  of  which  so  great  a  portion  of  her  Britain 
population  depends  for  subsistence;  and,  in  despite  of  smug-  attack, 
glers,  the  ingress  of  her  manufactures  will  be  denied,  for  a 
state  of  activity  and  exertion  far  different  from  that  at  present 
made  use  of,  will  be  arrayed  against  them.     Already  are  her  English 
laboring  poor  in  a  state  of  general  disaffection  for  the  want  of  conditions' 
bread  and  lack  of  employment.     The  military  power  is  daily 
made  use  of  to  keep  them  in  subordination.     To  what  ex- 
tremes might  the  desperation  of  the  starving  wretches  lead 
them,  if  to  their  present  privations  were  added  those  which 
must  ensue  from  a  war  with  these  states? 

The  conquest  of  Canada  will  be  of  the  highest  importance  Conquest 
to  us  in  distressing  our  enemy — in  cutting  off  his  supplies  of  ^^^da' 
provisions  and  naval  stores  for  his  West  India  colonies  and 
home  demand.  There  is  no  place  from  whence  he  can  sup- 
ply the  mighty  void  that  would  be  occasioned  by  the  loss  of 
this  country,  as  well  in  his  exports  as  imports.  It  would 
operate  upon  him  with  a  double  force:  it  would  deprive  him 
of  a  vast  quantity  of  indespensable  materials  (as  well  as  of 
food)  and  close  an  extensive  market  for  his  manufactures. — 
On  its  retention  depends  the  prosperity  of  the  West  India 
islands. — At  war  with  the  United  States,  and  divested  of  sup- 
plies of  lumber  and  provisions  from  Canada,  their  commerce 
would  be  totally  ruined ;  and  it  is  of  far  more  importance  to 
the  British  government  than  all  their  possessions  in  the  East. 
Besides  it  would  nullify  his  boast,  "that  he  has  not  lost  an 
inch  of  territory."  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia,  if  not  fully 
conquered  immediately,  may  be  rendered  useless  to  him  in  a 
few  weeks.  Without  them,  and  particularly  the  latter,  he 
cannot  maintain  those  terrible  fleets  on  our  coast  that  we  are 
threatened  with,  or  "bridge"  our  harbors  with  frigates,  ad- 
mitting he  may  have  no  use  for  them  to  defend  his  own  shores ; 
for  he  will  not  have  a  dock  yard,  fitting  the  purposes  of  his 
navy,  within  3000  miles  of  us.  ... 

The  war  will  not  last  long.     Every  scheme  of  taxation  has  War  win 
already  been  resorted  to  in  Great  Britain.     Every  means  have  **  short- 


278  Readings  in  American  History 

been  tried  to  sustain  the  credit  of  her  immense  paper  currency. 
The  notes  of  the  bank  of  England  are  28  per  cent  below  their 
nominal  value.  A  war  with  the  United  States  will  add  a 
third  to  her  present  expenditures,  at  least;  and,  in  a  like  pro- 
portion render  her  unable  to  bear  them. — Her  revenue  will 
decrease  as  her  expenses  increase;  for  she  will  lose  all  the 
export  and  import  duties  she  levied  on  goods  sent  to  or  re- 
ceived from  the  United  States,  and  all  her  resources,  built 
upon  commerce  will  be  fluctuating  and  uncertain.  She  will 
be  assailed  on  that  element  she  arrogantly  assumes  as  her 
own,  and  be  perplexed  in  a  thousand  new  forms,  by  a  people 
as  brave  and  more  enterprising  and  ingenious  than  any  she 
can  boast  of.  Her  seamen  once  landed  upon  our  shores,  as 
prisoners  or  otherwise,  will  not  return  to  her;  and  her  naval 
officers  will  rarely  feel  themselves  safe  from  mutiny  while 
hovering  on  our  coasts.  It  is  considered  lawful  in  war  to 
encourage  such  enterprises;  and  her  impressed  seamen,  sure 
of  our  asylum,  with  "peace,  liberty,  and  safety,"  will  retort 
upon  their  oppressors  some  of  the  pangs  they  have  suffered. 
— Tens  of  thousands  of  her  former  subjects,  natives  of  gener- 
ous and  oppressed  Erin,  will  remember  the  conflagration  of 
their  cottages  and  the  murder  of  their  friends,  and  vie  with 
each  other  to  avenge  their  wrongs:  and  Britain,  to  preserve 
herself,  will  be  compelled  to  honest  peace. 

During  the  war  there  will  be  ample  employment  for  all. 
Some  part  of  the  labor  and  capital  of  the  United  States,  at 
present  devoted  to  commerce,  will  be  directed  to  objects  cal- 
culated to  seal  the  independence  of  the  country,  in  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  thousand  works,  needful  to  the  supply  of  our 
wants. — Many  years  must  elapse  before  any  shall,  of  neces- 
sity, be  idle  because  he  cannot  find  enough  to  do;  and  the 
contest  itself  will  create  new  sources  of  emolument.  Some 
changes  in  the  habits  of  the  people  on  the  sea  board  (a  small 
part  of  our  population)  may  take  place;  but  there  will  be 
nothing  terrible  in  them.  Our  agriculturalists  will  have  a 
steady  and  better  market  at  home:  of  this  we  are  easily  as- 
sured when  we  reflect  that  all  our  provisions  exported  have 


The  War  of  1812  279 

not  produced  more  than  paid  for  the  foreign  liquors  we  con- 
sumed. Instead  of  sending  tobacco,  (the  most  wretched 
crop  of  all  others  ever  raised)  to  the  fluctuating  markets  of 
Europe,  we  will  furnish  ourselves,  and  (in  a  short  time)  the 
whole  world,  with  wool;  and  apply  the  extra  laborers  to  its 
manufacture — a  state  of  things  that  will  have  a  powerful 
tendency  to  ameliorate  the  condition  of  the  unfortunate  negro, 
equally  profitable  to  his  master.  The  bonds  which  fasten  us 
to  Europe  will  be  broken,  and  our  trade  and  future  inter- 
course with  her  be  materially  and  beneficially  changed. 

The  political  atmosphere  being  purged,  a  greater  degree  of  Political 
harmony  will  exist;  and  the  regenerated  spirit  of  freedom  ^mensu 
will  t§ach  us  to  love,  to  cherish  and  support  our  unparalleled 
system  of  government,  as  with  the  mind  of  one  man.  The 
hydra  party,  generated  by  foreign  feelings,  will  die  in  agonies. 
The  "new  army"  will  be  chiefly  employed  in  the  conquered 
countries,  or  on  the  frontiers,  and  the  protection  of  the  states, 
generally,  be  confided  to  the  people  themselves,  who  are  not 
"  their  own  worst  enemies."  Neither  the  men  beyond  "  the 
Potomac,"  nor  on  this  side  of  that  river,  are  the  instigators 
of  the  war — the  causes  for  it  exist  in  the  conduct  of  the  cabinet 
of  St.  James',  nourished  and  cherished  by  the  false  hopes  they 
entertain  of  the  strength  of  "their  party"  in  the  United 
States. 

Money  will  not  be  wanting.  The  people  will  freely  supply  Money 
it  when  there  is  need  for  it.  Our  country  is  rich.  Our  re-  pei 
sources  are  great.  Our  specie  is  abundant,  and  will  greatly 
increase  by  opening  a  direct  trade  with  Mexico ;  and  so  serve 
ourselves  and  the  patriots  of  that  country  by  furnishing  them 
with  arms  and  ammunition  and  stores,  and  enable  them  to 
drive  out  their  many-headed  tyrant.  Numerous  hardy  vol- 
unteers, as  true  as  ever  pulled  a  trigger,  will  flock  to  their 
standard,  from  the  western  states — and  encourage  in  them  an 
affection  for  this  government  and  teach  them  how  free  men 
should  fight. 

But  the  money  drawn  from  the  people,  either  by  loans  or 
moderate  taxes,  will  not  moulder  away  and  perish;    it  will 


280  Readings  in  American  History 

immediately  revert  to  them,  and  always  be  ready,  by  a  per- 
petual motion,  to  supply  the  wants  of  the  government.  In 
fact,  the  great  probability  is,  that  money  will  be  much  more 
plenty,  as  the  common  saying  is,  in  a  state  of  war  than  it  is 
at  this  time.  . 


61.    THE  CAPTURE  OF  WASHINGTON,  1814 

(Mrs.  Samuel  Harrison  Smith,  Diaries  and  Family  Letters,  edited 
by  Gaillard  Hunt,  Scribner's  Magazine,  XL,  October,  1906,  425-437.) 

August  [1814],  Brookville  [Md.j. 

On  Sunday  we  received  information  that  the  British  had 
debark'd  at  Benedict.  They  seem'd  in  no  haste  to  approach 
the  city,  but  gave  us  time  to  collect  our  troops.  The  alarm 
was  such  that  on  Monday  a  general  removal  from  the  city  & 
George  Town  took  place.  Very  few  women  or  children  re- 
main'd  in  the  city  on  Tuesday  evening,  altho'  the  accounts 
then  received  were  that  the  enemy  were  retreating.  Our 
troops  were  eager  for  an  attack  &  such  was  the  cheerful  alac- 
rity they  display'd,  that  a  universal  confidence  reign'd  among 
the  citizens  &  people.  Few  doubted  our  conquering.  On 
Tuesday  we  sent  off  to  a  private  farm  house  all  our  linen, 
clothing  &  other  movable  property,  in  the  afternoon  Dr. 
Bradley's  family  came  from  the  city  &  took  tea  with  us, — the 
Dr.  said  several  citizens  from  the  camp  brought  informa- 
tion of  the  enemy's  remaining  quiet  at  N.  Malborough,  but 
that  3  of  the  volunteer  companies,  .  .  .  ,*  Davidsons  & 
Peters  were  order'd  to  attack  the  Pickets  &  draw  the  B— 
on  to  a  general  engagement.  This  was  the  last  news;  until 
we  were  roused  on  Tuesday  night  by  a  loud  knocking, — on  the 
opening  of  the  door,  Willie  Bradley  called  to  us,  "  The  enemy 
are  advancing,  our  own  troops  are  giving  way  on  all  sides  & 
are  retreating  +n  the  city.  Go,  for  Gods  sake  go."  f  He 
spoke  in  a  voice  of  agony,  &  then  flew  to  his  horse  &  was  out 
of  sight  in  a  moment.  We  immediately  rose,  the  carriage  & 

*  Illegible.  t  The  battle  took  place  August  24. 


The  War  of  1812  281 

horses  were  soon  ready,  we  loaded  a  wagon  with  what  goods 
remained  &  about  3  o'clock  left  our  house  with  all  our  serv- 
ants, the  women  we  sent  to  some  private  farm  houses  at  a 
safe  distance,  while  we  pursued  our  course.  I  felt  no  alarm 
or  agitation,  as  I  knew  the  danger  was  not  near.  I  even  felt 
no  distress  at  the  idea  of  forsaking  our  home.  I  could  not 
realize  the  possibility  of  the  B.  gaining  possession  of  the  city, 
or  of  our  army  being  defeated.  We  travel'd  very  slowly  &  as 
it  was  dark  I  walk'd  part  of  the  way.  Ann  was  equally  com- 
posed. At  sunrise  we  stop'd  to  breakfast  at  Miss  Carrol's  & 
then  pursued  our  journey.  The  girls  were  quite  delighted 
with  our  flight,  novelty  has  such  charms  at  their  age,  that 
even  the  exchange  of  comfort  &  peace,  for  suffering  &  dis- 
tress, has  its  charms.  Even  for  myself,  I  felt  animated,  in- 
vigorated, willing  to  encounter  any  hardship,  calmly  to  meet 
any  danger,  patiently  to  bear  any  difficulty.  I  suffer'd  con- 
siderably pain  during  the  ride  &  fear'd  every  moment  being 
taken  ill,  but  happily  I  was  not,  &  we  all  reach'd  this  place  at 
one  oclock  in  perfect  health.  We  received  a  most  kind  recep- 
tion from  Mrs.  Bently,  &  excellent  accomodations.  The  ap- 
pearance of  this  village  is  romantic  &  beautiful,  it  is  situated 
in  a  little  valley  totally  embosom'd  in  woody  hills,  with  a 
stream  flowing  at  the  bottom  on  which  are  mills.  In  this 
secluded  spot  one  might  hope  the  noise,  or  rumour  of  war 
would  never  reach.  .  .  . 

Thursday  morning.     This  morning  on  awakening  we  were  city 
greeted  with  the  sad  news,  that  our  city  was  taken,  the  bridges  burned- 
&  public  buildings  burnt,  our  troops  flying  in  every  direction. 
Our  little  army  totally  dispersed.     Good  God,  what  will  be 
the  event!     This  moment  a  troop  of  horse  have  enter'd,  they 
were  on  the  field  of  battle,  but  not  engag'd.     Major  Ridgely* 
their  commander,  disapproving  Genl.  Winder's  order,  refused 
to  obey,  left  the  army  &  is  taking  his  troops  home.  .  .  . 

Just  as  we  were  going  to  dinner,  a  tremendous  gust  arose, 
it  has  broken  the  trees  very  much,  in  the  midst  of  it,  a  wagon 
came  to  the  door  with  a  family  going  they  knew  not  whither. 
*  One  of  the  Maryland  militia  officers. 


282  Readings  in  American  History 

Poor  wanderers.  Oh  how  changed  are  my  feelings,  my  con- 
fidence in  our  troops  is  gone,  they  may  again  be  rallied,  but 
it  will  require  a  long  apprenticeship  to  make  them  good  sol- 
diers. Oh  my  sister  how  gloomy  is  the  scene.  I  do  not  sup- 
pose Government  will  ever  return  to  Washington.  All  those 
whose  property  was  invested  in  that  place,  will  be  reduced 
to  poverty.  Mr.  Smith  had  invested  a  large  portion  of  his 
in  bridge  stock, — both  the  bridges  are  destroy'd, — it  serves 
to  beguile  the  time  to  write,  so  my  dear  sister  I  will  write  a 
kind  of  journal  to  you,  &  send  it  when  I  can.  I  wish  you  to 
keep  it.  If  better  times  come,  it  will  serve  to  remind  me  of 
these.  .  .  . 

...  I  am  afraid  the  consequence  of  leaving  the  house 
empty  will  be  its  destruction.  Our  house  in  the  city  too  is  un- 
protected &  contains  our  most  valuable  furniture.  In  a  week 
more  &  we  may  be  penniless!  For  I  count  little  on  the  con- 
tinuance of  Mr.  S's  salary.  God  only  knows  when  the  execu- 
tive government  will  again  be  organized.  But  I  can  say  with 
truth,  the  individual  loss  of  property,  has  not  given  me  a 
moment's  uneasiness.  But  the  state  of  our  country,  has 
wrung  tears  of  anguish  from  me.  I  trust  it  will  only  be  mo- 
mentary. We  are  naturally  a  brave  people  &  it  was  not  so 
much  fear,  as  prudence  which  caused  our  retreat.  Too  late 
they  discovered  the  dispreparation  of  our  troops.  The  enemy 
were  3  to  1.  Their  army  composed  of  conquering  veterans, 
ours  of  young  mechanics  &  farmers,  many  of  whom  had  never 
before  carried  a  musket.  But  we  shall  learn  the  dreadful, 
horrid  trade  of  war.  And  they  will  make  us  a  martial  people, 
for  never,  never  will  Americans  give  up  their  liberty.  But 
before  that  time  comes,  what  sufferings,  what  reverses,  what 
distress  must  be  suffer'd.  Already,  in  one  night,  have  hun- 
dreds of  our  citizens  been  reduced  from  affluence  to  poverty, 

for  it  is  not  to  be  expected  W will  ever  again  be  the  seat 

of  Govt.     Last  night  the  woods  round  the  city  &  G.  T — 
were  filled  with  women  &  children  &  old  men  &  our  flying 
troops.     One  poor  woman,  after  wandering  all  night,  found 
at  day  light  she  wander'd  10  miles, — a  lady  in  our  neighbour- 


The  War  of  1812  283 

hood,  the  wife  of  one  of  Mr.  S.'s  clerks  went  out  of  her  senses, 
her  son  was  in  the  army.  Mrs.  Genl.  Mason,  that  lovely 
woman  whom  you  knew,  is  likewise  laying  dangerously  ill. 
Her  husband  was  in  the  engagement  &  her  anxiety  has  ren- 
der'd  a  common  fever  dangerous.  I  am  going  to-morrow  to 
see  her. 

Night,  10  o'clock.  The  streets  of  this  quiet  village,  which  General 
never  before  witnessed  confusion,  is  now  fill'd  with  carriages  confU8ion- 
bringing  out  citizens,  &  Baggage  waggons  &  troops.  Mrs. 
Bentley's  house  is  now  crowded,  she  has  been  the  whole  even- 
ing sitting  at  the  supper  table,  giving  refreshment  to  soldiers 
&  travellers.  I  suppose  every  house  in  the  village  is  equally 
full.  I  never  saw  more  benevolent  people.  "It  is  against 
our  principles,"  said  she  this  morning,"  to  have  anything  to 
do  with  war,  but  we  receive  &  relieve  all  who  come  to  us." 
The  whole  settlement  are  quakers.  The  table  is  just  spread 
for  the  4th  or  5th  time,  more  wanderers  having  just  en- 
ter'd.  .  .  . 

Just  at  bed  time  the  Presd.  had  arrived  &  all  hands  went 
to  work  to  prepare  supper  &  lodgings  for  him,  his  companions 
&  guards, — beds  were  spread  in  the  parlour,  the  house  was 
filled  &  guards  placed  round  the  house  during  the  night.  A 
large  troop  of  horse  likewise  arrived  &  encamp'd  for  the 
night,  beside  the  mill-wall  in  a  beautiful  little  plain,  so  em- 
bosom'd  in  woods  &  hills.  The  tents  were  scatter'd  along 
the  riverlet  &  the  fires  they  kindled  on  the  ground  &  the 
lights  within  the  tents  had  a  beautiful  appearance.  All  the 
villagers,  gentlemen  &  ladies,  young  &  old,  throng'd  to  see 
the  President.  He  was  tranquil  as  usual,  &  tho'  much  dis- 
tressed by  the  dreadful  event,  which  had  taken  place  not 
dispirited.  He  advised  Mr.  Smith  to  return  to  the  city, 
whither  he  was  himself  going.  Mr.  Monroe  &  some  other 
gentlemen  join'd  him  &  about  noon  he  set  off  for  our  suffer- 
ing city.  The  rest  of  the  day  we  pass'd  tranquilly.  It  is 
now  night,  all  around  is  quiet.  All  the  inhabitants  of  this 
peaceful  village  sleep  in  peace.  How  silent!  How  serene! 
the  moonlight  gilds  the  romantic  landscape  that  spreads 


284  Readings  in  American  History 

around  me.  Oh  my  God,  what  a  contrast  is  this  repose  of 
nature,  to  the  turbulence  of  society.  How  much  more  dread- 
ful is  the  war  of  man  with  man,  than  the  strife  of  elements. 
On  Thursday  the  hurricane  which  blew  down  houses,  tore  up 
trees  &  spread  terror  around,  pass'd  in  a  few  minutes  & 
nature  recovered  her  tranquility.  But  oh  my  country,  when 
will  the  destroying  tempest  which  is  now  ravaging  &  destroy- 
ing thy  property  &  happiness,  when  will  that  be  hushed  to 
peace!  At  this  moment,  escaped  from  danger,  I,  &  my  fam- 
ily, all  I  hold  most  dear,  are  safe.  But  when  I  think  of  my 
good  fellow  citizens,  when  I  think  of  our  poor  soldiers,  flying 
on  every  part,  sinking  under  fatigue  &  pain  &  hunger,  dying 
alone  &  unknown,  scattered  in  woods  &  fields — when  I  think 
of  these  horrors,  I  can  hardly  enjoy  my  own  security.  .  .  . 
Destruc-  .  .  .  We  afterwards  look'd  at  the  other  public  buildings, 
c[ty  but  none  were  so  thoroughly  destroy 'd  as  the  House  of 

Representatives  &  the  President's  House.  Those  beautiful 
pillars  in  that  R —  -  Hall  were  crack'd  &  broken,  the  roof, 
that  noble  dome,  painted  &  carved  with  such  beauty  &  skill, 
lay  in  ashes  in  the  cellars  beneath  the  smouldering  ruins,  were 
yet  smoking.  In  the  P.  H.  not  an  inch,  but  its  crack'd  & 
blacken'd  walls  remain'd.  That  scene,  which  when  I  last 
visited  it,  was  so  splendid,  throng'd  with  the  great,  the  gay, 
the  ambitious  placemen,  &  patriotic  Heros  was  now  nothing 
but  ashes,  &  was  it  these  ashes,  now  trodden  under  foot  by 
the  rabble,  which  once  possess'd  the  power  to  inflate  pride, 
to  gratify  vanity.  Did  we  ever  honour  the  inhabitants  of 
this  ruin  the  more  for  their  splendid  habitation, — was  this 
an  object  of  desire,  ambition,  envy?  Alas,  yes,  and  this  is 
human  grandeur !  How  fragile,  how  transitory !  Who  would 
have  thought  that  this  mass  so  solid,  so  magnificent,  so  grand, 
which  seem'd  built  for  generations  to  come,  should  by  the 
hands  of  a  few  men  &  in  the  space  of  a  few  hours,  be  thus  ir- 
reparably destroy 'd.  Oh  vanity  of  human  hopes!  After  this 
melancholy  survey,  Mr.  Smith  went  to  see  the  President, 
who  was  at  Mr.  Cutts'  (his  brother  in  law)  where  we  found 
Mrs.  Madison  &  her  sister  Mrs.  Cutts.  Mrs.  M.  seem'd 


The  War  of  1812  285 

much  depress'd,  she  could  scarcely  speak  without  tears.  She 
told  me  she  had  remained  in  the  city  till  a  few  hours  before 
the  English  enter'd,  She  was  so  confident  of  Victory  that 
she  was  calmly  listening  to  the  roar  of  cannon,  &  watching 
the  rockets  in  the  air,  when  she  perceived  our  troops  rushing 
into  the  city,  with  the  haste  &  dismay  of  a  routed  force. 
The  friends  with  her  then  hurried  her  away,  (her  carriage 
being  previously  ready)  &  she  with  many  other  families, 
among  whom  was  Mrs.  Thornton  &  Mrs.  Cutting  with  her, 
retreated  with  the  flying  army.  In  George  town  they  per- 
ceived some  men  before  them  carrying  off  the  picture  of 
Genl  Washington  (the  large  one  by  Stewart)  which  with  the 
plate,  was  all  that  was  saved  out  of  the  President's  house. 
Mrs.  M.  lost  .all  her  own  property.  The  wine,  of  which  there 
was  a  great  quantity,  was  consumed  by  our  own  soldiers.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  And  this  could  have  been  done,  &  our  poor  soldiers  inferior 
were  willing  &  able  for  any  enterprise,  but  their  commanders,  leade™- 
— Ah  their  commanders,  Armstrong  &  Winder — on  their 
shoulders  lies  the  blame  of  our  disastrous  flight  &  defeat. 
Our  men  were  all  eager  to  fight  &  were  marching  on  with  a 
certainty  of  victory,  more  than  2000  had  not  fired  their 
muskets,  when  Armstrong  &  Winder  gave  the  order  for  a  re- 
treat, &  to  enforce  that  order  added  terror  to  authority  I 
The  English  officers  have  told  some  of  our  citizens  that  they 
could  not  have  stood  more  than  10  minutes  longer,  that  they 
had  march'd  that  day  13  miles,  &  were  exhausted  with  thirst, 
heat  &  fatigue.  It  is  said  2  Irish  regiments  wish'd  to  be 
taken  &  were  on  the  point  of  joining  us  when  the  retreat 
commenced.  I  have  conversed  with  many  of  our  officers  & 
men.  All  agree  in  this  statement,  that  the  troops  wish'd  to 
fight,  &  were  full  of  spirit  &  courage.  The  English  expected 
great  resistance.  Yesterday  when  in  the  city  I  conversed 
with  a  great  many  citizens,  they  were  all  desponding,  dis- 
hearten'd.  The  President  is  determined  on  making  a  re- 
sistance in  case  the  enemy  return.  But  our  citizens  sent  a 
deputation  begging  him  not  to  attempt  it,  as  it  would  be  in- 
effectual, &  would  only  be  making  them  &  the  roofs  that 


286  Readings  in  American  History 

shelter'd  them  a  sacrifice.  "They  now,"  they  said,  "had 
neither  honor  or  property  to  loose.  All  they  valued  was 
gone."  The  President's  orders,  however,  were  enforced  & 
all  day  yesterday  while  I  was  in  the  city  I  saw  them  collecting. 
Universal  execration  follows  Armstrong,  who  it  is  believed 
never  wished  to  defend  the  city  &  I  was  assured  that  had  he 
pass'd  thro'  the  city  the  day  after  the  engagement,  he  would 
have  been  torn  to  pieces.  The  district  certainly  was  not  in 
a  state  of  preparation,  whether  from  want  of  ability  or  want 
of  inclination  on  the  part  of  the  administration  we  can  not 
know.  The  city  was  capable  of  defence  &  ought  to  have  been 
defended.  But  we  will  retrieve,  yes  I  trust  we  will  retrieve 
our  character  &  restore  our  capital. 

62.     NEW  YORK  CITY,  1811 

During  the  year  1796  Timothy  Dwight,  president  of  Yale  College, 
travelled  in  various  sections  of  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts. 
This  was  the  beginning  of  a  series  of  journeys  which  he  made  during 
the  vacation  periods  of  succeeding  years.  His  purpose  was,  as  he 
says,  to  furnish  those  who  might  live  one  hundred  years  hence  "the 
means  of  enabling  them  to  know  what  was  the  appearance  of  their 
country  during  the  period  occupied  by  my  journeys.  .  .  .  The  col- 
onization of  a  wilderness  by  civilized  men,  where  a  regular  govern- 
ment, mild  manners,  arts,  learning,  science,  Christianity,  have  been 
interwoven  in  its  progress  from  the  beginning,  is  a  state  of  things  of 
which  the  eastern  continent  and  the  records  of  past  ages,  furnish 
neither  an  example  nor  a  resemblance.  The  conversion  of  a  wilder- 
ness into  a  desirable  residence  for  man  is  an  object  which  no  intelli- 
gent spectator  can  behold  without  being  strongly  interested  in  such 
a  combination  of  enterprise,  patience,  and  perseverance.  Few  of 
those  human  efforts,  which  have  excited  the  applause  of  mankind, 
have  demanded  equal  energy  or  merited  equal  approbation." — 
(Timothy  Dwight,  Travels  in  America,  Vol.  Ill,  430  passim.) 

New  York       The  streets  of  New  York  have  unhappily  followed,  in 
streets.         many  instances,  its  original  designation  of  a  fishing  and  trad- 
ing village.     The  streets  are  generally  wider,  and  less  crooked, 
than  those  of  Boston,  but  a  great  proportion  of  them  are 
narrow  and  winding. 

Broadway,  which  commences  at  the  battery,  proceeds  over 


The  War  of  1812 


287 


the  highest  ground,  between  the  two  rivers,  about  two  miles 
in  a  straight  line,  and  is  the  noblest  avenue  of  this  nature  in 
North  America.  .  .  .  The  number  of  dwelling  houses  in  this  New  York 
city  may  be  estimated  at  12,680.*  They  are  generally  new,  "*****<**• 
compared  with  a  great  part  of  those  in  Boston,  and  as  a  body 
are  better  buildings,  although  very  few  of  them  (and  none 
within  my  observation)  are  equal  in  beauty  to  the  modern- 
built  houses  in  that  town.  The  public  buildings  in  this  city  Public 
are,  besides  others,  fifty-five  churches.  Twelve  of  these,  in-  buildinK8- 
eluding  the  old  French  Protestant  Church,  are  Episcopal; 
seven  belong  to  the  Dutch,  seven  to  the  Presbyterian,  five 
to  the  Scotch  Reformed  Church,  and  eight  to  the  Baptists, 
of  which  six  are  considered  as  regular  and  two  as  irregular. 
Seven  regular  churches  belong  to  the  Methodists;  there  are 
also  two  or  three  smaller  congregations,  calling  themselves 
Methodists,  which  meet  in  private  rooms,  but  are  not  ac- 
knowledged. There  is  one  congregation  of  Blacks  among  the 
Baptists,  and  one  among  the  Methodists.  There  are  also 
the  Friends'  meeting-houses,  one  German  Lutheran  Church, 
one  German  Calvinist,  one  Moravian,  one  Universalist,  one 
Roman  Catholic,  one  [Roman  Catholic]  now  building,  one 
Jewish  Synagogue. 

The  other  public  buildings  are  a  city  hall,  the  gaol,  the 
state  prison,  the  bridewell,  the  alms-house,  new  alms-house, 
the  hospital,  the  college,  the  free  school-house,  an  orphan 
asylum,  the  public  library,  the  custom-house,  the  United 
States  arsenal,  the  State  arsenal,  two  theatres,  the  banks, 
the  city  hotel,  the  tontine  coffee-house,  the  halls,  occupied 
by  the  Washington,  Mechanics,  and  Tammany  societies. 

The  city-hall,  although  not  the  most  perfect  piece  of  archi-  City  Hall, 
tecture,  is  the  most  superb  building  in  the  United  States. 
This  elegant  structure  was  begun  in  1803,  by  order  of  the 
corporation,  and  finished  at  the  sole  charge  of  the  city  in 
1812  at  an  expense  of  520,000  dollars. 

The  hospital  is  an  establishment  honourable  both  to  the  Hospital, 
city  and  the  state.     It  is  under  the  management  of  twenty- 
*  The  population  of  New  York,  in  1810,  was  96,000. 


288  Readings  in  American  History 

six  governors,  who  meet  on  the  first  Tuesday  of  every  month 
and  whose  services  are  gratuitous. 

Applicants  for  admission  must  bring  a  recommendation 
from  a  governor,  physician,  or  surgeon  of  the  hospital,  or, 
if  citizens  of  the  state,  and  not  residents  in  the  city,  from  a 
justice  of  the  peace,  and  one  or  more  overseers  in  the  town 
or  city  where  they  reside.  .  .  . 

An  asylum  for  lunatics  is  annexed  to  this  institution. 

Since  the  year  1799,  sick  and  disabled  seamen,  at  the  port 
of  New  York,  are  received  into  the  Hospital,  and  enjoy  all 
its  advantages.  .  .  . 

The  asylum  is  also  of  stone,  ninety  feet  in  length,  forty 
feet  wide  in  the  centre  and  sixty-five  in  the  wings.  This 
building  is  well  constructed  for  the  comfort  and  safety  of  the 
patients,  and  those  employed  in  the  management,  is  well 
warmed,  and  is  made  perfectly  secure  from  fire. 

In  Greenwich  Street,  about  two  miles  from  the  southern 
point  of  the  city,  stands  the  State  Prison.  This  structure  is 
of  free  stone,  and  of  the  Doric  order.  It  contains  fifty-four 
rooms  for  prisoners,  twelve  feet  by  eighteen;  a  large  room  for 
public  worship,  and  apartments  for  the  use  of  the  keeper; 
beside  fourteen  solitary  cells,  six  feet  by  eight,  and  fourteen 
in  height.  In  the  rear  of  the  building  is  a  manufactory,  con- 
taining workshops  for  the  prisoners,  two  hundred  feet  in 
length  and  twenty  in  breadth,  of  two  stories.  .  .  . 

Murder  and  treason  are  now  the  only  crimes  which  are 
made  capital  by  the  laws  of  this  State.  Felonies  of  all  other 
descriptions,  together  with  most  other  subordinate  offences 
are  punished  by  confinement  in  this  prison;  felonies,  by  im- 
prisonment for  life. 

The  government  of  the  State  Prison  is  committed  to  seven 
inspectors,  who  appoint  their  own  clerk,  and  an  indefinite 
number  of  keepers.  The  convicts  are  dressed  in  uniform, 
and  are  comfortably  fed  and  clothed,  and  the  sexes  are  kept 
separate.  They  are  employed  in  various  kinds  of  mechanical 
and  manufacturing  business.  The  inspectors  perform  their 
services  gratuitously. 


The  War  of  1812  289 

The  building,  commonly  known  by  the  name  of  the  Bride-  Bridewell. 
well,  is  occupied  in  its  middle  apartments  by  the  keeper  and 
his  family.  The  east  wing  or  end,  is  called  the  Bridewell,  and 
the  west  end,  the  City  Prison.  The  latter  is  divided  into 
ten  small  rooms,  two  large  ones,  and  a  common  hall,  and  is 
appropriated  by  those  who  are  committed,  to  await  their 
trial,  or  who  have  been  tried  and  sentenced  to  imprisonment 
without  labour. 

The  two  large  rooms  are  the  abodes  of  vagrants  chiefly, 
who  do  the  menial  duties  required  by  the  whole  establish- 
ment. The  prisoners  in  the  city  prison  mix  promiscuously  in 
the  day-time  but  are  ordered  to  their  respective  rooms  at 
sun-set.  The  former  (the  Bridewell)  is  divided  into  four 
large  rooms,  two  on  a  floor,  and  is  the  receptacle  of  all  who 
are  confined  by  sentence  to  hard  labour.  The  crimes  for 
which  Bridewell  furnishes  the  punishment  are  various  sorts 
of  misdemeanors;  such  as  libel,  assault  and  battery,  obtain- 
ing goods  by  false  pretences  etc.  etc.  and  all  felonies  less  than 
grand  larceny,  which  is  the  title  of  the  theft  when  the  goods 
stolen  exceed  12  dollars  50  cents  in  value.  The  term  of 
imprisonment  in  the  Bridewell  for  any  offence  is  not  to  ex- 
ceed three  years.  Imprisonment  may,  at  the  discretion  of 
the  court,  be  substituted  in  all  cases,  in  which  they  are  au- 
thorized to  inflict  corporeal  chastisement  for  that  punish- 
ment. 

A  whipping-post  was  erected  a  few  years  since  in  the 
Bridewell  yard,  but  the  infliction  of  the  punishment  was  found 
to  be  so  revolting  to  the  feelings  of  the  community,  that  the 
post  has  been  removed.  The  employment  of  the  prisoners 
in  Bridewell  is  the  picking  of  oakum.  The  tasks  are  given 
out  to  the  rooms  before  sun-rise,  and  the  punishment  for 
idleness,  or  refractoriousness,  is  diminishing  the  allowance 
of  food.  The  whites  are  divided  from  the  blacks,  who  usually 
constitute  a  moiety;  and  the  males  from  the  females,  the 
latter  being  numerically  proportioned  to  the  former  in  a 
ratio  not  less  than  three  to  two.  Those  who  labour  in  Bride- 
well are  confined  to  their  respective  rooms.  The  corporation 


290  Readings  in  American  History 

of  the  city  may,  however,  direct  the  convicts  to  be  employed 
on  the  public  works.  They  are  frequently  seen  chained  to 
wheel-barrows,  and  occupied  in  repairing  roads  between  New 
York  and  Haarlem.  The  vagrants  mentioned  as  performing 
the  menial  offices  are  usually  street  beggars,  and  idle  persons 
who  cannot  give  a  good  account  of  themselves.  The  aver- 
age number  of  prisoners  is  about  one  hundred  and  fifty.  .  .  . 
Benev-  There  is  in  this  city  a  great  number  of  societies,  formed 

societies  professedly  for  benevolent  purposes.  Among  these  is  the 
Tammany  Society,  or  Columbian  Order;  professedly  estab- 
lished to  afford  relief  to  persons  in  distress.  Its  principal 
business  is,  however,  believed  to  be  that  of  influencing  elec- 
tions. 

The  Washington  Benevolent  Society,  though  really  em- 
ployed in  many  benevolent  purposes,  is  substantially  a 
political  association. 

The  Humane  Society  was  formed  for  the  relief  of  poor 
debtors,  principally  by  supplying  them  with  food  and 
fuel.  .  .  . 

The  Ladies'  Society,  for  the  relief  of  poor  widows  with 
small  children  was  formed  in  1797;  and  has  pursued  its 
designs  on  wise  principles,  with  much  activity,  and  with 
great  effect.  In  their  efforts  they  combine  the  diffusion  of 
well-directed  charity  with  an  energetic  encouragement  of 
industry  and  morals. 

The  Dispensary  is  an  excellent  institution,  intended  to 
provide  relief  for  such  indigent  sick  persons,  in  their  own 
dwellings,  as  are  unable  to  procure  it  for  themselves,  and  are 
yet  not  proper  objects  for  admittance  into  the  Aims-House 
or  the  Hospital.  Probably  no  institution  has  done  more 
good,  with  means  of  the  same  extent. 

The  Society  of  Mechanics  and  Tradesmen  is,  also,  a  chari- 
table institution  for  the  benefit  of  its  members.  .  .  . 

The  Sailors  Snug  Harbour  is  a  benevolent  institution, 
which  well  deserves  to  be  particularly  mentioned.  In  the 
year  1801,  Captain  Robert  Richard  Randall  gave,  by  devise, 
the  principal  part  of  his  estate  to  trustees,  for  the  purpose 


The  War  of  1812  291 

of  establishing  an  asylum  for  the  maintenance  and  support 
of  aged,  decrepid,  and  worn-out  sailors.  The  estate  was 
valued  at  50,000  dollars;  and  the  devise  is  to  be  put  into 
operation  whenever  the  trustees  shall  judge  the  interest 
sufficient  for  the  maintenance  of  fifty  sailors. 

A  society  was  formed  some  years  since  for  the  purpose  of 
diffusing  extensively  the  Vaccine  Inoculation.  After  the  busi- 
ness was  completely  established,  and  the  prejudices  against 
it  were  overcome,  it  was  placed  under  the  care  of  the  City 
Dispensary. 

At  the  head  of  the  literary  institutions  in  New  York  is  Educa- 
Columbia  College.     The  building  in  which  it  is  established   jn°titu- 
stands  on  a  tract,  given  to  it  originally  by  the  rector  of  the  tions. 
Episcopal  congregation  in  this  city,  and  the  inhabitants  in 
communion  with  the  Church  of  England,  or  what  is  now 
called  the  corporation  of  Trinity  Church;  the  richest  ecclesi- 
astical body,  it  is  believed,  in  the  United  States.  .  .  .  It's 
name  was  King's  College.     Originally  it  was  intended  to 
furnish  only  the  education  generally  given  in  seminaries  of 
this  class.     Since  1783,  a  medical  institution  has  been  an- 
nexed to  it,  which  at  first,  was  under  the  direction  of  five 
professors. 

In  the  year  1807,  the  regents  of  the  university  of  New  York, 
to  whom,  exclusively,  is  committed  the  superintendence  of 
learning  and  science  in  this  State,  and  the  power  of  instituting 
such  seminaries  as  they  think  proper,  established  a  college 
of  physicians  and  surgeons  in  the  city  of  New  York. 

A  third  institution  of  the  same  general  nature  has  been  also 
formed  in  this  city,  if  I  mistake  not,  by  a  collection  of  medical 
gentlemen  voluntarily  associated.  The  two  former  of  these 
have  been  lately  united. 

Under  the  care  of  the  trustees  of  the  college  of  physicians 
and  surgeons  is  placed,  by  legislative  authority,  a  botanic 
garden,  in  the  interior  of  the  island,  called  the  Elgin  Botanic 
Garden.  This  establishment  owes  its  existence  to  Dr.  David 
Hosack,  professor  of  botany  and  materia  medica  in  the  col- 
lege. It  was  begun  in  1801.  In  1810,  the  legislature  passed 


292 


Readings  in  American  History 


an  act,  directing,  that  the  establishment  should  be  purchased 
for  the  state  at  an  appraisement;  and  it  was  accordingly 
purchased  for  74,268  dollars  75  cents,  exclusive  of  plants, 
trees,  shrubs,  etc.,  estimated  at  12,000  dollars  more. 

The  Academical  Faculty  [Columbia  College],  or  as  it  is 
here  styled,  the  Faculty  of  the  Arts,  consists  of  a  president, 
a  provost,  and  four  professors;  one  of  moral  philosophy,  one 
of  classical  literature,  one  of  mathematics  and  natural 
philosophy,  and  one  of  logic,  rhetoric  and  belles-lettres. 

The  whole  number  of  those  who  have  taken  the  degree  of 
A.  B.  in  this  college,  to  the  year  1776  inclusive,  was  110. 
For  ten  years  the  course  of  education  was  interrupted  by  the 
revolutionary  war,  and  its  consequences.  From  the  years 
1786  when  its  operations  commenced  again  under  the  name 
of  Columbia  College,  to  the  year  1814  inclusive,  the  whole 
number  was  502.  .  .  . 

Of  the  schools  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  give  any  satisfac- 
tory account.  No  system  of  school  education  has  ever  been 
adopted  by  the  inhabitants,  nor  anything  which  resembles  a 
system;  except  that  there  are  several  charity  schools,  belong- 
ing to  the  Episcopal,  Dutch,  and  Presbyterian  congregations, 
and  a  school  on  the  Lancastrian  plan,  under  the  patronage, 
as  I  believe,  of  the  city  corporation,  and  containing,  at  differ- 
ent times,  from  five  to  seven  hundred  scholars.  In  other 
cases,  schools  are  generally  established  in  this  manner: — An 
individual,  sometimes  a  liberally-educated  student,  having 
obtained  the  proper  recommendations,  offers  himself  to  some 
of  the  inhabitants  as  a  schoolmaster.  If  he  is  approved,  and. 
procures  a  competent  number  of  subscribers,  he  hires  a  room, 
and  commences  the  business  of  instruction.  Sometimes  he 
meets  with  little,  and  sometimes  with  much  encouragement. 
I  am  acquainted  with  no  spot  in  the  United  States,  where  a 
schoolmaster  of  reputation  will  find  his  business  more  profita- 
ble, unless  perhaps  at  Charleston,  South  Carolina. 

There  is  in  this  city  a  society  entitled  an  Academy  of  Arts. 
With  the  state  of  its  operations  I  am  unacquainted,  except 
that  it  has  purchased,  or  has  in  its  possession,  imitations  of 


The  War  of  1812  293 

several  fine  specimens  of  ancient  scuplture,  and  some  other 
rarities  of  a  similar  nature. 

There  is  here  also  an  Historical  Society;   the  peculiar  ob-  Historical 
ject  of  which  is  to  obtain,  preserve,  and  publish,  whatever  Society- 
may  throw  light  upon  the  history  of  this  state. 

There  is,  also,  a  Library  Society  in  this  city,  whose  style  Library, 
is  "The  Trustees  of  the  New  York  Society's  Library."     The 
library  consists  of  more  than  ten  thousand  volumes,  and  is 
continually  increasing. 

There  is  another  institution  in  this  city,  in  the  highest  orphan 
degree  honourable  to  the  ladies  by  whom  it  was  originated,  ^y1"01- 
Its  style  is  "The  Orphan  Asylum  Society."  .  .  . 

The  plan  pursued  is,  to  bind  girls  as  servants,  from  the 
time  they  can  read  and  write  until  they  are  eighteen,  and  the 
boys  until  they  are  fifteen;  at  which  time  they  are  bound  as 
apprentices  to  mechanics. 

The  principal  markets  in  New  York  are  Fly  market  and 
Bear  market.  There  are  six  or  seven  smaller  ones  in  other 
parts  of  the  city.  They  are  all  under  the  control  of  the 
mayor,  and  are  very  well  regulated.  The  supplies  are  abun- 
dant of  flesh  and  fish,  of  fruits  and  vegetables. 

There  are  eight  Banks: —  .  .  .  Banks. 

There  are  eight  Insurance  Companies: —  .  .  . 

There  is  in  this  city  a  Chamber  of  Commerce,  which  was 
formed  April  5th,  1768.  .  .  .  This  body  regulates  merchants' 
commissions,  adjusts  mercantile  disputes  among  the  members, 
regulates  the  amount  of  damages  on  the  non-payment  of 
exchange,  etc. 

There  are  between  three  and  four  hundred  vessels,  esti-  shipping, 
mated  on  an  average  at  forty  tons  each,  employed  continually 
on  Hudson's  river  throughout  the  mild  season. 

The  foreign  commerce  of  this  city  is  carried  on  with  every 
part  of  the  world  to  which  its  ships  can  find  access,  and  is 
universally  acknowledged  to  be  fair  and  honourable.  .  .  . 

Abstract  of  Exports  from  the  State  of  New  York  during 
Ten  Years,  almost  all  of  them  from  the  City. 


294 


Readings  in  American  History 


1801 
1807 
1808 
1810 


19,851,136  dollars. 
26,357,963 
5,606,058 
17,242,330 


Abstract  of  the  duties  collected  in  the  city  of  New  York 
during  the  same  period. 

1801  4,978,490  dollars. 

1807  7,613,700 

1808  3,605,372 
1810  5,232,707 

.  .  .  Almost  all  the  marketable  articles  of  New  York  are 
brought  to  it  by  water,  and  nearly  the  whole  of  its  imports  are 
conveyed  into  the  different  parts  of  the  country  in  the  same 
manner.  The  coasting  vessels  of  the  Hudson,  New-England, 
and  New-Jersey,  appear  to  the  Eye  to  be  numberless.  So 
long  ago  as  1793,  six  hundred  and  eighty-three  vessels  en- 
tered this  port  from  abroad,  and  one  thousand  three  hundred 
and  eighty-one  coastwise  ...  in  1795,  nine  hundred  and 
forty-one  foreign.  Independently  of  the  restrictions  upon 
commerce  adopted  by  the  national  government,  the  number 
of  both  has  been  continually  increasing,  and  in  all  probability 
will  continue  to  increase  through  centuries  to  come. 

Hardly  any  sight  is  more  rare  or  more  beautiful  than  the 
steam-boats,  which  move  on  the  waters  connected  with  New 
York;  and  which  began  their  first  operation,  deserving  of  any 
notice,  at  this  place. 

.  .  .  The  economy  of  the  inhabitants  is  I  think  less  re- 
markable, and  less  universal,  than  their  industry.  A  mag- 
nificent and  expensive  style  of  living  is  adopted  by  many  of 
the  citizens,  which  in  a  considerable  number  of  instances  has 
plainly  outrun  the  convenience,  and  sometimes  the  property, 
of  those  by  whom  it  has  been  practised.  Still  by  far  the 
greater  number  are  economical,  and  continually  increasing 
their  property.  .  .  . 

The  furniture  and  carriages  of  many  of  the  inhabitants  are 
rich  and  beautiful.  .  .  .  Until  lately,  almost  all  the  coaches 
were  private  property.  Hackney  coaches  are  now  employed 


Tlie  War  of  1812  295 

in  considerable  numbers,  and  riding  is  a  favourite  amuse- 
ment of  the  citizens.  .  .  . 

A  great  part  of  the  citizens  merit  the  character  of  sobriety, 
and  the  number  is  not  small  of  those  who  on  the  best  grounds 
are  believed  to  be  religious.  Many  of  the  churches  are  regu- 
larly filled  when  the  weather  is  tolerably  pleasant  and  the 
number  of  those  who  frequent  them  has  been  increasing  for 
a  series  of  years.  .  .  . 

The  language  spoken  in  this  city  is  very  various.     When  Languages 
passing  through  the  streets,  you  will  hear  English,  French,   spoken- 
Dutch,  and  German,  and  all  the  various  brogues  spoken  by 
the  numerous  nations  mentioned  above,*  when  imperfectly 
acquainted,  as  most  of  them  are,  with  the  English  tongue. 

.  .  .  The  general  attachment  to  learning  is  less  vigorous 
in  this  city  than  in  Boston:    commerce  having  originally 
taken  a  more  entire  possession  of  the  minds  of  its  inhabitants. 
The  character  of  New  York,  however,  has  for  some  time  been 
materially  changing  in  this  respect,  and  is  still  changing.  .  .  . 
Wealth  also,  in  a  much  higher  degree  than  good  sense  can  standard 
justify,  is  considered  as  conferring  importance  and  distinc-  ofwealtn- 
tion  on  its  owner.     This  prepossession  is  a  blast  upon  all 
improvement  of  the  mind,  for  it  persuades  every  one  in  whom 
it  exists,  that  such  improvement  is  insignificant  and  useless. 

The  amusements  in  New  York  are  the  same  as  in  other  Amuse- 
cities,  and  occupy  as  much  time,  attention,  and  expense  as  c 
would  ordinarily  be  pleaded  for  by  the  veriest  votary  of 
pleasure,  and  more  than  can  be  admitted  by  religion  or  com- 
mon sense.  Theatrical  entertainments,  assemblies,  balls, 
concerts,  etc.,  are  extensively  objects  of  attachment.  Visit- 
ing watering  places,  riding,  sailing,  shopping,  and  frequent- 
ing various  spectacles,  intended  to  kill  time,  and  to  enable 
the  authors  to  live  in  idleness,  are  favourite  pursuits.  Travel- 
ling, also,  is  a  considerable  object  of  attention  to  the  more 
intelligent  part  of  the  inhabitants,  during  the  mild  season. 
A  number  of  the  citizens  are  annually  seen  upon  the  race 

*  Irish,  Scotch,  Swedes,  Danes,  Italians,  Portuguese.  Spaniards,  and 
West  Indians. 


296  Headings  in  American  History 

grounds,  near  Haarlem,  and  on  Hempstead  plain.  Such  of 
them  as  are,  or  wish  to  be  sportsmen,  hunt  grouse,  and  deer 
upon  Long  Island,  and  catch  trout  in  its  waters.  Since  the 
establishment  of  steam-boats  excursions  by  water  up  the 
Hudson,  into  New-Jersey,  and  into  New-England,  have  be- 
come favourite  amusements.  . 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

REORGANIZATION,  WESTWARD   MIGRATION,    AND 
INTERNAL  IMPROVEMENTS,    1815-1825 

63.    POLITICAL  AND  SOCIAL  LIFE,  1817 

Henry  Bradshaw  Fearon  came  to  America  in  June,  1817,  as  the 
representative  of  thirty-nine  English  families.  His  mission  was  to 
investigate  places  which  might  be  suitable  for  settlement.  His  treat- 
ment of  conditions  in  America  show  that  he  was  fair-minded  and 
his  statements  are  in  contrast  to  some  of  the  other  travellers  of  the 
period. — (H.  B.  Fearon,  Sketches  of  America,  pp.  139-159.  London, 
1818.) 

The  present  candidates  for  the  office  of  governor  are  each  Election 
of  them  of  the  democratic  party.  General  Hiester  is  of  the  jjl.^1/^" 
moderate  faction,  and  is  also  supported  against  his  opponent 
by  the  federalists  and  quids.  Mr.  Finlay  has  the  powerful 
aid  of  the  unyielding  democrats;  and,  though  he  is  in  the 
minority  in  the  proportion  of  one  to  three  within  the  city  of 
Philadelphia,  little  doubt  is  entertained  of  his  election's 
having  been  carried  by  a  large  majority  through  the  State 
at  large.  .  .  .  The  general  election  is  preceded  by  an  elec- 
tion in  the  different  wards  of  officers  called  Inspectors,  whose 
business  it  is  to  receive  the  ballot  ticket  of  voters:  parties 
try  their  strength  in  this  first  step.  I  witnessed  the  mode  of 
voting:  the  persons  choosing  inspectors  attend  at  a  stated 
place  in  their  own  ward,  and  deliver  in  their  ballot  through  a 
window.  The  number  assembled  at  any  one  time  did  not 
exceed  twenty.  There  was  no  noise,  no  confusion,  in  fact, 
not  even  conversation.  I  was  astonished  to  witness  the 
anxiety  felt  by  leading  men,  that  their  party  should  be  elected 

297 


298  Readings  in  American  History 

inspectors.  The  eventual  choice  at  the  general  election 
seemed,  in  fact,  in  their  estimation,  actually  to  rest  upon  the 
having  "Inspectors"  of  their  own  party.  I  remarked  to 
them  that  it  could  be  of  no  consequence  of  what  party  these 
gentlemen  were,  as  they  were  protected  from  partial  or  cor- 
rupt conduct  by  the  mode  of  voting  being  by  ballot.  One  of 
them  informed  me  afterwards,  that  the  fact  of  the  inspectors 
being  on  one  side  or  the  other  had  been  calculated  to  make  a 
difference  of  upwards  of  200  votes  in  a  particular  section! — 
arising  from  the  reception  of  improper,  and  the  rejection  of 
good  votes.  The  means  by  which  an  inspector  can  effect 
this,  though  the  mode  is  by  ballot,  is  said  to  be  remarkably 
exact.  .  .  .  An  announcement,  called  "The  Ticket,"  issues 
from  this  Caucus  a  few  days  before  the  election ;  in  this  case 
there  were  three  of  these  "  tickets,"  severally  headed,  Federal, 
Republican,  and  Democratic.  The  federalists  sent  to  an  ac- 
quaintance of  mine  their  "ticket,"  enclosed  in  the  following 
circular  letter;  though  I  would  remark,  that  canvassing,  in 
the  English  meaning  of  that  word,  is  not  allowed: — 

"FELLOW  CITIZEN, 

"The  exercise  of  the  elective  franchise  is  at  all  times  a 
privilege  of  the  highest  value : — on  the  present  occasion  every 
federalist  has  an  opportunity  to  aid  in  dispelling  prejudices — 
in  lessening  the  malignity  of  party  spirit — in  restoring  the 
right  of  free  election,  and  of  resisting  those  dangerous  abuses  in 
government,  introduced  by  office  holders,  which  if  not  promptly 
and  steadily  checked,  threaten  to  become  inveterate  and  irreme- 
diable. Let  every  man  be  vigilant,  active,  and  firm,  on  this 
day,  and  success  will  crown  our  efforts. 

"The  inspectors  have  resolved  to  open  the  poll  precisely 
at  9  o'clock. 

"October  14,  1817." 

The  democratic  party  adopt  the  same  mode.  I  enclose 
you  two  of  their  circulars.  These  documents,  as  well  as 
others  which  will  follow,  are,  perhaps,  better  calculated  than 


Reorganization  299 

any  other  plan  which  I  could  adopt,  to  put  you  in  possession 
of  the  state  of  parties,  their  mode  of  conduct  and  feelings 
toward  each  other,  and  also  the  general  political  condition 
of  the  whole  people. 

[Circular.] 
"Sm, 

"We  enclose  you  the  Democratic  Ticket,  which  is  recom- 
mended by  the  delegates  and  conferrees  fairly  chosen,  after 
public  notice.  We  request  you  to  VOTE  IT  and  give  it  all  the 
SUPPORT  to  which  you  may  deem  it  entitled.  We  consider 
THIS  election  as  involving  the  most  important  consequences. 
Federalism,  conscious  of  its  own  feebleness  and  inability  to 
wrestle  with  the  STRENGTH  of  democracy,  has  made  a  union 
with  a  FEW  disappointed  men;  hoping  through  them  to  turn 
over,  not  only  this  city  and  district,  but  the  State  and 
Union  to  Federal  misrule. 

"  Be  careful  to  bring  with  you  your  receipt  for  COUNTY  tax. 
If  a  naturalized  citizen,  be  sure  to  bring  your  CERTIFICATE 
of  naturalization,  as  it  will,  in  all  probability,  be  required. 
These  cautions  are  deemed  more  than  ever  necessary,  from 
the  shameful  conduct  and  persecuting  spirit  manifested  by 
the  Federal  Judges,  at  the  late  ward  election.  Be  on  the 
ground  early.  It  is  of  an  importance,  that  every  citizen  votes, 
because  it  may  be  that  a  vote  would  carry  a  candidate." 

"Philadelphia,  October  6,  1815." 

DEMOCRATIC  ADDRESS 

"CITIZENS,  DEMOCRATS,  AMERICANS! 

"  This  is  the  day  of  the  General  Election!  If  you  value  your 
own  rights,  your  own  happiness,  your  political  characters, 
your  liberties,  or  your  Republican  institutions,  every  man  to 
the  poll,  and  vote  the  Democratic  Ticket;  it  is  headed  with 
the  name  of  the  patriot  WILLIAM  FINDLAY. — Citizens!  the 
times  are  momentous!  the  seceders  from  the  Democratic 
ranks  have  joine^l  with  our  old  and  inveterate  political 


300  Readings  in  American  History 

enemies  to  put  down  Democracy.  It  is  an  unholy  league  be- 
tween apostates  and  political  traitors  on  the  one  part,  and  on 
the  other  the  anglo-federalists,  the  monarchists,  the  aristo- 
crats, the  Hartford  conventionalists,  the  blue-light  men,  the 
embargo-breakers,  the  Henryites,  the  men  who  in  time 
of  Peace  cried  out  for  War!  War!  but  who  in  time  of  war, 
called  themselves  the  Peace  party. — Huzza  for  WILLIAM 
FINDLAY,  and  no  bribery. — A  long  pull,  a  strong  pull,  and  a 
pull  altogether." 

FEDERAL   ADDRESS 

"WILLIAM  FINDLAY — 1.  A  selfish  politician,  who  never 
served  his  country,  and  always  on  the  look-out  for  office. 
2.  An  apostate  federalist  and  time  server.  3.  A  constant 
office  hunter.  4.  A  treasury  broker  and  public  defaulter, 
who  exchanged  and  used  public  money  for  his  own  benefit. 

5.  One  who  holds  morality  in  contempt,  and  maintains  and 
practices    the    maxim,    that   the   end    justifies    the    means. 

6.  One  who  has  resorted  to  the  basest  falsehoods  to  support 
himself.     7.  One  who  has  intrigued  and  bargained  for  the  office, 
and  openly  electioneered  for  himself.     8.  A  state  inquisitor, 
who  would  gag,  if  not  immolate  every  man,  not  of  his  own 
sect.     9.  A  man  who  has  blended  the  public, money  with  his 
own,  and  is  yet  to  account  for  misdemeanor  in  office.     10.  A 
barbarian,  who  holds  that  'the  study  of  law  disqualifies  a 
man  from  being  a  judge.'  ' 

"  Take  notice  who  are  the  friends  of  WILLIAM  FINDLAY — 
1.  Traitors  and  apostates.  2.  Inveterate  aristocrats.  3. 
Office  holders  and  office  hunters.  4.  Cormorants  for  the 
loaves  and  fishes,  and  friends  only  to  themselves.  5.  Fugi- 
tives from  British  gaols  and  justice. 

"  Take  core///— WILLIAM  FINDLAY'S  election  will  be  sure: 
1.  If  the  Republicans  stay  at  home.  2.  If  they  are  negligent 
or  timid  on  the  election  ground.  3.  //  election,  like  treasury 
frauds,  are  not  detected  and  prevented. 


Reorganization  301 

"  Take  advice, — 1.  Look  well  to  your  tickets.  2.  Look  well 
to  your  boxes.  3.  Look  well  to  your  tallies.  4.  Look  well 
to  your  returns;  and,  5.  Look  well  to  those  who  vote,  that 
they  are  qualified.  ..." 

The  election  terminated  throughout  the  State  in  one  day. 
The  excitement  of  party  and  pecuniary  feeling,  by  the  univer- 
sality of  gambling  upon  the  occasion,  was  very  great;  yet 
there  was  no  confusion,  no  disturbance.  Let  it  be  borne  in 
mind,  that  here  was  the  right  of  voting  to  the  utmost  extent, 
and  exercised  by  a  people,  concerning  whom  it  is  high  praise 
to  say,  that  they  are  not  inferior  in  intellect,  in  information, 
in  honest  zeal,  and  in  temperate  ideas  of  liberty,  to  the  Eng- 
lish nation ;  yet  there  is  much  to  lament  here.  The  original 
documents  given  in  the  preceding  pages  are  too  full  upon  this 
point:  they,  indeed,  are  far  from  complimentary  to  our  na- 
ture; but  at  the  same  time  we  should  recollect,  that  in  the 
political,  as  in  the  moral  and  natural  worlds,  we  must  endure 
evils,  in  order  to  insure  a  preponderance  of  good.  The  extent 
of  my  approbation,  then,  upon  this  occasion,  is  a  conviction 
of  the  compatibility  of  popular  election  with  peace  and  good 
order;  and,  if  possessed  by  the  English  people,  I  should  pre- 
sume, it  would  not  be  attended  with  so  many  abuses. 

A  practice  which  has  been  often  referred  to  in  connection   Redemp- 
with  this  country,  naturally  excited  my  attention.     It  is  that  tloners- 
of  individuals  emigrating  from  Europe  without  money,  and 
paying  for  their  passage  by  binding  themselves  to  the  captain, 
who  receives  the  produce  of  their  labor  for  a  certain  number 
of  years. 

Seeing  the  following  advertisement  in  the  newspapers,  put 
in  by  the  captain  and  owners  of  the  vessel  referred  to,  I  visited 
the  ship,  in  company  with  a  boot-maker  of  this  city: 

THE   PASSENGERS 

On  board  the  brig  Bubona,  from  Amsterdam,  and  who 
are  willing  to  engage  themselves  for  a  limited  time,  to  de- 


302  Readings  in  American  History 

fray  the  expences  of  their  passage,  consist  of  persons  of  the 
following  occupations,  besides  women  and  children,  viz.  13 
farmers,  2  bakers,  2  butchers,  8  weavers,  3  taylors,  1  gardener, 
3  masons,  1  mill-sawyer,  1  white-smith,  2  shoe-makers,  3 
cabinet  makers,  1  coal-burner,  1  barber,  1  carpenter,  1  stock- 
ing-weaver, 1  cooper,  1  wheelwright,  1  brewer,  1  locksmith. — 
Apply  on  board  of  the  Bubona,  opposite  Callowhill-street,  in 
the  river  Delaware,  or  to  W.  Odlin  and  Co.  No.  38,  South 
Wharves. 
Oct.  2. 

As  we  ascended  the  side  of  this  hulk,  a  most  revolting 
scene  of  want  and  misery  presented  itself.  The  eye  invol- 
untarily turned  for  some  relief  from  the  horrible  picture  of 
human  suffering,  which  this  living  sepulchre  afforded. 

Mr.  —  —  enquired  if  there  were  any  shoe-makers  on  board. 
The  captain  advanced:  his  appearance  bespoke  his  office;  he 
is  an  American,  tall,  determined,  and  with  an  eye  that  flashes 
with  Algerine  cruelty.  He  called  in  the  Dutch  language  for 
shoe-makers,  and  never  can  I  forget  the  scene  which  followed. 
The  poor  fellows  came  running  up  with  unspeakable  delight, 
no  doubt  anticipating  a  relief  from  their  loathesome  dungeon. 
Their  clothes,  if  rags  deserve  that  denomination,  actually 
perfumed  the  air.  Some  were  without  shirts,  others  had  this 
article  of  dress,  but  of  a  quality  as  coarse  as  the  worst  pack- 
ing cloth.  I  enquired  of  several  if  they  could  speak  English. 
They  smiled,  and  gabbled,  "  No  Engly,  no  Engly, — one  Engly 
talk  ship."  The  deck  was  filthy.  The  cooking,  washing,  and 
necessary  departments  were  close  together.  Such  is  the  mer- 
cenary barbarity  of  the  Americans  who  are  engaged  in  this 
trade,  that  they  crammed  into  one  of  those  vessels  500  passen- 
gers, 80  of  whom  died  on  the  passage.  The  price  for  women 
is  about  70  dollars,  men  80  dollars,  boys  60  dollars.  When 
they  saw  at  our  departure  that  we  had  not  purchased,  their 
countenances  fell  to  that  standard  of  stupid  gloom  which 
seemed  to  place  them  a  link  below  rational  beings.  From 
my  heart  I  execrated  the  European  cause  of  their  removal, 


.  Reorganization  303 

which  is  thus  daily  compelling  men  to  quit  the  land  of  their 
fathers,  to  become  voluntary  exiles  in  a  foreign  clime; —  .  .  . 

.  .  .  The  Penitentiary  system  for  the  rational  punishment  Prisons, 
and  reform  of  criminals,  being  a  subject  with  which  you  are 
familiar,!  shall  not  trouble  you  with  the  details  of  the  humane 
and  enlightened  management  of  the  gaol  in  this  city,  I  visited 
it  on  Saturday  last.  The  keeper  accompanied  me  into  every 
apartment,  giving,  as  we  proceeded,  the  most  full  explana- 
tions. The  scene  was  novel,  and  I  had  almost  said  delightful; 
but  a  recollection  that  I  was  viewing  the  consequences  of 
vicious  pursuits,  checks  the  expression,  and  draws  a  tear  for 
the  weakness  of  humanity; — yet  I  could  not  but  be  pleased, 
and  highly  so,  on  drawing  a  comparison  between  what  I  saw 
here,  and  what  I  have  witnessed  in  the  London  prisons. 
Here,  instead  of  the  prisoners  passing  their  time  in  idleness, 
or  in  low  debauchery  and  gaming,  (increased  inducement  to 
the  after  commission  of  crime,)  all  was  sobriety,  life,  and 
activity.  A  complete  manufacturing  town  was  in  fact  col- 
lected within  the  narrow  precincts  of  these  otherwise  gloomy 
walls.  The  open  court  was  occupied  by  stone-cutters, 
chiefly  negroes.  It  would  appear,  on  first  seeing  this  depart- 
ment only,  that  these  were  either  more  vicious,  or  more 
hardly  dealt  with  in  the  courts  of  law,  than  their  white  coun- 
trymen. But  the  true  reason  of  their  numbers  in  the  yard 
is,  that  few  of  them  being  mechanics,  they  are  set  to  labour 
upon  those  things  for  which  they  are  fitted,  and  which  they 
can  undertake  with  little  previous  instruction.  The  rooms 
in  which  the  mechanic  arts  are  carried  on,  have  a  very  great 
proportion  of  whites,  so  that  crime  would  by  no  means  seem 
to  be  monopolized  by  our  darker  brethren.  The  produce  of 
the  labour  of  prisoners  nearly  supports  the  whole  of  this  ex- 
tensive establishment.  Some  have  earned  a  sufficiency  by 
their  own  work  to  enable  them  to  commence  business  on  the 
expiration  of  their  term  of  confinement.  Those  who  conduct 
themselves  with  industry  and  propriety,  receive  a  remission 
of  part  of  their  sentence.  Several  have  become  honest  and 
useful  members  of  society.  When  the  gaoler  spoke  to  the 


304  Readings  in  American  History 

prisoners  they  addressed  him  with  confidence,  but  with  proper 
respect.  He  is  a  plain  intelligent  man,  liberally,  though  not 
profusely  paid  for  his  services.  To  have  offered  him  money 
for  his  trouble,  would,  I  am  sure,  have  been  considered  an 
insult.  What  a  contrast  does  such  a  man  afford  to  our 
prison-keepers,  the  majority  of  whom  are  perhaps  greater 
criminals  than  those  over  whom  they  tyrannize.  Surely,  the 
example  of  Pennsylvania  will  not  be  lost  upon  our  country. 
Here  is  the  best  of  all  evidence,  DEMONSTRATIVE  PROOF,  that 
brutal  treatment,  hangings,  and  gibbetting,  are  neither  the 
most  economical  nor  the  most  efficacious,  as  they  are  cer- 
tainly neither  the  most  humane  nor  the  most  enlightened 
modes  of  punishing  crime  or  reforming  society;  and  if  we 
wish  to  preserve  the  character  of  a  feeling  and  enlightened 
people,  we  must  reform  that  foul  disgrace  to  England,  and 
to  the  age  in  which  we  live — our  CRIMINAL  CODE.  One  fact 
in  connection  with  the  prison,  I  have  omitted  to  mention;  and 
as  it  is  a  characteristic  trait  of  national  character,  it  ought  to 
be  recorded — white  criminals  will  not  eat  with  the  negroes, 
the  latter  therefore  have  a  separate  table. 

From  this  receptacle  of  moral  evil,  I  walked  to  one  of 
physical  pain  and  suffering,  the  PENNSYLVANIA  HOSPITAL,  an 
institution  in  every  way  a  national  honour.  The  medical 
reputation  of  the  gentlemen  connected  with  this  establishment 
would  be  highly  estimated  in  the  first  European  cities.  .  .  . 

64.     THE  WEST  IN  1815 

Timothy  Flint,  who  was  the  pastor  of  a  Congregational  church 
in  Massachusetts,  came  as  a  missionary  to  the  West  in  1815.  For 
five  years  he  lived  at  St.  Charles,  some  forty  miles  above  St.  Louis. 
During  the  succeeding  five  years  he  was  the  principal  of  a  seminary 
in  Louisiana. 

He  was  the  author  of  a  number  of  volumes  and  was  referred  to  as 
one  of  the  leading  writers  of  the  time.  The  following  description  of 
the  West  was  taken  from  letters  addressed  to  James  Flint,  of  Salem, 
Massachusetts. 

(Timothy  Flint,  Recollections  of  the  Last  Ten  Years  in  the 
Valley  of  the  Mississippi  River,  6  passim.) 


Reorganization  305 

Toward  the  latter  part  of  the  month,  October,  1815,  we  Route  to 
began  to  ascend  the  Allegany  hills.     In  our  slow  mode  of   West- 
traveling  we  had  them  in  view  several  days.     With  their  in- 
terminable blue  outline,  stretching  hill  beyond  hill,  and  in- 
terposing to  the  imagination  of  such  travelers  as  we  were, 
a  barrier  to  return  almost  as  impassable  as  the  grave,  it 
may  easily  be  imagined  with  what  interest  we  contemplated 
them.  .  .  . 

We  passed  these  hills  on  the  common  route  from  Phila-  Difflcui- 
delphia  to  Pittsburgh.  Whatever  they  wanted  in  sublimity, 
at  the  time  when  we  passed  them,  they  more  than  made  up 
in  the  difficulty  and  danger  of  crossing  them.  I  have  no 
wish,  however  to  fatigue  you  with  the  recital  of  our  exertions 
in  lifting  the  carriage  up  precipitous  ascents,  washed  by  the 
rains,  and  the  still  greater  exertions  necessary  to  let  it  down 
again.  We  passed  hundreds  of  Pittsburgh  waggons  in  the 
crossing.  Many  of  them  had  broken  axles  and  wheels  and 
in  more  than  one  place  it  was  pointed  out  to  us,  that  teams 
had  plunged  down  the  precipices  and  had  perished.  .  .  . 

In  the  valley,  between  the  middle  and  the  last  of  the  Cattle 
parallel  ridges,  we  encountered  a  drove  of  more  than  a  thou-  E^^^° 
sand  cattle  and  swine,  from  the  interior  of  Ohio;    a  name  markets, 
which  yet  sounded  in  our  ears  like  the  land  of  savages.  .  .  . 
Except  the  inhabitants  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Pitts-  The 
burgh  or  other  manufacturing  villages,  they  find  indifferent 
markets  for  their  produce,  and  their  chances  for  making 
money  are  very  precarious.     In  healthiness,  in  the  difficulty 
of  procuring  the  means  of  subsistence,  in  abstemiousness, 
and  in  the  habits  of  rigid  industry,  we  compared  them  to  our 
New  England  people.     The  intermixture  of  Irish,  Scotch  and 
Germans,  has  given  them  a  singular  and  rather  ludicrous 
dialect,  in  which  the  peculiarities  of  language  of  these  several 
races  are  mixed. 

The  first  thing  that  strikes  a  stranger  from  the  Atlantic,   .River 
arrived  at  the  boat-landing,  is  the  singular,  whimsical,  and 
amusing  spectacle,  of  the  varieties  of  water-craft,  of  all  shapes 
and  structures.     There  is  the  stately  barge,  (or  batteau)  of 


306  Readings  in  American  History 

the  size  of  a  large  Atlantic  Schooner,  with  its  raised  and  out- 
landish looking  deck.  This  kind  of  craft,  however,  which 
required  twenty-five  hands  to  work  it  up  stream,  is  almost 
gone  into  disuse,  and  though  so  common  ten  years  ago,  is 
now  scarcely  seen.  Next  there  is  the  keel-boat,  of  a  long, 
slender,  and  elegant  form,  and  generally  carrying  from  15  to 
30  tons.  This  boat  is  formed  to  be  easily  propelled  over 
shallow  waters  in  the  summer  season,  and  in  the  low  stages 
of  the  water.  Next  in  order  are  the  Kentucky  flats,  or  in 
the  vernacular  phrase,  "broad-horns,"  a  species  of  ark,  very 
nearly  resembling  a  New  England  pig-stye.  They  are  15 
feet  wide,  and  from  40  to  one  hundred  feet  in  length  and 
carry  from  20  to  70  tons.  Some  of  them  that  are  called 
family  boats,  and  used  by  families  in  descending  the  river, 
are  very  large  and  roomy,  and  have  comfortable  and  separate 
apartments,  fitted  up  with  chairs,  beds,  tables,  and  stoves. 
It  is  no  uncommon  spectacle  to  see  a  large  family,  old  and 
young,  servants,  cattle,  hogs,  horses,  sheep,  fowls  and 
animals  of  all  kinds,  bringing  to  recollection  the  cargo  of  the 
ancient  ark,  all  embarked  and  floating  down  on  the  same 
boat.  Then  there  are  what  the  people  call  "  covered  sleds," 
or  ferry -flats,  and  Allegany-skiffs  carrying  from  eight  to  12 
tons.  In  another  place  are  piroques  of  from  2  to  4  tons 
burden,  hollowed  sometimes  from  one  prodigious  tree,  or 
from  the  trunks  of  two  trees  united,  and  a  plank  rim  fitted 
to  the  upper  part.  There  are  common  skiff's,  and  other  small 
craft,  named  from  the  manner  of  making  them,  "dug-outs," 
and  canoes  hollowed  from  smaller  trees.  But  besides  these, 
in  this  land  of  freedom  and  invention,  with  a  little  aid  per- 
haps, from  the  influence  of  the  moon,  there  are  monstrous 
anomalies,  reducible  to  no  specific  class  of  boats,  and  only 
illustrating  the  whimsical  archetypes  of  things  that  have 
previously  existed  in  the  brain  of  inventive  men,  who  reject 
the  slavery  of  being  obliged  to  build  in  any  received  form. 
You  can  scarcely  imagine  an  abstract  form  in  which  a  boat 
can  be  built,  that  in  some  part  of  the  Ohio  or  Mississippi 
you  will  not  see,  actually  in  motion. 


Reorganization  307 

This  variety  of  boats,  so  singular  in  form,  and  most  of  them 
apparently  so  frail,  is  destined  in  many  instances  to  voyages 
of  from  1200  to  3000  miles.  Keel-boats,  built  at  this  place, 
start  on  hunting  expeditions  for  points  on  the  Missouri, 
Arkansas  and  Red  River,  at  such  distances  from  Pittsburgh 
as  these.  .  .  .  The  manners  of  the  boatmen  are  as  strange  Boatmen, 
as  their  language.  Their  peculiar  way  of  life  has  given  origin 
not  only  to  an  appropriate  dialect,  but  to  new  modes  of  en- 
joyment, riot  and  fighting.  Almost  every  boat,  while  it  lies 
in  the  harbour  has  one  or  more  fiddles  scraping  continually 
aboard  to  which  you  often  see  the  boatmen  dancing. 

.  .  .  No  wonder  that  the  young  along  the  banks  of  the  steam- 
great  streams,  should  detest  the  labors  of  the  field,  and  em-  ^t^"1' 
brace  every  opportunity,  either  openly,  or  if  minors,  covertly 
to  escape  and  devote  themselves  to  the  pernicious  employ- 
ment of  boating.     And  in  this  view  we  may  account  for  the 
detestation  of   the   inhabitants  along  these  great  streams 
towards  steam-boats,  which  are  every  day  diminishing  the 
number  of  small  boats  and  boatmen,  and  which  have  already 
withdrawn  from  the  western  waters,  probably  10,000  from 
that  employment. 

We  landed   at  Marietta,  just  above  the  mouth  of  the  Marietta, 
Muskingum.     It  is  a  considerable  village.     I  had  letters  to  General 
the  venerable  General  Putnam,  the  patriarch  of  this  colony.   Rufus 
We  were  here  once  more  in  the  society  of  those  who  had 
breathed  the  same  air,  had  contemplated  the  same  scenery, 
and  been  reared  amidst  the  same  institutions  with  ourselves. 
You  can  imagine  the  rapidity  of  discourse,  the  attempt  of 
two  or  three  to  narrate  their  adventures  at  the  same  time, 
and  the  many  pleasant  circumstances  attending  the  renewal 
of  a  long  suspended  intercourse  with  congenial  society. 

General  Putnam  had  moved  here  when  it  was  one  compact 
and  boundless  forest,  vocal  only  with  the  cry  of  owls,  the 
growl  of  bears,  and  the  death-song  of  the  savages.  He  had 
seen  that  forest  fall  under  the  axe,  had  seen  commodious,  and 
after  that,  splendid  dwellings  rise  around  him.  He  had 
seen  the  settlement  sustain  an  inundation,  which  wafted 


308  Readings  in  American  History 

away  the  dwellings,  and  in  some  instances  the  inhabitants  in 
them.  The  cattle  and  all  the  improvements  of  cultivation 
were  swept  away.  He  had  seen  the  country  suffer  all  the 
accumulated  horrors  of  an  Indian  war.  He  had  seen  its 
exhaustless  fertility  and  its  natural  advantages  triumph  over 
all.  He  had  seen  Marietta  make  advances  towards  acquaint- 
ing itself  with  the  gulf  of  Mexico,  by  floating  off  from  its 
banks  a  number  of  sea  vessels  built  there.  He  had  seen  the 
prodigious  invention  of  steam-boats  experimented  on  the 
Ohio,  and  heard  their  first  thunder,  as  they  swept  by  his 
dwelling.  He  had  survived  to  see  them  become  so  common, 
as  to  be  no  more  objects  of  curiosity.  He  had  witnessed  a 
hundred  boats,  laden  for  New  Orleans,  pass  by  in  the  compass 
of  a  few  hours. 

.  .  .  He  displayed  in  these  remote  regions,  the  grandeur, 
real  and  intrinsic,  of  those  immortal  men,  who  achieved  our 
revolution. 

Sectional-  It  is  well  known,  that  a  jealousy,  almost  a  hatred  of 
Kentucky  Yankees,  prevailed  among  the  mass  of  this  people,  during 
the  late  war.  This  feeling  which  had  been  fostered  for  years, 
seemed  to  be  now  dying  away.  .  .  .  Fatal  will  it  be  to  the 
several  members  of  this  great  confederation,  if  the  better 
informed,  and  those  who  give  tone  to  public  feeling  and  senti- 
ment, do  not  feel  the  necessity  of  attempting  to  eradicate 
every  fibre  of  this  root  of  bitterness  from  our  soil.  ...  A 
native  of  the  North  has  no  conception  of  the  nature  and 
extent  of  this  feeling,  until  he  finds  himself  in  the  South  and 
West.  I  have  felt  grieved  to  see,  that  too  many  of  our  books 
of  travels,  and  most  of  the  accounts  of  the  West  carried  to 
the  East,  tend  to  foster  this  spirit  toward  these  regions,  on 
our  part.  The  manner  in  which  the  slave  question  is  agi- 
tated, keeps  the  embers  glowing  under  the  ashes.  In  my 
whole  tour  through  this  State,  I  experienced  a  frank  and 
cordial  hospitiality.  I  entered  it  with  a  share  of  those 
prejudices  which  I  had  probably  fostered  unconsciously.  .  .  . 
No  employment  can  be  imagined  more  laborious,  and  few 
more  dangerous,  than  this  of  propelling  a  boat  against  the 


Reorganization  309 

current  of  such  a  river.     It  may  not  be  amiss  to  record  some  Ascent  of 

of  the  circumstances  of  labour  and  peril,  for  the  growing  dis-  ^Iis*is- 

a     |i        i         i  i  ...  sippi,  lolo 

use  of  all  other  but  steam-boats  will  soon  render  these  de- 
scriptions but  little  more  than  matter  of  past  history.  At 
one  time  you  come  to  a  place  in  the  current,  so  swift  that  no 
force  of  oars  and  poles  can  urge  the  boat  through  it.  You 
then  have  to  apply,  what  is  commonly  called  here  a  "cor- 
delle,"  which  is  a  long  rope  fastened  at  one  end  to  the  boat, 
thrown  ashore,  and  seized  by  a  sufficient  number  of  hands  to 
drag  or  track  the  boat  up  the  stream.  But,  owing  to  the 
character  of  the  river,  and,  the  numberless  impediments  in 
it  and  on  its  banks,  this  "cordelle"  is  continually  entangling 
among  the  snags  and  sawyers,  between  the  boat  and  the 
shore,  and  has  often  to  be  thrown  over  small  trees,  and  car- 
ried round  larger  ones.  Of  course  it  requires  great  experi- 
ence and  dexterity  to  be  a  good  leader  of  a  cordelle.  The 
service  is  extremely  well  adapted  to  the  French  boatmen. 
Sometimes  you  are  impeded  by  vast  masses  of  trees,  that  have 
lodged  against  sawyers.  At  other  times,  you  find  a  consider- 
able portion  of  the  margin  of  the  shore  that  has  fallen  into 
the  river,  with  all  its  trees  upon  it.  Just  on  the  edge  of  these 
trees,  the  current  is  so  heavy  as  to  be  almost  impassable.  .  .  . 
Let  no  deluded  emigrant  imagine  that  he  can  work  a  boat  up 
this  river,  without  great  patience,  expense,  and  labor,  and 
after  all,  without  danger.  The  danger  and  fatigue  in  this 
kind  of  boating  are  undoubtedly  greater  than  those  of  sea 
navigation.  I  do  not  remember  to  have  traversed  this  river 
in  any  considerable  trip,  without  having  heard  of  some  fatal 
disaster  to  a  boat.  The  multitude  of  carcasses  of  boats, 
lying  at  the  points,  or  thrown  up  high  and  dry  on  the  muck- 
heaps  demonstrate  most  palpably,  how  many  boats  are  lost 
on  this  wild,  and  us  the  boatmen  always  denominate  it, 
"wicked  river." 

In  the  spring,  one  hundred  boats  have  been  numbered,   River  life, 
that  loaded  in  one  day  at  the  mouth  of  the  Bayou,  at  New 
Madrid.     I  have  strolled  to  the  point  on  a  spring  evening, 
and  seen  them  arriving  in  fleets.     The  boisterous  gaiety  of 


310  Readings  in  American  History 

the  hands,  the  congratulations,  the  moving  picture  of  life  on 
board  the  boats,  the  numerous  animals,  large  and  small 
which  they  carry,  their  different  loads,  the  evidence  of  the 
increasing  agriculture  of  the  country  above,  and  more  than 
all,  the  immense  distances  which  they  have  already  come, 
and  those  which  they  have  still  to  go,  afforded  to  me  copious 
sources  of  meditation.  You  can  name  no  point  from  the 
numerous  rivers  of  the  Ohio  and  the  Mississippi,  from  which 
some  of  these  boats  have  not  come.  In  one  place  there  are 
boats  loaded  with  planks,  from  the  pine  forests  of  the  south- 
west of  New  York.  In  another  quarter  there  are  the  Yankee 
notions  of  Ohio.  From  Kentucky,  pork,  flour,  whiskey, 
hemp,  tobacco,  bagging,  and  bale-rope.  From  Tennessee 
there  are  the  same  articles  together  with  great  quantities  of 
cotton.  From  Missouri  and  Illinois,  cattle  and  horses,  the 
same  articles  generally  as  from  Ohio,  together  with  peltry 
and  lead  from  Missouri.  Some  boats  are  loaded  with  corn 
in  the  ear  and  in  bulk;  others  with  barrels  of  apples  and 
potatoes.  Some  have  loads  of  cider.  There  are  dried  fruits, 
every  kind  of  spirits  manufactured  in  these  regions,  and  in 
short,  the  products  of  the  ingenuity  and  agriculture  of  the 
whole  upper  country  of  the  west.  They  have  come  from 
regions,  thousands  of  miles  apart.  The  surfaces  of  the  boats 
cover  some  acres.  The  hands  travel  about  from  boat  to 
boat,  make  inquiries,  and  acquaintances,  and  form  alliances 
to  yield  mutual  assistance  to  each  other,  on  their  descent 
from  this  to  New  Orleans.  After  an  hour  or  two  passed  in 
this  way,  they  spring  on  shore  to  raise  the  wind  in  town.  It 
is  well  for  the  people  of  the  village  if  they  do  not  become 
riotous  in  the  course  of  the  evening.  .  .  . 

America  inherits,  I  believe  from  England  a  taste  for  puffing. 
She  has  improved  upon  her  model.  ...  I  have  been  amused 
in  reading  puffing  advertisements  in  the  newspapers.  A  lit- 
tle subscription  school,  in  which  half  the  pupils  are  abece- 
darions  is  a  college.  There  is  the  Pestalozzi  establishment 
with  its  appropriate  emblazoning.  There  is  the  agricultural 
school,  the  missionary  school,  the  grammar  box,  the  new  way 
to  make  a  wit  of  a  dunce  in  six  lessons  and  all  the  mechanical 


Reorganization  311 

ways  of  inoculating  children  with  learning  that  they  may  not 
get  it  in  the  old  natural  way.  The  misfortune  is,  that  these 
vile  pretensions  finally  induce  the  people  to  believe  that  there 
is  a  royal  road  to  learning.  The  parents  are  flattered,  de- 
ceived and  swindled.  Puffing  pretenders  take  the  place  of 
the  modest  man  of  science  who  scorns  to  compete  with  him 
in  these  vile  acts.  The  children  have  their  brains  distended 
with  the  "east  wind"  and  grow  up  at  once  empty  and  con- 
ceited. These  founders  of  new  schools,  for  the  most  part, 
advertise  themselves  from  London,  Paris,  Philadelphia,  and 
have  all  performed  exploits  in  the  regions  whence  they  came, 
and  bring  the  latest  improvements  with  them,  as  to  what 
they  can  do  and  what  they  will  do,  the  object  is  to  lay  on 
the  coloring  thick  and  threefold.  A  respectable  man  wishes 
to  establish  himself  in  a  school  in  these  regions.  He  consults 
a  friend  who  knows  the  meridian  of  the  country.  The  advice 
is,  call  your  school  by  some  new  and  imposing  name.  Let 
it  be  understood  that  you  have  a  new  way  of  instructing 
children,  by  which  they  can  learn  twice  as  much  in  half  the 
time  as  by  the  old  ways.  Throw  off  all  modesty.  Move  the 
water  and  get  in  while  it  is  moving.  In  short,  depend  upon 
the  gullibility  of  the  people.  A  school  modelled  on  this  ad- 
vice was  instituted  at  St.  Louis  while  I  was  there,  with  a  very 
imposing  name.  The  masters,  professors  I  should  say,  pro- 
posed to  teach  most  of  the  languages  and  all  the  sciences. 
Hebrew  they  would  communicate  in  twelve  lessons,  Latin 
and  Greek  with  a  proportionate  promptness.  These  men 
who  were  to  teach  all  this  themselves  had  read  Erasmus  with 
a  translation  and  knew  the  Greek  alphabet.  .  .  . 

65.    THE  STEAMBOAT  AND  ITS  INFLUENCE  ON  WESTERN 
TRADE  CONDITIONS 

(House  Executive  Documents,  1st  Session,  50th  Congress,  1887-8, 
Vol.  20,  187,  passim.) 

The  first  experiment  with  steam  in  the  navigation  of  the  steam- 
western  rivers  created  surprise  and  excitement,  but  it  did   wester™ 
not  give  complete  satisfaction.     The  truth  is  that  it  was  rivers. 


312 


Readings  in  American  History 


neither  a  perfect  success,  nor  yet  a  failure.  The  growing 
commerce  of  the  river  demanded  something  better  than  the 
flat-boats  and  barges,  and  the  merchants  and  merchandise 
of  the  valley  having  the  necessary  means  and  animated  by 
the  spirit  of  enterprise,  did  not  hesitate  to  continue  to  ex- 
periment in  the  hope  of  finally  solving  the  problem  of  steam 
navigation  up  the  Mississippi  and  its  tributaries.  The  ex- 
periment period  lasted  for  five  years.  In  that  time  nine  ex- 
pensive steam-boats  were  built,  and  while  each  succeeding 
boat  was  a  decided  advance  on  that  which  preceded  it,  de- 
fects and  improvements  being  suggested  by  practical  experi- 
ence, steam  navigation  was  not  regarded  as  an  assured  suc- 
cess until  1817;  when  the  steam-boat  Washington  made  the 
trip  from  New  Orleans  to  Louisville  in  twenty-five  days. 
The  trouble  all  along  had  been  to  stem  the  current  success- 
fully, and  this  trouble  the  indomitable  pluck  and  energy  of 
the  merchants  and  the  skill  of  the  mechanics  finally  accom- 
plished. With  1817,  therefore,  may  be  said  to  begin  the  era 
of  successful  steam  navigation  on  the  Mississippi.  .  .  . 

The  trip  of  the  Washington  established  another  point  of 
the  very  greatest  advantage  to  the  river  country — that  the 
Mississippi  was  the  heritage  of  the  people  and  could  not  be 
monopolized  by  any  one.  A  company  had  been  formed  at 
the  head  of  which  were  Fulton  and  Livingston,  who  had 
made  the  first  experiments  with  steam  on  the  Ohio  and  Missis- 
sippi. This  company  obtained  from  the  Louisiana  legislature 
an  act  giving  them  the  exclusive  right  of  navigating  the  waters 
of  Louisiana  with  steam-vessels  for  fourteen  years,  with  the 
privilege  of  renewing  their  charter  at  the  end  of  that  time. 
Anyone  violating  this  monopoly  was  subject  to  a  fine  of  -f  500. 
The  company  owned  the  ^tna,  Vesuvius,  and  Orleans  and 
had  arranged  for  a  system  of  transfers  at  Louisville.  The 
trip  of  the  Washington  to  New  Orleans  was  in  defiance  of 
this  law,  and  that  steam-boat  was  accordingly  seized  when 
she  arrived  at  "the  Crescent  City."  The  United  States 
court  swept  away  the  monopoly,  declared  that  the  river  was 
the  heritage  of  the  whole  people,  that  the  State  of  Louisiana 


Reorganization  313 

could  not  control  it,  and  give  its  navigation  to  any  company 
or  monopoly.  This  decision  naturally  gave  a  great  impetus 
to  steam-boat  building,  and  the  next  few  years  saw  all  the 
Ohio  towns  turning  out  steam-boats.  .  .  . 

The  river  traffic  of  1814  shows  that  the  steam-boats  had   influence 
so  far  made  but  little  impression.     There  arrived  at  New  {Joa^^H" 
Orleans  that  year,  flat-boats,  598,  barges,  324,  steam-boats,  21 .   river 
The  steam-boat  tonnage  of  New  Orleans  was  but  little  over 
2  per  cent,  of  the  total. 

The  receipts  of  New  Orleans  during  the  first  year  of  success- 
ful steam  navigation,  1816,  amounted  in  value  to  $8,062, 
540.  .  .  . 

This  is  independent  of  the  produce  raised  in  Louisiana, 
such  as  cotton,  corn,  indigo,  molasses,  rice,  sugar,  tafia  or 
rum,  and  lumber.  These  were  brought  to  the  market  in  the 
planter's  crafts,  and  often  taken  from  the  plantation  direct 
in  foreign-bound  vessels,  a  ship  loading  directly  with  sugar 
and  molasses,  which  thus  never  went  through  New  Orleans. 
But  little  account  was  taken  of  this  system  in  the  commercial 
reports  of  the  time  although  sea-going  vessels  ascended  the 
river  as  far  as  Natchez  for  cargoes.  They  were,  of  course,  of 
small  size,  of  but  little  more  tonnage  and  draught  than  the 
steam-boats  themselves. 

The  value  of  receipts  shows  to  what  extent  the  produce  of 
the  West  passed  through  New  Orleans.  Cotton,  which  in 
later  days  rose  to  be  60  and  even  75  per  cent,  in  value  of  all 
the  receipts,  was  then  barely  12  per  cent.  At  least  80  per 
cent,  of  the  articles  came  from  the  West,  that  is,  from  the 
Ohio  and  the  Upper  Mississippi,  above  the  Ohio.  They 
represented  the  surplus  products  of  the  Mississippi  Valley,  Losses  in 
for  but  little  found  any  other  exit  to  market.  Much  of  the  g^tton*^ 
produce  shipped  from  the  West  to  New  Orleans  was  lost  en 
route.  A  rough  estimate  places  the  loss  from  disasters, 
snags,  etc.  at  20  per  cent.  Many  boats,  moreover,  stopped 
along  the  river  on  their  way  down  to  sell  supplies  to  the 
planters.  Thus  at  Natchez,  flour,  grain,  and  pork  were  pur- 
chased from  the  Kentucky  boats. 


314 


Readings  in  American  History 


From  these  losses  and  sales  the  shipments  down  the  river 
in  1816,  including  the  products  of  Louisiana,  may  be  esti- 
mated at  $13,875,000. 

The  river  traffic  required  6  steam-boats,  594  barges,  and 
1287  flat-boats,  of  an  actual  tonnage  of  87^670. 

During  all  this  period  (1813-1814),  and  despite  all  these 
difficulties,  the  number  of  arrivals  at  New  Orleans  and  the 
amount  of  river  business  on  the  Lower  Mississippi  continued 
to  steadily  increase. 

In  regard  to  the  steam-boats,  it  should  be  remembered  that 
the  steady  increase  in  arrivals  each  year  does  not  fully  ex- 
press the  increase  in  tonnage,  because  the  boats  were  not 
only  growing  more  numerous,  but  were  increasing  in  size 
each  year,  and  thus  while  they  doubled  in  number  between 
1825  and  1833  they  more  than  doubled  in  their  carrying 
capacity.* 

In  regard  to  the  flat-boats  and  other  craft,  there  is  no 
sufficiently  definite  information  for  most  of  this  period.  It 
should  be  said,  however,  that  while  the  steam-boats  sup- 
planted the  flat-boats  in  many  lines  of  trade,  they  did  not 
entirely  drive  them  off"  the  river  for  fifteen  or  twenty  years 
afterwards. 

During  all  this  period  when  the  western  cities  were  build- 
ing steam-boats  the  flat-boats  also  were  increasing  in  num- 
bers. They  were  found  serviceable  in  carrying  hay,  coal, 

*RIVER  TRADE  OF  NEW  ORLEANS,   1813-1860 


Years 

Arrivals  of 
steam-boats 

Freight  received 
(tons) 

Value  of 
produce, 
dollars 

1813-'14 

21 

67,560 

1814-'  15 

40 

77,220 

1818-'19 

191 

136,300 

16,771,711 

1828-'  29 

756 

247,700 

20,757,265 

1838-'39 

1551 

399,500 

42,263,880 

1848-'49 

2873 

1,009,900 

81,989,692 

1858-'59 

3259 

1,803,400 

172,952,664 

1859-'  60 

3566 

2,187,560 

185,211,254 

Reorganization 


315 


etc.,  and  in  reaching  the  interior  streams.  The  Mississippi 
counted  some  hundreds  of  tributaries.  On  some  of  these  the 
settlements  were  sparse,  and  the  surplus  products  afforded 
at  best  one  or  two  cargoes  a  year,  and  these  were  sent  much 
more  conveniently  and  cheaply  in  flat-boats  than  in  steamers. 

The  steamers  had  passed  the  flats  between  1820  and  1830 
in  the  business  transacted  and  the  freight  hauled,  and  from 
this  time  they  increased  the  lead  steadily.  The  number  of 
flats,  however,  arriving  at  New  Orleans  kept  but  little  if 
any  behind  the  steamers,  and  as  late  as  1840  nearly  a  fifth 
of  the  freight  handled  in  the  Lower  Mississippi  went  by  flat- 
boat,  keel,  or  barge.  The  early  flat-boats  had  depended  al- 
together on  the  current  of  the  river  to  carry  them  down. 
The  system  of  towing  was  tried  in  1829,  and  a  small  steamer, 
which  would  be  called  a  tug  to-day,  was  successfully  used  in 
towing  keel  -boats  up  and  down  stream. 

The  idea,  however,  did  not  seem  to  meet  with  much  favor, 
the  flat-boat  men  having  a  superstition  that  their  conjunction 
with  a  steamer  was  not  favorable  to  them,  and  it  was  reserved 
for  a  later  generation  to  definitely  try  in  the  barge  the  system 
of  towing  freight  up  and  down  stream.  .  .  . 

As  the  first  two  decades  of  the  century  showed  the  settle-   increa 
ment  of  the  Ohio  basin,  and  a  rapid  increase  in  population  jj,0^ 
and  production,  so  the  next  two  resulted  in  the  settlement  of  west. 
the  Lower  Mississippi  region  from  Louisiana  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Ohio.     The  removal  of  the  Indian  tribes  to  the  Indian 
Territory,  the  building  of  levees,  and  the  immense  increase 
in  the  demand  for  cotton,  hastened  the  development  of  West 
Tennessee,  Mississippi,  Arkansas,  and  Northern  Louisiana. 
The  Western  products  received  at  New  Orleans,  although  they 
did  not  fall  off,  constituted  a  smaller  percentage  of  the  city's 
total  trade,  while  cotton  and  sugar  became  each  year  more 
important  items  commercially.     In  other  words,  the  Western 
trade,  while  not  growing  less,  did  not  increase  as  fast  as  that 
section  advanced  in  population  and  production,  nor  as  fast 
as  the  cotton  trade. 

It  was  during  this  period  that  the  South  first  began  to 


316 


Readings  in  America?!  History 


increase  in  insist  on  the  sovereignty  of  King  Cotton,  and  New  Orleans 
claimed,  like  Mahomet,  to  be  its  prophet.  The  rapid  develop- 
ment of  the  cotton  manufacturing  industries  in  Europe  in- 
cited the  planters  to  devote  more  and  more  acres  to  it,  and 
it  became  highly  profitable  to  cultivate  cotton  even  on  credit. 
New  Orleans  was  overflowing  with  money  in  those  flush 
times,  and  lent  it  readily,  and  the  credit  system  of  the  South 
was  firmly  established,  to  last  even  to  this  day.  The  sys- 
tem became  universal  among  the  planters,  particularly  those 
raising  cotton  and  sugar,  and  New  Orleans  became  not  only 
the  lender  of  money  at  a  high  rate  of  interest,  but  the  depot 
of  Western  supplies,  which  it  advanced  in  large  quantities  to 
the  planters  throughout  the  vast  region  then  tributary  to  it. 
The  whole  agricultural  country  along  the  Lower  Mississippi 
and  its  bayous  and  streams  became,  in  a  manner,  the  com- 
mercial slaves  of  the  New  Orleans  factors,  and  were  not  al- 
lowed to  sell  to  any  one  else  or  buy  from  them.  The  Western 
produce  shipped  down  the  river  never  stopped  at  the  planta- 
tion, but  was  sent  direct  to  New  Orleans,  and  thence  trans- 
shipped up  the  river  over  the  same  route  it  had  just  gone. 
When  the  big  collapse  of  1837  came  the  banks  of  New  Orleans, 
with  a  circulation  of  $7,000,000,  purported  to  have  a  capital 
of  $34,000,000,  a  great  majority  of  them  being  wrecked  in 
the  storm. 

Within  a  few  years,  however,  New  Orleans  recovered  from 
the  shock  and  strengthened  its  hold  on  the  planters. 

WThile  the  Mississippi  Valley  was  listening  at  the  Memphis 
convention*  to  the  story  of  its  glories  to  come,  and  river  men 
were  calculating  on  the  immense  traffic  that  was  assured  the 
future,  New  Orleans  was  confident  of  the  future.  Few  of  its 
people  anticipated  any  danger  of  its  future,  and  it  was  pre- 
dicted not  only  in  American  papers  but  in  the  British  Quarterly 
Review  that  it  must  ultimately  become,  on  account  of  the 
Mississippi,  the  most  important  commercial  city  in  America; 
if  not  in  the  world. 

That  eminent  statistical  and  economical  authority,  De 
*  First  great  river  convention,  1845;  fifteen  States  represented. 


Reorganization 


317 


Bow's  Review,  declared  that  "  No  City  of  the  world  has  ever 
advanced  as  a  mart  of  commerce  with  such  gigantic  and 
rapid  strides  as  New  Orleans."  It  was  no  idle  boast.  Be- 
tween 1830  and  1840  no  city  of  the  United  States  kept  pace 
with  it.  When  the  census  was  taken  it  was  fourth  in  popula- 
tion, exceeded  only  by  New  York,  Philadelphia  and  Balti- 
more and  third  in  point  of  commerce  of  the  ports  of  the  world, 
exceeded  only  by  London,  Liverpool,  and  New  York,  being, 
indeed,  but  a  short  distance  behind  the  latter  city,  and 
ahead  of  it  in  the  export  of  domestic  products.  .  .  . 

The  first  boat  with  a  saloon  and  state-rooms,  was  applauded   Passenger 
by  the  press  as  luxurious  in  the  extreme.     These  cabins  were  boata- 
steadily  improved  until  they  became  really  the  equal  of  the 
finest  ocean  steamers  on  the  Atlantic.     The  passenger  busi- 
ness of  the  steam-boats  was  very  large;   indeed  they  carried 
all  the  passengers  in  the  Mississippi  Valley,  and  it  was  one 
of  the  surest  sources  of  profit.  .  .  . 

The  West  from  1840,  when  the  railroads  first  began  invad-  River 
ing  the  Mississippi  Valley,  had  become  less  and  less  interested   e™ 
in  the  river  route  to  the  ocean,  and  while  there  was  still  a  railroads, 
heavy  traffic  from  Saint  Louis  to  Cincinnati  and  from  Cin- 
cinnati to  Pittsburgh,  the  decrease  in  the  receipt  of  Western 
produce  at  New  Orleans  became  marked. 

.  .  .  The  flat-boat  trade  slowly  went  out  during  this  period.  Passing  of 
It  had  been  a  cheap  but  very  unsafe  way  of  getting  produce 
to  market.  It  is  estimated  that  not  more  than  three-fourths 
to  four-fifths  of  the  flat-boats  when  started  down  river  to 
New  Orleans  ever  reached  that  port,  the  others  being  snagged 
or  lost.  A  squall  on  the  river  would  sink  a  dozen  at  a  time. 
At  the  same  time  the  flat-boat  offered  great  advantages  to 
the  farmers  living  along  the  smaller  streams  penetrating  into 
the  center  of  Indiana  and  Ohio.  Indeed  there  was  no  other 
way  of  their  getting  their  produce  to  market,  as  the  low  water, 
snags  etc.,  rendered  it  impossible  for  the  steam-boats  to 
penetrate  there.  A  flat-boat  was  accordingly  built  after  the 
crop  was  gathered,  loaded  down  with  produce,  and  the 
spring  tide  waited  for  to  float  it  out.  .  .  . 


318 


Readings  in  American  History 


66.     DISPOSAL  OF  THE  PUBLIC  LANDS,  1796-1820 

(Thomas  Donaldson,  The  Public  Domain,  House  Miscellaneous 
Documents,  Second  Session,  47th  Congress,  1882-3,  Vol.  19,  pp. 
200-5.) 

March  3,  1795,  Congress  by  law  provided  that  "the  nett 
proceeds  of  the  sales  of  lands  belonging,  or  which  shall  here- 
after belong  to  the  United  States,  in  the  Western  territory 
thereof,"  should  constitute  a  portion  of  the  sinking  fund  of 
the  United  States  for  the  redemption  of  the  public  debt. 

May  18,  1796  Congress  passed  the  act  for  the  sale  of  the 
lands  of  the  United  States  in  the  territory  northwest  of  the 
river  of  Ohio  and  above  the  mouth  of  the  Kentucky  River 
(in  the  present  state  of  Ohio).  This  act  provided  for  a  sur- 
veyor general  of  the  district  and  for  the  parceling  of  the  lands 
therein  for  sale.  It  gave  the  substance  of  the  present  rect- 
angular system  of  surveys  for  the  public  domain.  It  pro- 
vided for  the  sale  and  the  survey  of  lands  in  sections  of  640 
acres  (a  mile  square)  at  public  sale,  under  the  direction  of  the 
governor  or  secretary  of  the  Territory  and  the  surveyor- 
general,  and  they  were  to  be  sold  at  Cincinnati  and  Pitts- 
burgh, and  the  price  to  be  not  less  than  $2.  per  acre.  Two 
months'  notice  of  sale  was  to  be  given  by  advertisement,  and 
sale  to  take  place  one  month  thereafter.  The  remainder  of 
the  seven  ranges  of  townships  surveyed  under  the  act  of 
May  20,  1785,  were  to  be  sold  at  public  sale  at  Philadelphia, 
under  the  direction  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  quarter 
townships,  eight  sections  of  640  acres  each,  taking  out  the 
four  sections  in  the  center,  which  were  reserved.  .  .  . 

The  price  $2  per  acre,  was  fixed  so  as  to  include  all  costs  of 
surveying  and  disposition,  which  were  to  be  paid  by  the  pur- 
chasers. .  .  . 

All  lands  sold  for  the  benefit  of  the  United  States  prior  to 
the  opening  of  the  land  offices  under  the  act  of  May  10,  1800, 
were  sold  from  the  public  domain  in  the  present  State 
of  Ohio,  and  amounted  to  1,484,047  acres,  and  realized 
$1,201,725.68. 


Reorganization  319 

The  act  of  May  10,  1800,  introduced  the  present  system  Act  of 
of  disposition  of  lands  through  officers  called  registers,  whose   18oa 
offices  are  situated  within  defined  districts.     It  established 
four  land  offices  within  the  Northwest  Territory,  with  an 
officer  for  each  called  a  register,  bonded  for  $10,000;    one 
office  at  Cincinnati,  one  at  Chillicothe,  one  at  Marietta,  and 
the  other  at  Steubenville.     These  were  the  first  district  land 
offices  established  in  the  United  States. 

The  surveyor-general  was  to  transmit  to  'the  register  (as 
now)  a  copy  of  plate  of  tracts  to  be  sold,  and  another  copy  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  (now  to  the  Commissioner  of 
the  General  Land  Office.) 

Lands  west  of  the  Muskingum  were  to  be  subdivided  into 
half-sections  of  320  acres  each,  and  held  as  such ;  west  of  that 
river  to  be  subdivided  and  sold  as  usual,  in  sections  of  640 
acres.  These  lands  were  to  be  offered  for  sale  at  public 
vendue,  after  notice  at  the  offices,  respectively,  under  the 
direction  of  the  register  and  the  governor  or  secretary  of  the 
Territory.  All  such  sales  to  close  in  three  weeks,  and  the 
lands  remaining  unsold  to  be  disposed  of  at  private-sale; 
none  to  be  sold  at  less  than  $2.  per  acre;  payment  to  be  made 
in  specie  or  evidences  of  the  public  debt  at  the  time  of  pur- 
chase, the  person  or  persons  to  pay,  exclusive  of  fees,  $6.  for 
every  section,  and  S3.  for  every  half-section,  for  surveying 
expense,  and  deposit  one-twentieth  part  of  the  amount  of 
purchase-money,  forfeited  in  forty  days  if  an  addition  of 
one-fourth  part  of  the  amount  of  the  purchase-money  was 
not  paid;  another  fourth  part  to  be  paid  within  two  years; 
another  fourth  part  to  be  paid  within  three  years,  and  the 
remaining  fourth  part  within  four  years  after  the  date  of  sale. 
Interest  at  6  per  cent,  per  annum  from  the  day  of  sale  to  be 
charged  on  the  last  three  payments  as  they  became  due.  A 
discount  of  8  per  cent,  per  year  to  be  allowed  for  prepayment 
of  any  of  the  last  three  payments. 

If  the  first  payment  was  not  made,  the  lands  became  for- 
feited, and  might  again  be  sold,  but  not  for  less  at  private- 
sale  than  the  sum  offered  at  public  sale. 


320 


Readings  in  American  History 


Lands  not  paid  for  at  the  end  of  one  year  after  the  last 
payment  became  due  were  to  be  advertised  for  thirty  days 
and  sold  during  court;  the  surplus,  if  any,  after  payment 
of  United  States  and  expenses  of  sale,  was  to  be  returned 
to  original  owners.  Lands  not  sold  were  to  revert  to  the 
United  States  and  be  disposed  of  as  other  lands.  .  .  . 

The  price  was  fixed  at  not  less  than  $2.  an  acre.  (Under 
contract  the  first  sales  of  lands  by  the  Government  were  66-% 
and  75  cents.)  The  United  States  at  this  time  was,  and  had 
been  for  ten  years,  in  competition  with  several  States  who 
were  disposing  of  western  lands — Connecticut  selling  her 
"  Western  Reserve"  lands  at  40  cents  an  acre  in  Northeastern 
Ohio;  Virginia  with  her  rich  lands  in  Kentucky  in  the 
market;  North  Carolina  selling  in  Tennessee;  Pennsylvania 
with  her  charter  lands  offered  through  her  state  office;  and 
Georgia  with  her  lands  in  the  territory  now  part  of  Alabama 
and  Mississippi.  Massachusetts  before  this,  had  reduced  the 
price  of  her  Maine  lands  to  50  cents  an  acre  to  check  western 
emigration.  There  began  to  be  a  serious  exodus  to  the  west- 
ern country.  The  roads  were  filled  with  moving  families, 
and  almost  entire  neighborhoods  moved  west.  Fertile  lands, 
at  low  prices,  were  abundant,  and  speculators  were  numerous. 
Under  this  credit  system  men  became  loaded  with  large  land 
purchases,  expecting  to  make  sale  of  a  portion  of  it  at  an 
early  date  to  incoming  immigrants  at  an  advance,  and  to  hold 
the  remainder  for  themselves.  The  sales  under  this  system, 
from  the  opening  of  the  land  offices  in  the  territory  northwest 
of  the  river  Ohio  by  the  above  act  to  June  30,  1820,  were  as 
follows: 


GROSS   QUANTITY 
LOCATION 

In  Ohio 
In  Indiana 
In  Illinois 
In  Missouri 
In  Alabama 


SOLD   UNDER  THE   CREDIT   SYSTEM 


ACRES 

8,848,152.31 
2,490,736.17 
1,593,247.53 
1,249,113.91 
3,957,281.00 


AMOUNT 

,117,226,186.95 

5,137,350.20- 

3,227,805.20 

3,349,465.70 

16,182,147.67 


Reorganization  321 

LOCATION                                 ACRES  AMOUNT 

In  Mississippi           1,147,988.10  2,297,662.91 

In  Louisiana                  45,277.00  90,554.00 

In  Michigan                  67,362.02  178,400.46 


Total  .  .  .   19,399,158.04         $47,689,563.09 

This  was  afterwards  scaled  down  by  acts  of  Congress,  by  re- 
versions and  relinquishment,  so  that  the  Government  parted 
title,  under  the  Credit  System  to  13,642,536  acres,  and  re- 
ceived therefor  $27,900,379.29. 

The  act  of  May  10,  1800,  was  the  first  serious  attempt  at 
the  creation  of  a  general  system  of  disposition  of  the  public 
lands.  .  .  .  Petitions,  resolutions,  legislative  enactments,  and 
personal  applications  for  relief  from  the  pressure  of  land  pur- 
chases from  the  Government  under  the  credit  system  resulted 
in  various  acts  of  relief.  .  .  .  These  acts  were  all  operative 
for  the  benefit  of  persons  holding  not  over  640  acres.  The  Act  of 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  April  24,  1820,  provided  for 
the  sale  of  half  quarter-sections,  or  80-acre  lots  of  land,  and 
that  credit  should  not  be  allowed  for  the  purchase-money  of 
any  lands  after  July  1,  1820,  but  that  complete  payment 
must  be  made  by  the  purchaser  or  applicant  at  the  time  of 
purchase;  and  by  section  3  of  this  act,  it  was  provided  that 
the  public  lands  offered  should  be  sold  at  the  "minimum" 
price  SI. 25  per  acre  at  either  public  or  private  sale,  and  pro- 
vided for  the  entry  or  purchase  by  persons  at  the  several 
district  land  offices  of  all  land  which,  prior  to  July  1,  had  been 
offered  at  public  sale  and  remained  unsold.  It  further  pro- 
vided for  the  sale  of  reverted  lands,  which  were  forfeited  for 
non-fulfillment  of  purchase  terms  under  the  credit  system. 
Previous  to  this  time,  Congress  had,  by  special  acts,  directed 
land  sales  to  be  made,  but  by  this  act  it  became  the  duty  of 
the  President,  and  has  so  continued  to  this  day,  to  issue 
proclamations  of  sale  of  public  lands  through  the  Commis- 
sioner of  the  General  Land  Office.  This  act  was  a  great  in- 
novation. It  reduced  the  price  of  all  public  lands  which 


322  Readings  in  American  History 

should  be  offered  to  the  minimum  of  SI. 25  per  acre,  and  after 
they  were,  offered,  (i.  e.  offered  at  public  sale  after  due  adver- 
tising and  notice)  such  as  remained  unsold  were  to  be  held 
for  sale  at  the  district  land  offices  at  SI. 25  per  acre,  in  un- 
limited quantities  of  not  less  than  80  acres  (half  quarter  sec- 
tions) at  private  sale.  Thus,  in  the  period  1786  to  1820,  the 
price  had  fallen  from  $2.  to  SI -25  per  acre  cash,  and  the 
quantity  which  might  be  sold  was  reduced  from  whole  town- 
ships and  eight  sections  to  sections  (640  acres),  half  sections 
(320  acres),  quarter-sections  (160  acres),  and  half  quarter- 
sections  (80  acres)  thus  fostering  small  holding  at  a  low  price, 
with  deed  in  fee  from  the  Government. 

The  disastrous  credit  system  spread  over  Ohio,  Indiana, 
Illinois,  Missouri,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and 
Michigan.  The  general  policy  of  land  legislation  by  Congress 
was,  for  the  first  thirty  years,  to  meet  exigencies  by  temporary 
enactments  from  time  to  time.  This  policy  was  continued 
down  to  the  period  of  the  passage  of  the  pre-emption  act  of 
1841.*  .  .  . 

67.     THE  SANTA  FE  TRAIL,  1831 

Dr.  Josiah  Gregg  made  his  first  journey  over  the  Santa  Fe  trail  in 
1831.  During  the  following  eight  years,  as  a  trader,  he  crossed  the 
border  from  the  United  States  to  Mexico  eight  times.  He  noted 
the  daily  occurrences  in  his  "journal."  This  journal,  together  with 
various  articles  prepared  by  him  for  the  newspapers,  was  put  into 
book  form  and  appeared  in  two  volumes.  They  contain  some  of 
the  best  literature  on  western  history. — (Reprinted  by  permission 
from  Early  Western  Travels,  XIX,  189  passim;  XX,  88  passim. 
R.  G.  Thwaites,  editor.  The  Arthur  H.  Clark  Company,  Cleve- 
land, 1908.) 

independ-        As  Independence  is  a  point  of  convenient  access  (the  Mis- 

1831-1839.   souri  river  being  navigable  at  all   times  from  March   till 

November),  it  has  become  the  general  port  of  embarkation 

for  every  part  of  the  great  western  and  northern  "prairie 

*  For  the  system  of  surveying  public  lands  see  James  and  Sanford. 
Government  in  State  and  Nation  (ed.  1912),  pp.  280,  281. 


Reorganization  323 

ocean."  Besides  the  Santa  Fe  caravans,  most  of  the  Rocky 
Mountain  traders  and  trappers,  as  well  as  emigrants  to 
Oregon,  take  this  town  in  their  route.  During  the  season 
of  departure,  therefore,  it  is  a  place  of  much  bustle  and  active 
business. 

Among  the  concourse  of  travellers  at  this  "  starting  point," 
besides  traders  and  tourists,  a  number  of  pale-faced  invalids 
are  generally  to  be  met  with.  The  Prairies  have,  in  fact, 
become  very  celebrated  for  their  sanative  effects — more 
justly  so,  no  doubt,  than  the  most  fashionable  watering- 
places  of  the  North.  .  .  . 

The  wagons  now  most  in  use  upon  the  Prairies  are  manu-  Wagons 
factured  in  Pittsburg;  and  are  usually  drawn  by  eight  mules 
or  the  same  number  of  oxen.  Of  late  years,  however,  I  have 
seen  much  larger  vehicles  employed,  with  ten  or  twelve  mules 
harnessed  to  each,  and  a  cargo  of  goods  of  about  five  thou- 
sand pounds  in  weight.  At  an  early  period,  the  horse  was 
more  frequently  in  use,  as  mules  were  not  found  in  great 
abundance;  but  as  soon  as  the  means  for  procuring  these 
animals  increased,  the  horse  was  gradually  and  finally  dis- 
carded, except  occassionally  for  riding  and  the  chase. 

Oxen  having  been  employed  by  Major  Riley  for  the  bag-  Use  of 
gage  wagons  of  the  escort  which  was  furnished  the  caravan  oxen- 
of  1829,  they  were  found,  to  the  surprise  of  the  traders,  to 
perform  almost  equal  to  mules.  Since  that  time,  upon  an 
average  about  half  of  the  wagons  in  these  expeditions  have 
been  drawn  by  oxen.  They  possess  many  advantages,  such 
as  pulling  heavier  loads  than  the  same  number  of  mules, 
particularly  through  muddy  or  sandy  places;  but  they  gen- 
erally fall  off  in  strength  as  the  prairie  grass  becomes  drier 
and  shorter,  and  often  arrive  at  their  destination  in  a  most 
shocking  plight.  In  this  condition  I  have  seen  them  sacri- 
ficed at  Santa  Fe*  for  ten  dollars  the  pair;  though  in  more 
favourable  seasons,  they  sometimes  remain  strong  enough  to 
be  driven  back  to  the  United  States  the  same  fall.  There- 
fore, although  the  original  cost  of  a  team  of  mules  is  much 
greater,  the  loss  ultimately  sustained  by  them  is  usually 


324 


Readings  in  American  History 


less, — to  say  nothing  of  the  comfort  of  being  able  to  travel 
faster  and  more  at  ease.  .  .  . 

At  last  all  are  fairly  launched  upon  the  broad  prairie— the 
miseries  of  preparation  are  over — the  thousand  anxieties 
occassioned  by  wearisome  consultations  and  delays  are  felt 
no  more.  The  charioteer,  as  he  cracks  his  whip,  feels  a 
bounding  elasticity  of  soul  within  him,  which  he  finds  it  im- 
possible to  restrain; — even  the  mules  prick  up  their  ears  with 
a  peculiarly  conceited  air,  as  if  in  anticipation  of  that  change 
of  scene  which  will  presently  follow.  Harmony  and  good 
feeling  prevail  everywhere.  The  hilarious  song,  the  bon  mot 
and  the  witty  repartee,  go  round  in  quick  succession;  and 
before  people  have  had  leisure  to  take  cognizance  of  the  fact, 
the  lovely  village  of  Independence,  with  its  multitude  of  as- 
sociations, is  already  lost  to  the  eye. 

It  was  on  the  15th  of  May,  1831,  and  one  of  the  brightest 
and  most  lovely  of  all  the  days  in  the  calendar,  that  our  little 
party  set  out  from  Independence.  The  general  rendezvous 
at  Council  Grove  was  our  immediate  destination.  It  is 
usual  for  the  traders  to  travel  thus  far  in  detached  parties, 
and  to  assemble  there  for  the  purpose  of  entering  into  some 
kind  of  organization,  for  mutual  security  and  defence  during 
the  remainder  of  the  journey. 

.  .  .  Early  on  the  26th  of  May  we  reached  the  long  looked- 
for  rendezvous  of  Council  Grove,  where  we  joined  the  main 
body  of  the  caravan.  Lest  this  imposing  title  suggest  to 
the  reader  a  snug  and  thriving  village,  it  should  be  observed, 
that,  on  the  day  of  our  departure  from  Independence,  we 
passed  the  last  human  abode  upon  our  route;  therefore, 
from  the  borders  of  Missouri  to  those  of  New  Mexico  not 
even  an  Indian  settlement  greeted  our  eyes.  This  point  is 
nearly  a  hundred  and  fifty  miles  from  Independence,  and 
consists  of  a  continuous  strip  of  timber  nearly  half  a  mile 
in  width,  comprising  the  richest  varieties  of  trees;  .  .  . 

The  designation  of  "Council  Grove,"  after  all,  is  perhaps 
the  most  appropriate  that  could  be  given  to  this  place ;  for  we 
there  held  a  "grand  council,"  at  which  the  respective  claims 


Reorganization  325 

of  the  different  "aspirants  to  office"  were  considered,  lead- 
ers selected,  and  a  system  of  government  agreed  upon, — as 
is  the  standing  custom  of  these  promiscuous  caravans.  One  organiza- 
would  have  supposed  that  electioneering  and  "party  spirit"  p^yfthe 
would  hardly  have  penetrated  so  far  into  the  wilderness:  but 
so  it  was.  Even  in  our  little  community  we  had  our  "  office- 
seekers"  and  their  "political  adherents,"  as  earnest  and  as 
devoted  as  any  of  the  modern  school  of  politicians  in  the  midst 
of  civilization.  After  a  great  deal  of  bickering  and  wordy 
warfare,  however,  all  the  "candidates"  found  it  expedient  to 
decline,  and  a  gentleman  by  the  name  of  Stanley,  without 
seeking,  or  even  desiring  the  "  office,"  was  unanimously  pro- 
claimed "Captain  of  the  Caravan."  The  powers  of  this 
officer  were  undefined  by  any  "constitutional  provision,"  and 
consequently  vague  and  uncertain :  orders  being  only  viewed 
as  mere  requests,  they  are  often  obeyed  or  neglected  at  the 
caprice  of  the  subordinates.  It  is  necessary  to  observe,  how- 
ever, that  the  captain  is  expected  to  direct  the  order  of  travel 
during  the  day,  and  to  designate  the  camping-ground  at 
night;  with  many  other  functions  of  a  general  character,  in 
the  exercise  of  which  the  company  find  it  convenient  to 
acquiesce.  But  the  little  attention  that  is  paid  to  his  com- 
mands in  cases  of  emergency,  I  will  leave  the  reader  to  be- 
come acquainted  with,  as  I  did,  by  observing  their  mani- 
festations during  the  progress  of  the  expedition.  .  .  . 

But  after  this  comes  the  principal  task  of  organizing. 
The  proprietors  are  first  notified  by  "proclamation"  to  fur- 
nish a  list  of  their  men  and  wagons.  The  latter  are  generally 
apportioned  into  four  "  divisions,"  particularly  when  the  com- 
pany is  large — and  ours  consisted  of  nearly  a  hundred  wagons, 
besides  a  dozen  of  dearborns  and  other  small  vehicles,  and 
two  small  cannons  (a  four  and  six  pounder),  each  mounted 
upon  a  carriage.  To  each  of  these  divisions,  a  "  lieutenant," 
was  appointed,  whose  duty  it  was  to  inspect  every  ravine 
and  creek  on  the  route,  select  the  best  crossings,  and  super- 
intend what  is  called  in  prairie  parlance,  the  "forming"  of 
each  encampment. 


326  Readings  in  American  History 

Upon  the  calling  of  the  roll,  we  were  found  to  muster  an 
efficient  force  of  nearly  two  hundred  men  without  counting 
invalids  or  other  disabled  bodies,  who,  as  a  matter  of  course, 
are  exempt  from  duty.  There  is  nothing  so  much  dreaded 
by  inexperienced  travellers  as  the  ordeal  of  guard  duty. 
But  no  matter  what  the  condition  or  employment  of  the  in- 
dividual may  be,  no  one  has  the  smallest  chance  of  evading 
the  "common  law  of  the  prairies."  .  .  . 

The  wild  and  motley  aspect  of  the  caravan  can  be  but 
imperfectly  conceived  without  an  idea  of  .the  costumes  of 
its  various  members.  The  most  "fashionable"  prairie  dress 
is  the  fustian  frock  of  the  city -bred  merchant  furnished  with 
a  multitude  of  pockets  capable  of  accomodating  a  variety  of 
"extra  tackling."  Then  there  is  the  backwoodsman  with 
his  linsey  or  leather  hunting-shirt — the  farmer  with  his  blue 
jean  coat — the  wagoner  with  his  flannel-sleeve  vest— besides 
an  assortment  of  other  costumes  which  go  to  fill  up  the  pic- 
ture. .  .  . 

"All's  set!"  is  finally  heard  from  some  teamster — "All's 
set,"  is  directly  responded  from  every  quarter.  "Stretch 
out!"  immediately  vociferates  the  captain.  Then,  the 
"heps!"  of  drivers — the  cracking  of  whips — the  trampling 
of  feet — the  occasional  creek  of  wheels — the  rumbling  of 
wagons — form  a  new  scene  of  exquisite  confusion,  which  I 
shall  not  attempt  further  to  describe.  "Fall  in!"  is  heard 
from  head-quarters,  and  the  wagons  are  forthwith  strung 
out  upon  the  long  inclined  plain,  which  stretches  to  the 
heights  beyond  Council  Grove.  .  .  . 

Our  route  lay  through  uninterrupted  prairie  for  about 
forty  miles — in  fact  I  may  say,  for  five  hundred  miles,  ex- 
cepting the  very  narrow  fringes  of  timber  along  the  borders 
of  the  streams.  .  .  . 

Our  hopes  of  game  were  destined  soon  to  be  realized;  for 
early  on  the  second  day  after  leaving  Cottonwood  (a  few 
miles  beyond  the  principal  Turkey  creek),  our  eyes  were 
greeted  with  the  sight  of  a  herd  amounting  to  nearly  a  hun- 
dred head  of  buffalo,  quietly  grazing  in  the  distance  before 


Reorganization  327 

us.  Half  of  our  company  had  probably  never  seen  a  buffalo 
before  (at  least  in  its  wild  state);  and  the  excitement  that 
the  first  sight  of  these  "prairie  beeves"  occasions  among  a 
party  of  novices,  beggars  all  description.  Every  horseman 
was  off  in  a  scamper :  and  some  of  the  wagoners,  leaving  their 
teams  to  take  care  of  themselves,  seized  their  guns  and 
joined  the  race  afoot.  Here  went  one  with  his  rifle  or  yager 
— there  another  with  his  double-barrelled  shot-gun — a  third 
with  his  holster-pistols — a  Mexican  perhaps  with  his  lance — 
another  with  his  bow  and  arrows — and  numbers  joined  with- 
out any  arms  whatever,  merely  for  the  "pleasures  of  the 
chase" — all  helter-skelter — a  regular  John  Gilpin  race,  truly 
"neck  or  naught."  The  fleetest  of  the  pursuers  were  soon  in 
the  midst  of  the  game,  which  scattered  in  all  directions,  like 
a  flock  of  birds  upon  the  descent  of  a  hawk. 

A  few  "beeves"  were  killed  during  the  chase;  and  as  soon 
as  our  camp  was  pitched,  the  bustle  of  kindling  fires  and  pre- 
paring for  supper  commenced.  The  new  adventurers  were 
curious  to  taste  this  prairie  luxury;  while  we  all  had  been  so 
long  upon  salt  provisions — now  nearly  a  month — that  our 
appetites  were  in  exquisite  condition  to  relish  fresh  meat.  .  .  . 

But  imagine  our  consternation  and  dismay,  when,  upon   Appear- 
descending  into  the  valley  of  the  Cimarron,  on  the  morning  j^^. 
of  the  19th  of  June,  a  band  of  Indian  warriors  on  horseback 
suddenly  appeared  before  us  from  behind  the  ravines — an 
imposing  array   of  death-dealing  savages!    There  was  no 
merriment  in   this!     It  was  a  genuine  alarm — a  tangible 
reality!     These  warriors,  however,  as  we  soon  discovered, 
were  only  the  vanguard  of  a  "  countless  host,"  who  were  by 
this  time  pouring  over  the  opposite  ridge,  and  galloping 
directly  towards  us. 

The  wagons  were  soon  irregularly  "formed"  upon  the  hill- 
side: but  in  accordance  with  the  habitual  carelessness  of 
caravan  traders,  a  great  portion  of  the  men  were  unprepared 
for  the  emergency.  Scores  of  guns  were  "empty,"  and  as 
many  more  had  been  wetted  by  the  recent  showers,  and 
would  not  "go  off."  Here  was  one  calling  for  balls— an- 


328  Readings  in  American  History 

other  for  powder — a  third  for  flints.  Exclamations,  such  as, 
"I've  broke  my  ramrod"-  "I've  split  my  caps"-  "I've 
rammed  down  a  ball  without  powder  " — "  My  gun  is  '  choked ' ; 
give  me  yours" — were  heard  from  different  quarters;  while  a 
timorous  "greenhorn"  would  perhaps  cry  out,  "Here,  take 
my  gun,  you  can  out-shoot  me!"  The  more  daring  bolted 
off  to  encounter  the  enemy  at  once,  while  the  timid  and 
cautious  took  a  stand  with  presented  rifle  behind  the  wagons. 
The  Indians  who  were  in  advance  made  a  bold  attempt  to 
press  upon  us,  which  came  near  costing  them  dearly;  for 
some  of  our  fiery  backwoodsmen  more  than  once  had  their 
rusty  but  unerring  rifles  directed  upon  the  intruders,  some  of 
whom  would  inevitably  have  fallen  before  their  deadly  aim, 
had  not  a  few  of  the  more  prudent  traders  interposed.  The 
savages  made  demonstrations  no  less  hostile,  rushing,  with 
ready  sprung  bows,  upon  a  portion  of  our  men  who  had  gone 
in  search  of  water;  and  mischief  would,  perhaps,  have  en- 
sued, had  not  the  impetuosity  of  the  warriors  been  checked 
by  the  wise  men  of  the  nation. 

The  Indians  were  collecting  around  us,  however,  in  such 
great  numbers,  that  it  was  deemed  expedient  to  force  them 
away,  so  as  to  resume  our  march,  or  at  least  to  take  a  more 
advantageous  position.  Our  company  was  therefore  mus- 
tered and  drawn  up  in  "line  of  battle,"  and,  accompanied 
by  the  sound  of  a  drum  and  fife,  we  marched  towards  the 
main  group  of  the  Indians.  The  latter  seemed  far  more 
delighted  than  frightened  with  this  strange  parade  and 
music,  a  spectacle  they  had,  no  doubt,  never  witnessed  before, 
and  perhaps  looked  upon  the  whole  movement  rather  as  a 
complimentary  salute  than  a  hostile  array ;  for  there  was  no 
interpreter  through  whom  any  communication  could  be  con- 
veyed to  them.  But,  whatever  may  have  been  their  impres- 
sions, one  thing  is  certain, — that  the  principal  chief  (who  was 
dressed  in  a  long  red  coat  of  strouding,  or  coarse  cloth)  ap- 
peared to  have  full  confidence  in  the  virtues  of  his  calumet; 
which  he  lighted,  and  came  boldly  forward  to  meet  our  war- 
like corps,  serenely  smoking  the  "pipe  of  peace."  .  .  . 


Reorganization  329 

The  arrival  of  a  caravan  at  Santa  Fe  changes  the  aspect  Arrival  at 
of  the  place  at  once.     Instead  of  the  idleness  and  stagnation   Santa  F6- 
which  its  streets  exhibited  before,  one  now  sees  everywhere 
the  bustle,  noise  and  activity  of  a  lively  market  town.     As 
the  Mexicans  very  rarely  speak  English,  the  negotiations  are 
conducted  in  Spanish.  .  .  . 

Although  a  fair  variety  of  dry  goods,  silks,  hardware,  Trade, 
etc.,  is  to  be  found  in  this  market,  domestic  cottons,  both 
bleached  and  brown,  constitute  the  great  staple,  of  which 
nearly  equal  quantities  ought  to  enter  into  a  "Santa  Fe 
assortment."  The  demand  for  these  goods  is  such  that  at 
least  one  half  of  our  stocks  of  merchandise  is  made  up  of 
them.  .  .  . 

The  wagons  of  the  return  caravans  are  generally  but  The  return 
lightly  laden.  One  to  two  thousand  pounds  constitute  the  g™^  Fg 
regular  return  cargo  for  a  single  wagon;  for  not  only  are  the 
teams  unable  to  haul  heavy  loads,  on  account  of  the  decay 
of  pasturage  at  this  season,  but  the  approaching  winter  com- 
pels the  traders  to  travel  in  greater  haste;  so  that  this  trip 
is  usually  made  in  about  forty  days.  The  amount  of  freight, 
too,  from  that  direction  is  comparatively  small.  The  remit- 
tances, as  has  already  been  mentioned,  are  chiefly  in  specie, 
or  gold  and  silver  bullion.  The  gold  is  mostly  dust,  from  the 
Placer  or  gold  mine  near  Santa  Fe:  the  silver  bullion  is  all 
from  the  mines  of  the  South — chiefly  from  those  of  Chihuahua. 
To  these  returns  may  be  added  a  considerable  number  of 
mules  and  asses — some  buffalo  rugs,  furs,  and  wool, — which 
last  barely  pays  a  return  freight  for  the  wagons  that  would 
otherwise  be  empty.  Coarse  Mexican  blankets,  which  may 
be  obtained  in  exchange  for  merchandise,  have  been  sold  in 
small  quantities  to  advantage  on  our  border. 

On  the  4th  of  April,  1838,  we  departed  from  Santa  F& 
Our  little  party  was  found  to  consist  of  twenty-three  Ameri- 
cans, with  twelve  Mexican  servants.  We  had  seven  wagons, 
one  dearborn,  and  two  small  field-pieces,  besides  a  large  as- 
sortment of  small-arms.  The  principal  proprietors  carried 
between  them  about  §150,000  in  specie  and  bullion,  being 


330  Readings  in  American  History 

for  the  most  part  the  proceeds  of  the  previous  year's  adven- 
ture. .  .  . 

On  the  llth  of  May  we  arrived  at  Independence,  after  a 
propitious  journey  of  only  thirty-eight  days.  .  .  . 


CHAPTER  XIX     A 
THE   DEVELOPMENT  OF  NATIONALISM,   1815-1830 

68.    THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE 

(James  D.  Richardson,  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents, 
1789-1897,  II,  209  passim.     December  2,  1823.) 

At  the  proposal  of  the  Russian  Imperial  Government,  The  north- 
made  through  the  minister  of  the  Emperor  residing  here,  a  ^tc 
full  power  and  instructions  have  been  transmitted  to  the  Russia. 
minister  of  the  United  States  at  St.  Petersburg  to  arrange 
by  amicable  negotiation  the  respective  rights  and  interests  of 
the  two  nations  on  the  northwest  coast  of  this  continent. 
A  similar  proposal  had  been  made  by  His  Imperial  Majesty 
to  the  Government  of  Great  Britain,  which  has  likewise  been 
acceded  to.  The  Government  of  the  United  States  has  been 
desirous  by  this  friendly  proceeding  of  manifesting  the  great 
value  which  they  have  invariably  attached  to  the  friendship 
of  the  Emperor  and  their  solicitude  to  cultivate  the  best 
understanding  with  his  Government.  In  the  discussions  to 
which  this  interest  has  given  rise  and  in  the  arrangements 
by  which  they  may  terminate  the  occasion  has  been  judged 
proper  for  asserting,  as  a  principle  in  which  the  rights  and 
interests  of  the  United  States  are  involved,  that  the  American 
continents,  by  the  free  and  independent  condition  which 
they  have  assumed  and  maintain,  are  henceforth  not  to  be 
considered  as  subjects  for  future  colonization  by  any  Euro- 
pean powers.  .  .  . 

It  was  stated  at  the  commencement  of  the  last  session  that   Spain  and 
a  great  effort  was  then  making  in  Spain  and  Portugal  to  im- 

331 


332 


Readings  in  American  History 


No  part  in 

European 

wars. 


European 
nations 
not  to 
meddle  in 
American 
affairs. 


No  inter- 
position by 
European 
States  in 
America. 


prove  the  condition  of  the  people  of  those  countries,  and  that 
it  appeared  to  be  conducted  with  extraordinary  moderation. 
It  need  scarcely  be  remarked  that  the  result  has  been  so  far 
very  different  from  what  was  then  anticipated.  Of  events 
in  that  quarter  of  the  globe,  with  which  we  have  so  much 
intercourse  and  from  which  we  derive  our  origin,  we  have 
always  been  anxious  and  interested  spectators.  The  citizens 
of  the  United  States  cherish  sentiments  the  most  friendly  in 
favor  of  the  liberty  and  happiness  of  their  fellow-men  on 
that  side  of  the  Atlantic.  In  the  wars  of  the  European  powers 
in  matters  relating  to  themselves  we  have  never  taken  any 
part,  nor  does  it  comport  with  our  policy  so  to  do.  It  is 
only  when  our  rights  are  invaded  or  seriously  menaced  that 
we  resent  injuries  or  make  preparation  for  our  defense. 
With  the  movements  in  this  hemisphere  we  are  of  necessity 
more  immediately  connected,  and  by  causes  which  must  be 
obvious  to  all  enlightened  and  impartial  observers.  The 
political  system  of  the  allied  powers  is  essentially  different  in 
this  respect  from  that  of  America.  This  difference  proceeds 
from  that  which  exists  in  their  respective  Governments ;  and 
to  the  defense  of  our  own,  which  has  been  achieved  by  the 
loss  of  so  much  blood  and  treasure,  and  matured  by  the  wis- 
dom of  their  most  enlightened  citizens,  and  under  which  we 
have  enjoyed  unexampled  felicity,  this  whole  nation  is  de- 
voted. We  owe  it,  therefore,  to  candor  and  to  the  amicable 
relations  existing  between  the  United  States  and  those  powers 
to  declare  that  we  should  consider  any  attempt  on  their  part 
to  extend  their  system  to  any  portion  of  this  hemisphere  as 
dangerous  to  our  peace  and  safety.  With  the  existing  col- 
onies or  dependencies  of  any  European  power  we  have  not 
interfered  and  shall  not  interfere.  But  with  the  Govern- 
ments who  have  declared  their  independence  and  maintained 
it,  and  whose  independence  we  have,  on  great  consideration 
and  on  just  principles,  acknowledged,  we  could  not  view  any 
interposition  for  the  purpose  of  oppressing  them,  or  controlling 
in  any  other  manner  their  destiny,  by  any  European  power  in 
any  other  light  than  as  the  manifestation  of  an  unfriendly 


The  Development  of  Nationalism  333 

disposition  towards  the  United  States.  In  the  war  between 
those  new  governments  and  Spain  we  declared  our  neutrality 
at  the  time  of  their  recognition,  and  to  this  we  have  adhered, 
and  shall  continue  to  adhere,  provided  no  change  shall  occur 
which,  in  the  judgment  of  the  competent  authorities  of  this 
Government,  shall  make  a  corresponding  change  on  the  part 
of  the  United  States  indispensable  to  their  security. 

The  late  events  in  Spain  and  Portugal  show  that  Europe  . 
is  still  unsettled.  Of  this  important  fact  no  stronger  proof 
can  be  adduced  than  that  the  allied  powers  should  have 
thought  it  proper,  on  any  principle  satisfactory  to  themselves, 
to  have  interposed  by  force  in  the  internal  concerns  of 
Spain.  To  what  extent  such  interposition  may  be  carried, 
on  the  same  principle,  is  a  question  in  which  all  independent 
powers  whose  governments  differ  from  theirs  are  interested, 
even  those  most  remote,  and  surely  none  more  so  than  the 
United  States.  Our  policy  in  regard  to  Europe,  which  was 
adopted  at  an  early  stage  of  the  wars  which  have  so  long 
agitated  that  quarter  of  the  globe,  nevertheless  remains  the 
same,  which  is,  not  to  interfere  in  the  internal  concerns  of  United 
any  of  its  powers;  to  consider  the  governments  "de  facto"  as 
the  legitimate  governments  for  us;  to  cultivate  friendly  re-  fere  in  in- 
lations  with  it,  and  to  preserve  those  relations  by  a  frank,  £.ms  of 


° 


firm,  and  manly  policy,  meeting  in  all  instances  the  just   European 
i    .  P  •••  •••«  suites. 

claims  of  every  power,  submitting  to  injuries  trom  none. 

But  in  regard  to  those  continents  circumstances  are  emi- 
nently and  conspicuously  different.  It  is  impossible  that  the 
allied  powers  should  extend  their  political  system  to  any 
portion  of  either  continent  without  endangering  our  peace 
and  happiness;  nor  can  anyone  believe  that  our  southern 
brethren,  if  left  to  themselves,  would  adopt  it  of  their  own 
accord.  It  is  equally  impossible,  therefore,  that  we  should 
behold  such  interposition  in  any  form  with  indifference.  If 
we  look  to  the  comparative  strength  and  resources  of  Spain 
and  those  new  Governments,  and  their  distance  from  each 
other,  it  must  be  obvious  that  she  can  never  subdue  tlinn. 
It  is  still  the  true  policy  of  the  United  States  to  leave  the 


334  Readings  in  American  History 

parties  to  themselves,  in  the  hope  that  other  powers  will 
pursue  the  same  course.  .  .  . 

69.     THE  PROTECTIVE  TARIFF  AND  THE  SOUTH 

George  McDuffie,  representative  in  Congress  from  South  Carolina, 
was,  in  1830,  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means.  He 
was  noted  for  his  knowledge  of  political  economy.  In  a  speech 
before  the  House,  April  29,  1830,  he  set  forth  views  which  proved 
acceptable  to  his  State  and  the  South  in  general,  namely,  that  the 
producers  of  the  exports  to  foreign  markets  pay  finally  the  duty  on 
the  imports. — (Congressional  Debates,  VI,  part  II,  843  passim.) 

SIR,  I  am  well  convinced  that  the  people  of  the  United 
States  have  not  realized,  even  in  a  partial  degree,  the  nature 
and  extent  of  the  oppression  under  which  the  people  of  the 
southern  states  are  laboring.  .  .  . 

If  I  shall  succeed  in  showing  that  the  States  engaged  in 
the  production  of  cotton,  tobacco,  and  rice,  are  taxed  by  the 
Federal  Government  in  proportion  to  the  amount  of  their 
exports,  it  will  follow  that  those  States  pay  very  nearly  two- 
thirds  of  the  whole  amount  of  the  federal  revenue.  It  will 
also  follow  that  the  states  engaged  in  the  production  of  cotton 
and  rice  alone,  with  a  population  of  little  more  than  two 
millions,  pay  more  than  half  of  that  revenue.  I  am  aware, 
sir,  that  these  propositions  are  calculated  to  startle  those 
who  have  not  examined  the  subject  attentively.  Gentlemen 
will  think  it  scarcely  possible  that  any  population  in  the 
world  could  have  existed,  in  tolerable  comfort,  under  such  a 
weight  of  taxes.  I  will  proceed,  then,  to  the  proof  of  the 
proposition,  that  the  exports  of  the  planting  §tates  indicate 
the  proportion  of  federal  taxes  paid  by  these  States,  taking 
fairly  into  view  the  entire  operation  of  our  fiscal  system. 
And  I  beg  that  those  gentlemen  who  are  in  favor  of  the  exist- 
ing policy,  will  examine  my  arguments  critically,  and,  if  they 
can  detect  any  fallacy  in  it,  that  they  will  expose  it  to  this 
committee.  My  sincere  desire  is  to  arrive  at  the  truth.  If  I 
am  in  error,  it  is  my  anxious  wish  that  it  may  be  clearly  pointed 
out,  as  very  important  issues  may  probably  hang  upon  it. 


The  Development  of  Nationalism  335 

If  the  Southern  planters  were  to  export  their  own  pro-  Proportion 
ductions  in  their  own  ships,  and  import,  in  the  same  way,  ^i^68 
the  merchandise  obtained  in  exchange  for  it,  would  any  doubt  the  South, 
exist  that  they  actually  paid  into  the  treasury  an  amount  of 
taxes  proportioned  to  their  exports?  Exporting  productions 
to  the  amount  of  thirty-seven  millions  of  dollars,  they  would 
pay,  assuming  the  average  rate  of  the  duties  even  at  forty 
per  cent.,  fourteen  millions  eight  hundred  thousand  dollars, 
while  the  States  producing  cotton  and  rice  would  pay  twelve 
millions.  Now,  as  the  importing  merchant  is  nothing  more 
than  the  agent  of  the  planter,  the  true  operation  of  import 
duties  will  be  much  more  clearly  perceived  by  dispensing 
with  this  agency.  It  tends  to  confuse  the  enquirer,  by  keep- 
ing out  of  view  the  real  parties  to  the  proceeding.  The  mer- 
chant certainly  bears  his  own  share  of  the  burdens  of  federal 
taxation ;  but*  the  burdens  of  the  planter  are  in  no  degree 
diminished  by  that  fact.  I  assume,  then,  that  the  planter  is 
subjected  to  precisely  the  same  burden,  as  a  planter,  that  he 
would  be  if  he  had  no  factor  or  commercial  agent,  but  ex- 
ported his  own  produce  himself,  and  imported  what  he  ob- 
tained for  it  abroad.  .  .  . 

There  are  insuperable  objections  to  the  transfer  of  the  Why  no 
capital  and  labor  of  the  southern  planter  from  the  produc-  tureTin0 
tions  of  their  present  staples  to  any  other  employment.  It  tne  South, 
has  been  suggested  that  we  might  enter  upon  the  manufactur- 
ing business.  All  our  habits  disqualify  us  for  this  sort  of 
employment.  It  would  require  ten  or  fifteen  years  of  ruinous 
experiment  before  we  could  acquire  even  a  tolerable  degree 
of  skill,  and,  even  then,  we  could  not  rival  the  manufacturers 
either  of  Europe  or  of  the  northern  States  of  this  Union. 
But,  even  if  we  could  succeed  so  far  as  to  equal  our  domestic 
competitors,  where  should  we  find  a  market  for  our  produc- 
tions? It  would  be  absurd  to  go  to  Europe,  and  equally  so 
to  go  to  the  manufacturing  States  of  our  own  country.  From 
Mexico  we  are  excluded  by  absurd  restrictions,  in  imitation 
of  our  own;  and,  wherever  a  foreign  market  might  be  open, 
we  should  find  ourselves  forestalled  and  excluded  by  the 


I3I3G 


Readings  in  American  History 


Effect  of 
protection 
in  the 
South. 


manufactures  of  Great  Britain  and  New  England.  Is  it  not 
an  insulting  mockery,  then,  to  tell  us  that  we  ought  tamely 
to  submit  to  a  system  which  drives  us  from  our  natural  pur- 
suits, because  we  have  the  wretched  privilege  of  embarking 
in  the  production  of  manufactures,  which  we  have  no  skill 
in  making,  and  for  which  we  could  find  no  market  after  they 
were  made?  Great  Britain  alone  could  supply  the  whole 
world  with  manufactures,  at  little  more  than  half  the  price 
for  which  we  could  afford  to  make  them. 

It  must  be  perfectly  obvious,  that,  even  with  more  op- 
pressive burdens  than  they  have  yet  borne,  the  Southern 
planters  cannot,  to  any  extent  worth  consideration,  divert 
their  capital  and  labor  to  other  employments,  and  thereby 
diminish  the  production  of  their  staples,  with  a  view  to  an 
enhancement  of  their  price.  .  .  . 

What,  then,  let  us  briefly  inquire,  is  the  tendency,  and  what 
has  been  the  effect,  of  the  high  duties  imposed  for  the  pur- 
pose of  protecting  manufactures  and  other  domestic  produc- 
tions? It  is  too  plain  to  admit  of  argument:  indeed  it  has 
been  candidly  admitted  by  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee 
on  Manufactures,  in  former  discussions,  that  domestic  pro- 
ductions can  only  be  protected  by  prohibiting  the  foreign 
articles  that  would  come  in  competition  with  them. 

He  openly  avowed  that  he  aimed  at  prohibition,  and  it 
would  have  been  folly  to  have  aimed  at  less,  if  he  really  meant 
to  give  protection.  No  duty  can  give  any  protection  to  any 
fabric  which  does  not  exclude  a  similar  foreign  fabric;  and 
in  the  very  nature  of  things,  the  amount  of  protection  can- 
not exceed  the  amount  of  prohibition;  though  it  may,  and 
generally  does,  fall  short  of  it.  You  cannot  create  a  de- 
mand, for  example,  for  any  domestic  manufacture,  by  legisla- 
tion, otherwise  than  by  excluding  a  similar  foreign  manufac- 
ture; and  as  your  legislature  is  calculated  to  enhance  the 
price  of  the  article,  you  certainly  cannot  create  by  it  a  demand 
for  a  greater  amount  of  the  domestic  fabric  than  you  exclude 
of  the  foreign.  It  may  be  confidently  assumed,  therefore, 
that  whatever  mav  be  the  amount  of  iron  and  salt,  and 


The  Development  of  Nationalism  337 

manufactures  of  cotton,  wool,  iron,  and  hemp,  which  have 
been  brought  into  existence  in  the  United  States  by  the 
system  of  high  protecting  duties,  at  least  an  equal  amount 
of  foreign  rival  productions  has  been  excluded  by  those  du- 
ties. It  will  not  be  deemed  an  extravagant  estimate  to  sup- 
pose that  the  protecting 'system  has  caused  to  be  produced, 
annually,  articles  of  these  various  kinds,  to  the  amount  of 
twelve  millions  of  dollars,  which  would  not  have  been  pro- 
duced, but  for  the  protection  given  them.  It  follows,  then, 
as  a  corollary,  that  at  least  an  equal  amount  of  these  foreign 
productions  must  have  been  excluded.  But  these  are  the 
very  articles  we  receive  from  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Hol- 
land, in  exchange  for  our  agricultural  staples.  By  excluding 
twelve  millions  of  such  articles,  therefore,  we  necessarily  di- 
minish the  foreign  demand  for  our  staples,  and  principally 
cotton,  to  that  amount.  There  is  scarcely  any  limit  to  the 
consumption  of  our  cotton  in  Europe,  but  that  which  is  im- 
posed by  our  refusal  to  take  manufactures  in  exchange  for  it. 
If,  therefore  we  were  permitted  to  import  the  twelve  millions 
of  dollars  worth  of  manufactures  that  have  been  excluded  by 
our  commercial  restrictions,  or,  rather,  if  they  had  never  been 
excluded  by  those  restrictions,  it  cannot  be  reasonably 
doubted  that  we  should  now  have  a  demand  in  Europe  for  four 
hundred  thousand  bales  of  cotton,  beyond  the  existing  de- 
mand. Even,  therefore,  if  we  grant,  what  is  not  the  fact, 
that  the  whole  of  the  domestic  demand  for  cotton  has  been 
produced  by  the  prohibitory  effect  of  our  tariff,  it  will  follow 
that  we  have  gained  a  market  for  one  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  bales,  by  sacrificing  one  for  four  hundred  thousand. 
From  this  estimate,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  prohibition  of 
foreign  imports  has  resulted  in  curtailing  the  entire  demand 
for  cotton  in  the  markets  of  the  whole  world,  including  our 
own,  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  bales. 

In  addition  then,  to  the  annual  burden  he  bears  in  paying   Loss  to  the 
the  duties  upon  the  imports  he  is  still  permitted  to  bring  into  j^£|fnrt  °"t . 
the  country,  the  planter  sustains  an  annual  loss  of  seven   tariff, 
million  five  hundred  thousand  dollars,  being  the  value  of  the 


338 


Readings  in  American  History 


cotton  for  which  he  has  lost  a  market,  in  consequence  of  the 
unjust  restrictions  imposed  upon  his  lawful  commerce  by  the 
suicidal  policy  of  his  own  Government.  .  .  . 

The  great  misfortune  is,  sir — and  it  gives  us  the  true  key 
to  the  whole  system — that,  while  this  Government  is  an  un- 
divided and  indivisible  unity,  the'  country  over  which  it 
extends  is  divided  into  various  and — disguise  it  as  we  may — 
diametrically  adverse  interests.  Hence,  it  results,  that  the 
law  which  throws  a  restriction  upon  the  commerce  of  the 
Southern  States,  to  the  great  and  obvious  injury  of  the 
planter,  is  obviously  calculated,  and  professedly  intended, 
to  promote  the  interest  of  the  Northern  manufacturer.  If 
the  manufacturer  can  gain  ten  per  cent,  by  the  restriction,  it 
is  his  interest  to  adhere  to  it,  though  it  impose  a  burden  of 
forty  or  fifty  per  cent,  upon  the  planter.  Hence  it  is  that  the 
majority  of  this  House  are  pursuing  a  policy  without  regard 
to  the  interests  of  the  whole  Union,  which  no  human  being 
would  pursue  in  regard  to  his  own  interest.  It  is  worth 
while,  sir,  to  trace  the  operation  of  this  policy  a  little  more  in 
detail.  Great  Britain,  it  is  alleged,  will  not,  or,  which  is  the 
same  thing,  does  not,  in  fact,  purchase  the  grain  of  the  north- 
ern, middle  and  western  States,  and,  consequently,  those 
States  have  nothing  wherewith  to  purchase  British  manufac- 
tures. This  is  the  complaint.  Now,  sir,  if  this  be  true,  the 
wisdom  of  man  could  not  more  effectually  exclude  British 
manufactures,  or  give  a  more  complete  protection  to  domestic 
manufactures,  in  those  States.  If  they  have  nothing  to  give 
in  exchange  for  British  manufactures,  what  earthly  necessity 
is  there  to  exclude  them  by  law?  The  domestic  manufac- 
turer is  absolutely  secured  against  foreign  competition  by 
the  single  fact,  that  the  British  manufacturer  will  not  take 
anything  in  exchange  for  his  fabrics,  which  the  people  of 
those  States  have  to  give.  What,  then,  is  the  real  object  of 
the  restrictions  which  the  tariff  States  are  so  anxious  to  throw 
about  our  foreign  commerce?  It  is  not  sir,  be  assured,  to 
prevent  those  States  from  importing  British  manufactures, 
who  have  nothing  to  give  in  exchange  for  them.  That  would 


The  Development  of  Nationalism  339 

be  impotent  and  gratuitous  legislation.  The  true  object — 
disguise  it  as  gentlemen  may — is  to  prevent  those  States  who 
have  the  means  of  paying  for  British  manufactures,  and  who 
have  a  deep  and  vital  interest  in  preserving  that  branch  of 
commerce,  from  importing  those  manufactures,  in  order  to 
promote  the  interest  of  those  States  who  have  not  the  means 
of  paying  for  British  manufactures,  and  who  really  have,  or 
believe  they  have,  a  deep  and  vital  interest  in  destroying  that 
branch  of  commerce.  Twist  it  and  turn  it  as  you  may,  "  to 
this  complexion  it  must  come  at  last."  Hence  it  is,  that  to 
the  gross  inequality  of  the  revenue  system  of  the  United 
States,  the  majority  of  Congress  have  superadded  the  intol- 
erable burdens  of  the  prohibitory  system.  Will  any  gentle-  inequality 
man  from  Massachusetts,  or  Rhode  Island,  or  Vermont,  have  ^[f^ntla 
the  hardihood  to  maintain  that  the  duties  imposed  on  cotton  states, 
and  woollen  manufactures,  varying  from  forty  to  sixty  per 
cent,  are  equally  a  burden  upon  his  constituents  as  they  are 
upon  mine?  Will  any  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  assert 
that  the  enormous  duty  upon  iron  imposes  an  equal  burden 
upon  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  and  upon  those  of  South 
Carolina?  On  the  contrary,  do  not  these  gentlemen  distinctly 
and  openly  avow  that  the  duties  which  throw  a  grievous  and 
oppressive  burden  upon  the  people  of  the  Southern  States, 
operate  as  a  beneficial  and  sustaining  bounty  to  the  people 
of  the  northern  and  eastern  States?  .  .  . 

This,  sir,  disguise  it  as  gentlemen  may,  is  the  true  question 
involved  in  the  protecting  system.  The  tariff  States  would 
permit  every  establishment  within  their  limits  to  sink  into 
utter  ruin,  before  they  would  levy  taxes  from  their  own 
citizens  to  nourish  and  sustain  them.  That  would  be  too 
plain  and  palpable  a  proceeding.  It  would  instantly  open 
the  eyes  of  the  people  to  the  true  character  of  the  protecting 
system.  It  would  tear  off  from  the  monster  the  veil  which 
conceals  its  horrible  deformity,  and  break  its  infatuating 
charm  forever.  If  the  protection  afforded  to  the  manufac- 
turers by  this  Government  were  entirely  withdrawn  to- 
morrow, I  do  not  believe  there  is  a  State  Legislature  in  the 


340 


'Readings  in  American  History 


Union,  that  would  dare  to  substitute  an  equivalent  protection 
in  the  form  of  pecuniary  bounties  drawn  from  the  people  of 
the  State,  and  appropriated  from  the  public  treasury.  Noth- 
ing that  could  be  possibly  suggested,  in  the  way  of  argument, 
would  exhibit  the  palpable  injustice  of  this  system  in  so 
strong  a  light  as  the  course  pursued,  in  this  respect,  by  the 
Legislatures  of  the  tariff  States. 

Would  any  man  believe,  sir,  that  the  Legislature  of  a 
sovereign  State  would  memorialize  Congress  to  protect  the 
manufactures  of  that  State,  by  imposing  restrictions  and  du- 
ties upon  the  commerce  of  other  States,  when  that  Legisla- 
ture, having  the  admitted  power  to  protect  those  manufac- 
tures, utterly  neglects  to  do  it?  yet  such  was  the  conduct  of 
the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts;  and  such  is,  substantially, 
the  course  pursued  by  the  Legislatures  of  all  the  tariff 
States.  .  .  . 

Men  confederated  together  on  selfish  and  interested  prin- 
ciples, whether  in  pursuit  of  the  offices  or  the  bounties  of 
Government,  are  ever  more  active  and  vigilant  than  the  great 
majority,  who  act  from  disinterested  and  patriotic  impulses. 
Have  we  not  witnessed  it  on  this  floor,  sir?  Who  ever  knew 
the  tariff  men  to  divide  on  any  question  affecting  their  con- 
federated interests?  If  you  propose  to  reduce  any  one  of 
the  duties,  no  matter  how  obvious  the  expediency  of  the  re- 
duction, they  will  tell  you,  if  not  in  plain  words,  at  least  by 
their  conduct,  that  the  duty  you  propose  to  reduce,  is  very 
oppressive  and  unjust,  as  in  the  case  of  salt;  or  very  absurd 
and  suicidal,  as  in  the  case  of  raw  wool;  but  that,  if  you  re- 
duce either  of  these  duties,  a  proposition  will  be  made  to  re- 
duce some  other,  and  then  some  other,  until  the  whole  system 
of  confederated  interests  will  be  shaken  to  its  center.  The 
watchword  is,  stick  to-gether,  right  or  wrong,  upon  every 
question  affecting  the  common  cause.  Such,  sir,  is  the  con- 
cert and  vigilance,  and  such  the  combinations  by  which  the 
manufacturing  party,  acting  upon  the  interests  of  some,  and 
the  prejudices  of  others,  have  obtained  a  decided  and  perma- 
nent control  over  public  opinion  in  the  tariff  States. 


The  Development  of  Nationalism  341 

All  the  representatives  of  those  States,  however  decidedly 
opposed  in  principle  to  the  prohibitory  policy,  are  constrained 
to  regard  the  interests  of  the  manufacturers  as  that  of  their 
constituents  at  large.  No  man,  sir,  from  a  manufacturing 
district,  would  dare  to  vote  against  any  measure,  however 
unjust  and  oppressive,  if  it  be  only  deemed  beneficial  to  the 
manufacturers,  and  denominated  a  tariff.  .  .  . 

There  is  no  form  of  despotism  that  has  ever  existed  upon  The  South 
the  face  of  the  earth,  more  monstrous  and  horrible  than  that  by^n"6* 
of  a  representative  Government  acting  beyond  the  sphere  of  unjust 

•U-I-.L         T  -u  j  tariff  law. 

its  responsibility.  Liberty  is  an  empty  sound,  and  represen- 
tation worse  than  a  vain  delusion,  unless  the  action  of  the 
Government  be  so  regulated  that  responsibility  and  power 
shall  be  co-extensive.  Now,  I  would  be  glad  to  know,  under 
what  responsibility  the  majority  of  this  House  act,  in  imposing 
burden  upon  the  industry  of  the  Southern  people,  and  in  wag- 
ing this  merciless  warfare  against  their  commerce.  Are  they, 
in  the  slightest  degree,  responsible  to  those  upon  whom  they 
impose  these  heavy  burdens?  Have  they  any  feelings  of 
common  interest  or  common  sympathy  to  restrain  them  from 
oppression  and  tyranny?  Does  the  system  of  prohibitory 
duties,  which  falls  with  such  a  destructive  power  upon  the 
dearest  interests  of  the  southern  people,  impose  any  burden, 
or  inflict  any  injury  at  all,  upon  the  constituents  of  that 
majority  by  which  it  has  been  adopted? 

The  very  reverse  of  all  this  is  true.  The  majority  which 
imposes  these  oppressive  taxes  upon  the  people  of  the  South, 
so  far  from  being  responsible  to  them,  or  to  those  who  have 
any  common  interest  or  common  sympathy  with  them,  in 
relation  to  the  matter,  are  responsible  to  the  very  men  who 
have  been  for  the  last  ten  years,  making  the  welkin  ring  with 
their  clamors  for  the  imposition  of  these  very  burdens.  Yes, 
sir,  those  who  lay  the  iron  hand  of  unconstitutional  and  law- 
less taxation  upon  the  people  of  the  southern  States,  are  not 
the  representatives  of  those  who  pay  the  taxes,  or  have  any 
participation  in  it,  but  the  representatives  of  those  who 
receive  the  bounty,  and  put  it  in  their  pockets.  .  .  . 


CHAPTER  XX 

THE  NEW  DEMOCRACY  AND  THE  INCREASE  OF  SEC- 
TIONAL FEELING,  1830-1845 

70.     THE  REAL  ANDREW  JACKSON 

During  a  period  of  sixty-four  years  Josiah  Quincy  kept  journals 
in  which  he  gave  his  impressions  of  the  men  and  events  of  his  time. 
— (Josiah  Quincy,  Figures  of  the  Past,  352  passim.  Boston,  1901. 
By  permission  of  the  publishers,  D.  Appleton  &  Co.) 

I  was  fairly  startled,  a  few  days  ago,  at  the  remark  of  a 
young  friend  who  is  something  of  a  student  of  American 
History.  "Of  course,"  said  he,  "General  Jackson  was  not 
what  you  would  call  a  gentleman!"  Now,  although  I  had 
only  a  holiday  acquaintance  with  the  General,  and  although 
a  man  certainly  puts  on  his  best  manners  when  undergoing  a 
public  reception,  the  fact  was  borne  in  upon  me  that  the 
seventh  President  was,  in  essence,  a  knightly  personage, — 
prejudiced,  narrow,  mistaken  upon  many  points,  it  might  be, 
but  vigorously  a  gentleman  in  his  high  sense  of  honor  and  in 
the  natural  straightforward  courtesies  which  are  easily  to  be 
distinguished  from  the  veneer  of  policy;  and  I  was  not  pre- 
pared to  be  favorably  impressed  with  a  man  who  was  simply 
intolerable  to  the  Brahmin  caste,  of  my  native  State.  Had 
not  the  legislature  of  New  Hampshire  actually  changed  the 
name  of  a  town  from  Adams  to  Jackson ;  thereby  performing 
a  contemptible  act  of  flattery,  which  to  the  excited  imagina- 
tion of  the  period,  seemed  sufficient  to  discredit  republican 
government  forever  after?  Had  not  this  man  driven  from 
their  places  the  most  faithful  officers  of  government,  to  satisfy 
a  spirit  of  persecution  relentless  and  bitter  beyond  precedent? 

342 


The  New  Democracy  343 

I  did  not  forget  these  things  when  I  received  Governor 
Lincoln's  order  to  act  as  special  aide-de-camp  to  the  President 
during  his  visit  to' Massachusetts ;  and  I  felt  somewhat  out 
of  place  when  I  found  myself  advancing  from  one  side  of 
Pawtucket  Bridge  (on  the  morning  of  June  20,  1833)  to  meet 
a  slender, '  military-looking  person  who  had  just  left  the 
Rhode  Island  side  of  that  structure.  ...  If  I  had  suddenly 
received  orders  to  express  to  General  Jackson  my  detestation 
of  his  presidential  policy,  I  think  I  should  have  been  equal 
to  the  occasion.  My  business,  however,  was  to  deliver  an  Jackson 
address  of  welcome,  and  here  was  Jackson  himself,  advancing  *" 
in  solitary  state  to  hear  it.  ...  As  we  rode  through  divers 
small  towns,  receiving  salutes  and  cheers  at  their  centers, 
the  President  talked  constantly  and  expressed  himself  with 
great  freedom  about  persons.  His  conversation  was  inter- 
esting from  its  sincerity,  decision  and  point.  It  was  easy  to 
see  that  he  was  not  a  man  to  accept  a  difference  of  opinion 
with  equanimity;  but  that  was  clearly  because,  he  being 
honest  and  earnest,  Heaven  would  not  suffer  his  opinions  to 
be  other  than  right.  Mr.  Van  Buren,  on  the  other  hand,  Martin 
might  have  posed  for  a  statue  of  Diplomacy.  He  had  the 
softest  way  of  uttering  his  cautious  observations,  and  evidently 
considered  the  impression  every  word  would  make.  .  .  . 

At  Roxbury,  which  we  reached  about  four  o'clock  in  the  Jackson's 
afternoon,  we  found  a  triumphal  arch,  and  Mr.  Jonathan  r 
Dorr  to  speak  for  the  assembled  citizens.     The  orator  was, 
mercifully,  very  brief;    indeed  his  speech  consisted  of  little 
more  than  an  original  couplet: — 

"And  may  his  powerful  arm  long  remain  nerved 
Who  said:  The  Union,  it  must  be  preserved!" 

"Sir,"  exclaimed  Jackson,  in  reply,  "it  shall  be  preserved  as 
long  as  there  is  a  nerve  in  this  arm!"  .  .  . 

On  Monday  the  President  was  confined  to  his  room  and, 
indeed,  to  his  bed  by  indisposition.  He  asked  me  to  read 
the  newspapers  to  him,  and  took  great  delight  in  the  narra- 
tives of  Jack  Downing  (the  Mark  Twain  of  the  period), 


344 


Readings  in  American  History 


who  purported  to  accompany  the  presidential  party  and  to 
chronicle  its  doings.  "The  Vice-President  must  have 
written  that,"  said  Jackson  after  some  specially  happy  hit. 
"  Depend  upon  it,  Jack  Downing  is  only  Van  Buren  in  mas- 
querade." If  it  were  permitted  to  doubt  the  infallibility  of 
the  medical  faculty,  I  should  have  questioned  whether  phle- 
botomy was  the  best  prescription  in  the  world  for  the  thin 
elderly  gentleman  upon  the  bed ;  but  when  my  valued  family 
physician,  Dr.  Warren  twice  guided  the  lancet,  a  layman's 
dissent  would  have  been  preposterous.  I  remember,  upon 
another  occasion,  standing  over  the  bedside  of  a  friend  pros- 
trated by  a  most  uncommon  disorder  and  instinctively  pro- 
testing when  three  of  the  most  eminent  physicians  of  Boston 
declared  that  there  was  no  safety  but  in  a  thorough  blood- 
letting. I  mentioned  the  disorder  in  question  to  a  distin- 
guished doctor  of  the  present  day,  and  asked  him  whether 
bleeding  would  be  resorted  to  in  its  treatment.  "Never!" 
was  the  prompt  reply.  "Not  under  any  circumstances."  .  .  . 
The  morning  of  Wednesday,  the  25th,  was  chilly  and  over- 
cast, not  at  all  the  sort  of  day  for  an  invalid  to  encounter 
the  fatigues  of  travel  and  reception.  At  ten  o'clock,  never- 
theless, the  President  appeared,  and  took  his  seat  in  the 
barouche  and  was  greeted  with  the  acclamations  which  will 
always  be  forthcoming  when  democratic  sovereignty  is  seen 
embodied  in  flesh  and  blood.  Very  little  flesh  in  this  case, 
however,  and  only  such  trifle  of  blood  as  the  doctors  had 
thought  not  worth  appropriating.  But  the  spirit  in  Jackson 
was  resolute  to  conquer  physical  infirmity.  His  eye  seemed 
brighter  than  ever,  and  all  aglow  with  the  mighty  will  which 
can  compel  the  body  to  execute  its  behests.  He  was  full  of 
conversation  as  we  drove  to  Cambridge,  to  get  that  doctorate 
whose  bestowal  occasioned  many  qualms  to  the  high-toned 
friends  of  Harvard.  College  degrees  were  then  supposed  to 
have  a  meaning  which  has  long  ago  gone  out  of  them;  and 
to  many  excellent  persons  it  seemed  a  degrading  mummery 
to  dub  a  man  Doctor  of  Laws  who  was  credited  with  caring 
for  no  laws  whatever  which  conflicted  with  his  personal  will. 


The  New  Democracy  345 

John  Quincy  Adams,  I  remember,  was  especially  disturbed 
at  this  academic  recognition  of  Jackson,  and  actually  asked 
my  father,  who  was  then  president  of  the  college,  whether 
there  was  no  way  of  avoiding  it.  "  Why,  no,"  was  the  reply. 
"As  the  people  have  twice  decided  that  this  man  knows  law 
enough  to  be  their  ruler,  it  is  not  for  Harvard  College  to 
maintain  that  they  are  mistaken."  .  .  . 

Fifty  years  have  taught  sensible  men  to  estimate  college 
training  at  its  true  worth.  It  is  now  clear  that  it  does  not 
furnish  the  exclusive  entrance  to  paths  of  the  highest  honor. 
The  career  of  Abraham  Lincoln  has  made  impossible  a  certain 
academic  priggishness  which  belonged  to  an  earlier  period  of 
our  national  existence.  Jackson's  ignorance  of  books  was 
perhaps  exaggerated,  and  his  more  useful  knowledge  of  things 
and  human  relations  was  not  apparent  to  his  political  op- 
ponents, to  whom  the  man  was  but  a  dangerous  bundle  of 
chimeras  and  prejudices;  but  I  do  not  need  the  testimony  of 
a  diary  now  before  me  to  confirm  the  statement  that  his  ap- 
pearance before  that  Cambridge  audience  instantly  produced 
a  toleration  which  quickly  merged  into  something  like  ad- 
miration and  respect.  The  name  of  Andrew  Jackson  was, 
indeed,  one  to  frighten  naughty  children  with ;  but  the  person 
who  went  by  it  wrought  a  mysterious  charm  upon  old  or 
young.  .  .  . 

The  exercises  in  the  Chapel  were  for  the  most  part  in  Latin. 
My  father  addressed  the  President  in  that  language,  repeat- 
ing a  composition  upon  which  he  somewhat  prided  himself, 
for  Dr.  Beck,  after  making  two  verbal  corrections  in  his 
manuscript,  had  declared  it  to  be  as  good  Latin  as  a  man 
need  write.  Then  we  had  some  more  Latin  from  young  Mr. 
Francis  Brown,  of  the  senior  class,  a  gentleman  whose  name 
has  since  been  associated  with  so  much  fine  and  weighty 
English.  There  were  also  a  few  modest  words,  presumably 
in  the  vernacular,  though  scarcely  audible  from  the  recipient 
of  the  doctorate. 

But  it  has  already  been  intimated  that  tin-re  were  two 
Jacksons  who  were  at  that  time  making  the  tour  of  New 


346  Readings  in  American  History 

England.  One  was  the  person  whom  I  have  endeavored  to 
describe;  the  other  may  be  called  the  Jackson  of  comic 
myth,  whose  adventures  were  minutely  set  forth  by  Mr. 
Jack  Downing  and  his  brother  humorists.  The  Harvard 
degree  as  bestowed  upon  the  latter  personage,  offered  a 
situation  which  the  chroniclers  of  the  grotesque  could  in  no 
wise  resist.  A  hint  of  Downing  was  seized  upon,  expanded 
as  it  flew  from  mouth  to  mouth,  until,  at  last,  it  has  actually 
been  met  skulking  near  the  back  door  of  history  in  form 
something  like  this.  General  Jackson,  upon  being  ha- 
rangued in  Latin,  found  himself  in  a  position  of  immense 
perplexity.  It  was  simply  decent  for  him  to  reply  in  the 
learned  language  in  which  he  was  addressed;  but,  alas!  the 
Shakespearian  modicum  of  "small  Latin"  was  all  that  Old 
Hickory  possessed,  and  what  he  must  do  was  clearly  to  rise 
to  the  situation  and  make  the  most  of  it.  There  were  those 
college  fellows,  chuckling  over  his  supposed  humiliation ;  but 
they  were  to  meet  a  man  who  was  not  to  be  caught  in  the 
classical  trap  they  had  set  for  him.  Rising  to  his  feet  just  at 
the  proper  moment,  the  new  Doctor  of  Laws  astonished  the 
assembly  with  a  Latin  address,  in  which  Dr.  Beck  himself  was 
unable  to  discover  a  single  error.  A  brief  quotation  from 
this  eloquent  production  will  be  sufficient  to  exhibit  its  char- 
acter: "  Caveat  emptor;  corpus  delicti;  ex  post  facto;  dies 
irse;  e  pluribus  unum;  usque  ad  nauseam;  Ursa  Major; 
sic  semper  tyrannis;  quid  pro  quo;  requiescat  in  pace." 
Now  this  foolery  was  immensely  taking  in  the  day  of  it;  and 
mimics  were  accustomed  to  throw  social  assemblies  into 
paroxysms  of  delight  by  imitating  Jackson  in  the  delivery  of 
his  Latin  speech.  .  .  . 

He  took  leave  of  me  with  hearty  cordiality.  "  Come  and 
see  me  at  the  White  House;  or,  better  still,  at  the  Hermitage, 
if  I  live  to  return  to  it."  I  left  him  feeling  that  he  had  moder- 
ated his  views,  and  would  be  a  wiser  President  than  he  had 
been.  The  astounding  measure  known  as  the  Removal  of 
the  Deposits  soon  dissipated  these  hopeful  fancies.  The 
transference  of  the  national  money  to  the  "Pet  Banks"  pro- 


The  New  Democracy  347 

duced  temporary  inflation,  to  be  followed  by  years  of  utter 
business  stagnation.  Never  again  could  President  Jackson 
have  been  warmly  welcomed  to  Massachusetts.  .  .  . 

71.    INAUGURATION  OF  ANDREW  JACKSON,  1829 

(Mrs.  Samuel  Harrison  Smith,  Diaries  and  Family  Letters,  edited 
by  Gaillard  Hunt,  Scribner's  Magazine,  XL,  November,  1906,  pp. 
616-622.) 

March  11,  Sunday  [1829]. 

.  .  .  Thursday  morning.  I  left  the  rest  of  this  sheet  for  inaugural 
an  account  of  the  inauguration.  It  was  not  a  thing  of  detail,  sceaea- 
of  a  succession  of  small  incidents.  No,  it  was  one  grand 
whole,  an  imposing  and  majestic  spectacle  &  to  a  reflective 
mind  one  of  moral  sublimity.  Thousands  &  thousands  of 
people,  without  distinction  of  rank,  collected  in  an  immense 
mass  round  the  Capitol,  silent,  orderly  &  tranquil,  with  their 
eyes  fixed  on  the  front  of  that  edifice,  waiting  the  appearance 
of  the  President  in  the  portico.  The  door  from  the  Rotunda 
opens,  preceded  by  the  marshals,  surrounded  by  the  Judges 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  the  old  man  with  his  grey  locks,  that 
crown  of  glory,  advances,  bows  to  the  people,  who  greet  him 
with  a  shout  that  rends  the  air,  the  Cannons,  from  the  heights 
around,  from  Alexandria  &  Fort  Warburton,  proclaim  the 
oath  he  has  taken  &  all  the  hills  reverberate  the  sound.  It 
was  grand — it  was  sublime!  An  almost  breathless  silence 
succeeded  &  the  multitude  was  still — listening  to  catch  the 
sound  of  his  voice,  tho'  it  was  so  low,  as  to  be  heard  only  by 
those  nearest  to  him.  After  reading  his  speech,  the  oath  was 
administered  to  him  by  the  Chief  Justice.  The  Marshal  pre- 
sented the  Bible.  The  President  took  it  from  his  hands, 
pressed  his  lips  to  it,  laid  it  reverently  down,  then  bowed 
again  to  the  people — Yes,  to  the  people  in  all  their  majesty. 
And  had  the  spectacle  closed  here,  even  Europeans  must 
have  acknowledged,  that  a  free  people,  collected  in  their 
might,  silent  &  tranquil,  restrained  solely  by  a  moral  power, 
without  a  shadow  around  of  military  force,  was  majesty, 


348  Readings  in  American  History 

rising  to  sublimity,  &  far  surpassing  the  majesty  of  Kings  & 
Princes,  surrounded  with  armies  &  glittering  in  gold.  But  I 
will  not  anticipate,  but  will  give  you  an  account  of  the  inau- 
guration in  more  detail.  The  whole  of  the  preceding  day/ 
immense  crowds  were  coming  into  the  city  from  all  parts, 
lodgings  could  not  be  obtained,  &  the  newcomers  had  to  go 
to  George  Town,  which  soon  overflowed  &  others  had  to  go 
to  Alexandria.  I  was  told  the  Avenue  &  adjoining  streets 
were  so  crowded  on  Tuesday  afternoon  that  it  was  difficult 
to  pass. 

A  national  salute  was  fired  early  in  the  morning,  &  ushered 
in  the  4th  of  March.  By  ten  oclock  the  Avenue  was 
crowded  with  carriages  of  every  description,  from  the  splen- 
did Barronet  &  coach,  down  to  waggons  &  carts,  filled  with 
women  &  children,  some  in  finery  &  some  in  rags,  for  it  was 
the  peoples  President,  &  all  would  see  him;  the  men  all 
walked.  .  .  .  The  terraces,  the  Balconies,  the  Porticos  seemed 
as  we  approached  already  filled.  We  rode  round  the  whole 
square,  taking  a  view  of  the  animated  scene.  Then  leaving 
the  carriage  outside  of  the  palisades,  we  entered  the  enclosed 
grounds,  .  .  .  from  the  South  Terrace  we  had  a  view  of  Penn- 
sylvania &  Louisiana  Avenues,  crowded  with  people  hurrying 
towards  the  Capitol.  It  was  a  most  exhilirating  scene!  .  .  . 
We  stood  on  the  South  steps  of  the  terrace;  when  the  ap- 
pointed hour  came  saw  the  General  &  his  company  advancing 
up  the  avenue,  slow,  very  slow,  so  impeded  was  his  march 
by  the  crowds  thronging  around  him.  Even  from  a  distance, 
he  could  be  discerned  from  those  who  accompanied  him,  for 
he  only  was  uncovered,  (the  Servant  in  presence  of  his  Sover- 
eign, the  People).  The  south  side  of  the  Capitol  hill  was 
literally  alive  with  the  multitude,  who  stood  ready  to  receive 
the  hero  &  the  multitude  who  attended  him.  "  There,  there, 
that  is  he,"  exclaimed  different  voices.  "Which?"  asked 
others.  "  He  with  the  white  head,"  was  the  reply.  "  Ah," 
exclaimed  others,  "  there  is  the  old  man  &  his  gray  hair,  there 
is  the  old  veteran,  there  is  Jackson."  At  last  he  enters  the 
gate  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  &  turns  to  the  road  that  leads 


The  New  Democracy  349 

round  to  the  front  of  the  Capitol.  In  a  moment  every  one 
who  until  then  had  stood  like  statues  gazing  on  the  scene 
below  them,  rushed  onward,  to  right,  to  left,  to  be  ready  to 
receive  him  in  the  front.  .  .  .  The  Portico  &  grand  steps 
leading  to  it,  were  filled  with  ladies.  Scarlet,  purple,  blue, 
yellow,  white  draperies  &  waving  plumes  of  every  kind  & 
colour,  among  the  white  marble  pillars,  had  a  fine  effect.  In 
the  centre  of  the  portico  was  a  table  covered  with  scarlet,  be- 
hind it  the  closed  door  leading  into  the  rotunda,  below  the 
Capitol  &  all  around,  a  mass  of  living  beings,  not  a  ragged 
mob,  but  well  dressed  &  well  behaved  respectable  &  worthy 
citizens.  .  .  .  The  sun  had  been  obscured  through  the  morn- 
ing by  a  mist,  or  haziness.  But  the  concussion  in  the  air, 
produced  by  the  discharge  of  the  cannon,  dispersed  it  &  the 
sun  shone  forth  in  all  his  brightness.  At  the  moment  the 
General  entered  the  Portico  &  advanced  to  the  table,  the  shout 
that  rent  the  air,  still  resounds  in  my  ears.  ^When  the 
speech  was  over,  &  the  President  made  his  parting  bow,  the 
barrier  that  had  separated  the  people  from  him  was  broken 
down,  &  they  rushed  up  the  steps  all  eager  to  shake  hands 
with  him.  It  was  with  difficulty  he  made  his  way  through 
the  Capitol  &  down  the  hill  to  the  gateway  that  opens  on  the 
avenue.  Here  for  a  moment  he  was  stopped.  The  living 
mass  was  impenetrable.  After  a  while  a  passage  was  opened 
&  he  mounted  his  horse  which  had  been  provided  for  his  re- 
turn (for  he  had  walked  to  the  Capitol)  then  such  a  cortege 
as  followed  him !  Country  men,  farmers,  gentlemen,  mounted 
&  dismounted,  boys,  women  &  children,  black  &  white.  Car- 
riages, wagons  &  carts,  all  pursuing  him  to  the  President's 
house, — this  I  only  heard  of  for  our  party  went  out  at  the 
opposite  side  of  the  square  &  went  to  Col.  Benton's  lodgings, 
to  visit  Mrs.  Benton  &  Mrs.  Gilmore.  Here  was  a  perfect 
levee,  at  least  a  hundred  ladies  &  gentlemen,  all  happy  &  re- 
joicing,— wine  &  cake  was  handed  in  profusion.  We  sat  with 
this  company  &  stopped  on  the  summit  of  the  hill  until  the 
avenue  was  comparatively  clear,  tho'  at  any  other  time  we 
should  have  thought  it  terribly  crowded.  Streams  of  people 


350  Readings  in  American  History 

on  foot  &  of  carriages  of  all  kinds,  still  pouring  towards  the 
President's  house.  .  .  .  We  set  off  to  the  President's  House, 
but  on  a  nearer  approach  found  an  entrance  impossible,  the 
yard  &  avenue  was  compact  with  living  matter.  .  .  .  We 
continued  promenading  here,  until  near  three,  returned  home 
unable  to  stand  &  threw  ourselves  on  the  sopha.  Some  one 
came  &  informed  us  the  crowd  before  the  President's  house, 
was  so  far  lessen'd,  that  they  thought  we  might  enter.  This 
time  we  effected  our  purpose.  But  what  a  scene  did  we  wit- 
ness !  The  Majesty  of  the  People  had  disappeared,  &  a  rabble, 
a  mob,  of  boys,  negros,  women,  children,  scrambling,  fighting, 
romping.  What  a  pity,  what  a  pity !  No  arrangements  had 
been  made,  no  police  officers  placed  on  duty  &  the  whole 
house  had  been  inundated  by  the  rabble  mob.  We  came  too 
late.  The  President,  after  having  been  literally  nearly  pressed 
to  death  &  almost  suffocated  &  torn  to  pieces  by  the  people 
in  their  eagerness  to  shake  hands  with  Old  Hickory,  had  re- 
treated through  the  back  way  or  south  front  &  had  escaped 
to  his  lodgings  at  Gadsby's.  Cut  glass  &  china  to  the  amount 
of  several  thousand  dollars  had  been  broken  in  the  struggle 
to  get  the  refreshments,  punch  &  other  articles  had  been  car- 
ried out  in  tubs  &  buckets,  but  had  it  been  in  hogsheads  it 
would  have  been  insufficient,  ice-cream,  &  cake  &  lemonade, 
for  20,000  people,  for  it  is  said  that  number  were  there,  tho' 
I  think  the  estimate  exaggerated.  Ladies  fainted,  men  were 
seen  with  bloody  noses  &  such  a  scene  of  confusion  took  place 
as  is  impossible  to  describe, — those  who  got  in  could  not  get 
out  by  the  door  again,  but  had  to  scramble  out  of  windows. 
At  one  time,  the  President  who  had  retreated  &  retreated 
until  he  was  pressed  against  the  wall,  could  only  be  secured 
by  a  number  of  gentlemen  forming  round  him  &  making  a 
kind  of  barrier  of  their  own  bodies,  &  the  pressure  was  so 
great  that  Col.  Bomford  who  was  one  at  one  time,  said  he 
was  afraid  they  should  have  been  pushed  down,  or  on  the 
President.  It  was  then  the  windows  were  thrown  open,  & 
the  torrent  found  an  outlet,  which  otherwise  might  have 
proved  fatal. 


The  Neic  Democracy  351 

This  concourse  had  not  been  anticipated  &  therefore  not 
provided  against.  Ladies  &  gentlemen,  only  had  been  ex- 
pected at  this  Levee,  not  the  people  en  masse.  But  it  was 
the  People's  day,  &  the  People's  President  &  the  People 
would  rule.  God  grant  that  one  day  or  other,  the  People,  do 
not  put  down  all  rule  &  rulers.  I  fear,  enlightened  Freemen 
as  they  are,  they  will  be  found,  as  they  have  been  found  in 
all  ages  &  countries  where  they  get  the  Power  in  their  hands, 
that  of  all  tyrants,  they  are  the  most  ferocious,  cruel  &  des- 
potic. The  noisy  &  disorderly  rabble  in  the  President's 
House  brought  to  my  mind  descriptions  I  had  read,  of  the 
mobs  in  the  Tuilleries  &  at  Versailles.  I  expect  to  hear  the 
carpets  &  furniture  are  ruined;  the  streets  were  muddy,  &  /) 
these  guests  all  went  thither  on  foot.  .  .  .  •  *•  «s/ 

Everybody  is  in  a  state  of  agitation, — gloomy  or  glad.  A 
universal  removal  in  the  departments  is  apprehended,  &  many 
are  quaking  &  trembling,  where  all  depend  on  their  places. 

The  city,  so  crowded  &  bustling,  by  to-morrow  will  be 
silent  &  deserted,  for  people  are  crowding  away  as  eagerly  as 
they  crowded  here.  .  .  . 


72.    CHICAGO  IN  1837 

During  the  thirties  there  were  many  accounts  of  the  West  written 
by  travellers,  describing  the  facilities  for  trade,  fertility  of  the  soil, 
and  rapidity  of  the  growth  of  population. — (H.  L.  Ellsworth,  A  Sketch 
of  the  State  of  Illinois,  also  Suggestions  to  Emigrants.  Philadelphia, 

1837.) 

The  city  of  Chicago  is  the  largest  place  in  the  state  of  Growth  of 
Illinois,  and  has  grown  up  almost  entirely  within  the  last  ( 
seven  years.     Its  growth,  even  for  western  cities,  has  been 
unexampled.     In  Dr.  Beck's  Gazetteer,  published  in  1823, 
Chicago  is  described  as  a  village  of  10  or  12  houses,  and  60 
or  70  inhabitants.     In  1832,  it  contained  five  small  stores, 
and  250  inhabitants;  and  now  (1837)  the  population  amounts 
to  8000,  with  120  stores,  besides  a  number  of  groceries;   of 
the  former,  twenty  sell  by  wholesale.     It  has  also  twelve 


352 


Readings  in  American  History 


Religious 
organiza- 
tions. 


Manufac- 
tures. 


public  houses,  three  newspapers,  near  fifty  lawyers,  and  up- 
wards of  thirty  physicians. 

Chicago  is  connected  by  means  of  the  numerous  steam- 
boats, ships,  brigs,  schooners,  etc.,  that  navigate  the  great 
fresh  water  seas  of  the  north,  with  all  the  different  trading 
ports  on  lakes  Michigan,  Huron,  and  Erie,  and  especially 
with  Buffalo,  to  and  from  which  city  various  lines  of  regular 
packets  are  constantly  departing  and  arriving.  Some  of  the 
steamboats  are  of  great  power  and  burthen.  The  James 
Madison,  built  last  winter  at  Erie,  Pennsylvania,  expressly 
for  the  Chicago,  Milwaukee,  and  Buffalo  trade,  on  her  first 
trip  in  May  of  the  present  year,  carried  over  4000  barrels 
freight,  and  upwards  of  900  adult  passengers,  besides  a  large 
number  of  children;  and  the  receipts  for  the  voyage  were 
estimated  at  18,000  dollars.  It  is  intended  to  have  this  vessel 
leave  Chicago  and  Buffalo  every  18  days.  The  James  Madi- 
son is  185  feet  in  length,  31  feet  beam,  and  45  feet  in  width 
on  deck  including  the  guards,  12  feet  depth  of  hold,  720  tons 
burthen,  and  propelled  by  a  high-pressure  horizontal  engine 
of  180  horse  power. 

The  merchandize  imported  into  Chicago  in  the  year  1836 
amounted  in  weight  to  28,000  tons,  and  in  value  to  upwards 
of  three  millions  of  dollars,  beside  a  vast  number  of  immigrants 
with  their  families,  provisions,  etc.  There  arrived  in  the 
same  year  456  vessels,  including  49  steamboats,  10  ships  and 
barques;  the  rest,  brigs,  schooners,  and  sloops.  During  the 
last  winter,  127  teams,  loaded  with  merchandize  for  the  coun- 
try, were  counted  in  the  street  in  one  day. 

The  Presbyterians,  Methodists,  Baptists,  Episcopalians, 
and  Roman  Catholics,  each  have  houses  of  worship.  There 
are  likewise  one  or  more,  insurance  companies,  fire  companies, 
water-works  for  the  supply  of  water  from  the  lake,  several 
good  schools,  and  a  respectable  academy.  A  large  ship-yard 
has  been  commenced  near  the  city.  An  extensive  brewery, 
a  steam  saw  and  grist  mill,  and  a  large  furnace,  are  all  in 
successful  operation.  The  building  of  an  Academy  of  Fine 
Arts  is  likewise  contemplated,  and  measures  are  about  being 


The  New  Democracy  353 

taken  to  obtain  for  it  a  collection  of  paintings.  The  care  Natural 
which  the  original  surveyors  took  to  give  the  prairie  winds  a 
full  sweep  through  this  city,  has  distinguished  it  as  the  most 
healthful  place  in  the  western  country,  and  has  made  it  the 
resort  of  a  large  number  of  people  during  the  sickly  season. 
The  natural  advantages  of  the  place,  and  the  enterprise  and 
capital  that  will  concentrate  here,  with  the  favourable  pros- 
pects for  health,  must  soon  make  this  the  emporium  of  trade 
and  business  for  all  the  northern  country.  The  completion 
of  the  canal  will  give  Chicago  a  water  communication  with  all 
the  principal  cities  in  the  country :  the  high  prices  given  for 
produce,  and  the  ready  market,  will  make  it  the  grand  resort 
of  the  Western  farmers. 

Chicago  is  built  on  level  ground,  but  sufficiently  elevated  Location, 
above  the  highest  floods  to  prevent  overflow;  and  on  both 
sides  of  the  river,  for  a  mile  in  width,  along  the  shore  of  the 
lake,  the  land  is  a  sand-bank:  but  back  of  the  city,  towards 
the  Des  Plaines  river,  is  a  rich  and  fertile  prairie,  and  for  the 
first  three  or  four  miles  dry  and  elevated.  The  following 
description  of  the  country  in  the  vicinity  of  this  place  is  from 
the  pen  of  Mr.  Schoolcraft: 

"The  country  around  Chicago  is  the  most  fertile  and 
beautiful  that  can  be  imagined.  It  consists  of  an  intermixture 
of  woods  and  prairies,  diversified  with  gentle  slopes,  some- 
times attaining  the  elevation  of  hills,  and  irrigated  with  a 
number  of  clear  streams  and  rivers,  which  throw  their  waters 
partly  into  lake  Michigan,  and  partly  into  the  Mississippi 
river. — As  a  farming  country,  it  unites  the  fertile  soil  of  the 
finest  lowland  prairies,  with  an  elevation  which  exempts  it 
from  the  influence  of  stagnant  waters,  and  a  summer  climate 
of  delightful  serenity;  while  its  natural  meadows  present  all 
the  advantages  for  raising  stock,  of  the  most  favoured  part 
of  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi.  It  is  already  the  seat  of 
several  flourishing  plantations,  and  only  requires  the  ex- 
tinguishment of  the  Indian  title  to  the  lands,  to  become  one 
of  the  most  attractive  fields  for  the  emigrant.  To  the  ordi- 
nary advantages  of  an  agricultural  market-town,  it  must 


354 


Readings  in  American  History 


Fort 
Dearborn. 


Rapid 
growth  of 
Chicago. 


hereafter  add  that  of  a  depot  for  the  inland  commerce  be- 
tween the  northern  and  southern  sections  of  the  union,  and 
a  great  thoroughfare  for  strangers,  merchants,  and  travellers." 

Along  the  north  branch  of  the  Chicago,  and  the  lake  shore, 
are  extensive  bodies  of  fine  timber.  Large  quantities  of 
white  pine  exist  in  the  regions  towards  Green  Bay,  and  about 
Grand  river  in  Michigan,  from  which  lumber  in  any  quanti- 
ties is  obtained,  and  conveyed  by  shipping  to  Chicago. 
Yellow  poplar  boards  and  plank  are  brought  across  the  lake 
from  the  St.  Joseph's  river.  The  mail  in  post-coaches  from 
Detroit,  arrives  here  tri-weekly,  and  departs  for  Galena,  for 
Springfield,  Alton,  and  St.  Louis,  and  for  Danville  and  Vin- 
cennes. 

The  United  States  has  a  strip  of  elevated  ground  between 
the  town  and  lake,  about  half  a  mile  in  width,  on  which  Fort 
Dearborn  and  the  lighthouse  are  situated,  but  which  is  now 
claimed  as  a  pre-emption  right,  and  is  now  in  a  course  of 
judicial  investigation. 

Fort  Dearborn  was  for  a  considerable  period  occupied  as 
a  military  station  by  the  United  States,  and  garrisoned  gen- 
erally by  about  three  companies  of  regular  troops;  but  the 
expulsion  of  the  Indians,  and  the  rapid  increase  of  settle- 
ments at  all  parts  of  this  region,  have  rendered  its  further 
occupancy  as  a  military  post  unnecessary:  in  consequence, 
the  troops  have  been  recently  withdrawn.  It  consists  of  a 
square  stockade,  inclosing  barracks,  quarters  for  the  officers, 
a  magazine,  provision  store,  etc.,  and  is  defended  by  bastions 
at  the  northern  and  south-east  angles.  .  .  . 

Chicago  is,  without  doubt,  the  greatest  wonder  in  this 
wonderful  country.  Four  years  ago  the  savage  Indian  there 
built  his  little  wigwam — the  noble  stag  there  saw  undismayed 
his  own  image  reflected  from  the  polished  mirror  of  the  glassy 
lake — the  adventurous  settler  then  cultivated  a  small  por- 
tion of  those  fertile  prairies,  and  was  living  far,  far  away 
from  the  comforts  of  civilization.  Four  years  have  rolled 
by,  and  how  changed  that  scene!  That  Indian  is  now  driven 
far  west  of  the  Mississippi;  he  has  left  his  native  hills — his 


The  New  Democracy  355 

hunting  grounds— the  grave  of  his  father— and  now  is  build- 
ing his  home  in  the  far  west,  again  to  be  driven  away  by  the 
mighty  tide  of  emigration.  That  gallant  stag  no  longer 
bounds  secure  o'er  those  mighty  plains,  but  startles  at  the 
rustling  of  every  leaf  or  sighing  of  every  wind,  fearing  the 
rifles  of  the  numerous  Nimrods  who  now  pursue  the  daring 
chase.  That  adventurous  settler  is  now  surrounded  by 
luxury  and  refinement;  a  city  with  a  population  of  over  six 
thousand  souls  has  now  arisen ;  its  spires  glitter  in  the  morn- 
ing sun;  its  wharves  are  crowded  by  the  vessels  of  trade; 
its  streets  are  alive  with  the  busy  hum  of  commerce. 

The  wand  of  the  magician  or  the  spell  of  a  talisman  ne'er 
effected  changes  like  these;  nay,  even  Aladdin's  lamp,  in  all 
its  glory,  never  performed  greater  wonders.  But  the  growth 
of  the  town,  extraordinary  as  it  is,  bears  no  comparison  with 
that  of  its  commerce.  In  1833,  there  were  but  four  arrivals 
— or  about  700  tons.  In  1836,  there  were  four  hundred  and 
fifty-six  arrivals,  or  about  60,000  tons.  Point  me  if  you  can 
to  any  place  in  this  land  whose  trade  has  been  increased  in 
the  like  proportion.  What  has  produced  this  great  pros- 
perity? I  answer,  its  great  natural  advantages,  and  the  un- 
tiring enterprise  of  its  citizens.  Its  situation  is  unsurpassed 
by  any  in  our  land. 

Lake  Michigan  opens  to  it  the  trade  of  the  north  and  east,  Citizens, 
and  the  Illinois  and  Michigan  canal,  when  completed,  will 
open  the  trade  of  the  south  and  south-west.  But  the  great 
share  of  its  prosperity  is  to  be  attributed  to  the  enterprize  of 
its  citizens:  most  of  them  are  young — many  there  are  upon 
whose  temple  the  golden  lock  of  youth  is  not  darkened; 
many  who  a  short  time  since  bade  adieu  to  the  fascinations 
of  gay  society,  and  immured  themselves  in  the  western  wilder- 
ness, determining  to  acquire  both  fame  and  fortune.  And 
what  has  been  the  result? — While  many  of  their  companions 
and  former  associates  are  now  toiling  and  struggling  in  the 
lower  vale  of  life,  with  scarcely  enough  of  the  world's  gear 
to  drive  away  the  cravings  of  actual  want — the  enterprising 
adventurer  has  amassed  a  splendid  fortune — has  contributed 


356  Readings  in  American  History 

to  build  a  noble  city,  the  pride  of  his  adopted  state,  and  has 
truly  caused  the  wilderness  to  bloom  and  blossom  like  the 
rose.     Such  are  always  the  rewards  of  ever  daring  minds.  .  .  . 
Oppor-  That  those  who  possess  sufficient  intelligence,  to  appreciate 

irrthe68  an<^  understand  the  advantages  of  this  country,  and  a  spirit 
West.  of  enterprise  that  will  support  them  under  the  privations  they 
must  necessarily  encounter,  will  be  charmed  and  gratified  with 
their  western  tour,  I  have  no  doubt;  nor  do  I  questron  that 
Illinois,  in  the  progress  of  another  year,  will  rank  among  her 
citizens,  many  of  the  most  intelligent  and  enterprising  of  our 
sister  states.  That  this  country  possesses  advantages  of  a 
most  important  character,  and  offers  many  attractions  to  the 
youthful  adventurer — to  him  who  would  acquire  both  fame 
and  fortune,  can,  I  think,  easily  be  shown,  and  I  would 
present  a  few  considerations  tending  to  illustrate  the  sub- 
ject. 

And  I  will  premise  by  saying,  that  there  is  no  truth  more 
evident  to  the  reflecting  mind,  than  that  in  this  transatlantic 
world,  every  one  must  be  the  architect  of  his  own  fortune — 
no  matter  what  course  of  life  is  adopted,  be  it  professional 
or  mechanical,  the  basis  upon  which  every  hope  of  future 
eminence  must  rest  is,  diligent,  untiring,  persevering  appli- 
cation. Assuming  this  fact  as  granted,  I  would  refer  to  the 
superiority  of  the  western  portion  of  our  continent  over  the 
eastern,  as  regards  the  acquisition  of  wealth — professional 
eminence — political  distinction,  and  the  opportunity  offered 
of  exercising  influence  on  societies  and  the  destinies  of  our 
common  country. 

As  respects  the  acquisition  of  wealth — the  great  basis  of 
all  wealth  is  the  agricultural  interest,  and  that  country  must 
be  the  richest,  which  is  the  most  capable  of  supporting  the 
largest  agricultural  population.  Land,  rich  and  fertile  soil, 
is  the  foundation  of  a  nation's  glory.  It  is  true,  that  com- 
merce tends  much  to  enrich  a  people,  and  large,  nay,  im- 
mense fortunes,  have  been  made  in  the  pursuit  of  trade. 
But  who  does  not  know  the  mutations  of  trade? — Who  is  not 
cognizant  of  the  fluctuations  of  commerce?  Who  is  ignorant 


The  New  Democracy  357 

of  the  fact,  that  he  who  is  engaged  in  commercial  transac- 
tions may  to-day  be  master  of  thousands,  and  roll  in  splendour 
and  luxury,  and  to-morrow  be  a  bankrupt,  and  know  not 
where  to  lay  his  head?  Do  you  seek  for  the  evidence  of  this 
fact?  Go  to  any  of  our  large  cities  and  inquire,  and  you  will 
find  the  sad  truth  written  in  indelible  characters,  so  plain 
that  he  who  runs  may  read. 

Now  none  of  these  mutations  and  fluctuations  afflict  the 
agricultural  or  producing  class  of  society — no  panics  or  pres- 
sures occur  among  them — a  stormy  sea  cannot  swallow  up 
their  earnings,  nor  a  raging  fire  destroy  the  toil  of  years. 
The  seed  is  dropped  into  the  ground,  and,  "  He  who  tempers 
the  wind  to  the  shorn  lamb,"  sends  the  genial  sunshine  and 
refreshing  showers,  and  the  ripe  and  yellow  harvest  awaits 
the  labourer's  gathering. 

Now,  land  in  the  western  world  is  rich  and  fertile,  and  I 
will  venture  to  say,  that  the  soil  of  one  of  the  prairies  is  more 
productive  than  any  soil  in  your  much  loved  state,  not  even 
excepting  the  far-famed  Lancaster  county,  where  the  toil 
and  labour  of  many  years  has  been  expended  in  improving  it. 
This  rich  and  fertile  soil  can  be  entered  at  $1.25  per  acre,  or 
bought  "second-hand"  for  from  $2.50  to  $3.50  per  acre. 
And  it  has  been  proved  by  actual  experiment,  that  an  enter- 
prising settler  can  break  and  sow  80  acres,  and  from  the 
profits  of  his  crop  can  realize  a  sufficient  sum  to  enter  and 
pay  for  his  land;  thus  in  one  year,  by  the  toil  and  labor  of 
his  hand,  acquiring  a  fee-simple  title  to  a  fine  and  improving 
farm.  In  what  portion  of  the  eastern  states  can  this  be 
done?  "  I  pause  for  a  reply."  Again — wealth  will  be  ac- 
quired by  the  natural  increase  of  the  country. 

This   whole   region    (particularly    the   states   of    Illinois,   Growth 
Michigan,  and  Wisconsin  Territory,)  is  filling  up  with  great  JfJ*^ 
and  unexampled  rapidity.     The  increase  of  the  country  is  west, 
truly  wonderful,  and  one  who  has  not  witnessed  it  can  scarcely 
believe  it.     The  growth  and  prosperity  of  Chicago  may  be 
taken  as  a  fair  example  of  the  unprecedented  increase  and 
advancement  of  the  country.     Cities  and  towns  spring  up  in 


358  Readings  in  American  History 

every  quarter,  and  a  mighty  tide  of  emigration  is  rolling  far 
and  wide  its  fertilizing  influence. 

A  small  sum  of  money  now  judiciously  invested,  will  in- 
crease in  a  ratio  not  even  dreamed  of  by  an  eastern  capitalist. 
Speak  to  them  of  the  advantages  of  this  region,  and  they 
smile,  and  tell  you,  you  are  exercising  the  powers  of  a  fertile 
imagination.  .  .  . 

Advan-  Among  the  number  of  advantages  which  the  West  has 

over  *ne  East,  mav  be  enumerated  the  following: — In  the 
East,  the  professions  are  monopolized  by  the  older  members — 
in  the  West,  the  responsible  duties  of  the  professions  are  con- 
fided to  the  young  men. 

2.  In  the  West,  greater  inducements  for  the  acquisition  of 
a  fortune  being  held  out  by  the  farming  or  agricultural  in- 
terests, and  great  privations  having  necessarily  to  be  en- 
countered, the  number  of  professional  men  is  fewer  than  at 
the  East,  and  consequently  the  field  is  more  ample. 

3.  In  a  new  country,  every  thing  being  to  build  up  and 
construct,  greater  opportunity  is  offered  for  the  exercise  of 
professional  talent. 

4.  The  tendency  of  a  new  country  being  to  develope  and 
bring  forward  youthful  talent,  exerts  a  highly  favorable  in- 
fluence upon  boldness,  force,  and  originality  of  intellect. 

In  illustration  of  the  first  proposition,  we  need  but  appeal 
to  the  experience  of  every  young  professional  man.  How 
few,  how  very  few,  even  of  our  most  active  and  intelligent 
young  men  can,  in  our  large  eastern  cities,  earn  a  respectable 
livelihood !  One  or  two  of  the  most  eminent  and  experienced 
monopolize  the  most  important  and  lucrative  portions  of 
the  business.  The  community  look  up  to  them  with  confi- 
dence, for  they  believe  their  minds  are  matured  by  wisdom 
and  ripened  by  experience,  and  the  young  men  are  permitted 
to  remain  in  almost  total  inactivity.  .  .  . 

Now,  in  the  West  the  population  is  mostly  young,  consist- 
ing chiefly  of  youthful  adventurers,  who  have  left  their  peace- 
ful homes  with  the  determination  to  reap  the  advantages  of 
a  new  country.  A  young  professional  man  has  enlisted  in 


The  New  Democracy  359 

his  behalf,  not  the  cold  and  sordid  influence  of  those  whose 
feelings  have  been  chilled  by  a  contact  with  a  selfish  world, 
but  the  warm  and  glowing  feelings  of  early  youth.  He  is 
there  surrounded  not  by  the  aged  fathers  of  the  profession — 
those  whose  brows  are  silvered  o'er  by  the  frosts  of  time — 
not  the  experienced  soldiers  who  have  conquered  o'er  and  o'er 
again  in  the  fight,  and  advance  to  the  contest,  confident  of 
success;  but  he  beholds  himself  surrounded  by  his  equals — 
his  companions  and  associates,  each  striving  to  gain  the 
prize  of  public  approbation — each  struggling  to  win  the  pure 
and  spotless  laurels  which  will  crown  the  victor's  brow. 

In  illustration  of  the  second  proposition,  we  can  only  add, 
that  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  if  the  acquisition  of  wealth 
be  the  object  of  pursuit,  greater  inducements  are  held  out 
by  the  farming  and  agricultural  interest.  A  professional  life 
is  at  all  times  a  life  of  toil,  and  he  who  aspires  to  its  highest 
honors  must  remember  that  they  are  only  to  be  attained  by 
untiring  unremitting  effort.  The  pecuniary  emoluments  are 
small  compared  with  other  occupations  of  life,  and  he  who 
desires  professional  eminence  must  not  expect  to  reap  the 
same  amount  of  this  world's  good  as  he  whose  soul  is  engaged 
in  the  pursuit  of  trade. 

Now  an  enterprising  emigrant,  when  he  leaves  his  native 
village,  as  he  turns  to  take  the  last  lingering  look  at  the  home 
of  his  affections — as  he  beholds  the  spire  of  the  village  church, 
where  so  oft  he  has  worshipped  the  God  of  his  fathers,  glit- 
tering in  the  morning  sun,  the  last  wish  which  animates  his 
bosom,  is  the  hope  of  some  not  far  distant  day,  returning  to 
the  scenes  of  his  childhood,  where  every  object  brings  some 
sweet  association,  laden  with  the  fruits  of  his  toil.  In  fine, 
it  is  wealth  that  he  hopes  to  attain,  and  it  is  the  prospect  of 
reaping  golden  fruits  which  enables  him  manfully  to  endure 
the  privations  to  which  he  is  subjected.  He  arrives  at  the 
land  of  promise,  and  examines  the  prospect  of  improving  his 
fortune  which  the  country  affords.  He  finds  that  the  tiller 
of  the  soil  is  the  one  who  reaps  the  most  productive  harvest, 
and  no  matter  what  profession  he  may  have  adopted, — no 


360 


Readings  in  American  History 


matter  what  branch  of  science  may  have  hitherto  occupied 
his  attention — he  relinquishes  its  pursuit — forgets  the  obli- 
gations his  profession  imposes  on  him,  and  forsakes  his  calling 
to  assume  the  manly  and  independent,  but  at  the  same  time 
more  profitable  employment  of  the  farmer.  .  .  . 


.73. 


BEGINNING  OF  STEAM  RAILROAD  CONSTRUCTION 


Beginning 
of  the 
Baltimore 
and  Ohio 
Railroad. 


Interest  in 
the  rail- 
road. 


(Niles  Weekly  Register,  August  28,  1830,  Vol.  39,  p.  12;  June  25. 
1831,  Vol.  40,  pp.  291,  292.) 

The  following  neat  account  of  the  present  state  of  this 
road,  is  copied  from  the  "American"  of  the  20th.  inst.  We 
have  recently  passed  over  it,  and  with  a  still  increased  satis- 
faction. We  passed  a  considerable  distance  over  the  road 
prepared  for  the  rails,  beyond  Ellicott's  mills — the  scenery 
of  which  we  think  cannot  be  surpassed  for  its  beauty — but 
we  almost  regretted  the  necessity  of  removing  the  "  Tarpeian 
Rock,"  however  convenient  its  matter  for  filling  up  ravines, 
or  building  bridges — being  just  exactly  located  where  a  vast 
mass  of  stone  was  needed.  .  .  . 

It  was  supposed  by  some  that  after  public  curiosity  had 
been  satisfied  by  a  ride  on  the  rail  road,  the  interest  in  rela- 
tion to  it  would  subside,  and  that  the  number  of  visitors 
would  decrease.  The  result  of  every  day's  experience  shows, 
however,  that  the  supposition  was  quite  erroneous,  for  the 
traveling  between  Baltimore  and  Ellicott's  mills  continues 
to  be  prosecuted  to  as  great  an  extent  as  at  any  period  since 
the  opening  of  the  road.  There  are  now  in  daily  use  on  the 
road  six  elegant  carriages  made  by  Imlay,  besides  a  number 
of  others  of  less  costly  construction.  Visitors,  therefore,  have 
a  full  choice  of  carriages,  and  may  engage  any  favorite  seat 
or  seats,  or  a  whole  carriage,  according  to  the  number  of  the 
party.  The  rate  of  travel  is  usually  about  ten  miles  an  hour, 
and  frequently,  indeed,  greater,  so  that  the  transition  from 
the  heat  and  dust  of  the  city  to  the  pure  air  of  the  country 
is  effected  in  a  few  minutes,  and  without  fatigue.  Nor  is  it 


The  New  Democracy  361 

to  be  wondered  at  that  those  who  have  once  made  this  truly 
delightful  trip  should  desire  to  repeat  it,  for  the  novelty, 
ease  and  perfection  of  the  mode  of  conveyance,  the  gigantic 
character  of  the  work  itself  with  its  granite  viaducts,  deep 
excavations  and  high  embankments,  and  the  diversified  and 
romantic  scenery  which  constantly  presents  itself, — all  com- 
bine to  render  the  excursion  one  of  the  most  attractive  and 
delightful  any  where  to  be  met  with.  Strangers  from  all 
parts  of  the  union  are  constantly  visiting  the  road,  and  while 
all  freely  express  the  highest  gratification,  it  is  often  a  sub- 
ject of  remark  that  our  western  fellow  citizens  regard  it  with 
that  peculiar  interest  and  satisfaction  which  evince  the  strong- 
est desire  for  its  success.  The  double  track  is  completed  to 
the  west  of  Vinegar  Hill,  a  distance  of  nearly  seven  miles; 
and  as  the  carriages  do  not  always  use  the  same  track,  the 
traveller  is  enabled  to  see  with  what  perfect  facility  a  carriage 
may  cross  from  one  track  to  another.  The  number  of  turns 
out,  or  crossing  places,  where  carriages  may  thus  pass,  is 
ten  in  the  distance  just  mentioned.  The  granite  rails,  com- 
posed of  long  blocks  of  that  solid  and  imperishable  material, 
commences  immediately  beyond  Vinegar  Hill,  and  will  ex-  Construc- 
tend  the  remainder  of  the  second  track,  except  at  the  Still  J^° 
House  run  embankment,  up  to  the  mills.  The  blocks  are 
deposited  along  the  greater  part  of  the  track,  and  parties  of 
workmen  are  engaged  at  different  points  in  the  various  opera- 
tions of  dressing,  laying  and  drilling,  and  affixing  the  iron. 
From  the  character  of  the  contractor  who  has  this  part  of 
the  work  in  hand,  there  is  no  doubt  that  it  will  be  finished 
within  the  specified  period.  The  granite  rails  are  to  be  laid 
at  a  price  little  if  any  exceeding  the  cost  of  those  of  wood. 
The  triple-arched  viaduct  at  Ellicott's  mills,  for  the  purpose 
of  conducting  the  rail  road  over  the  turnpike,  is  advancing 
with  due  speed.  The  arches  might  be  completed  in  a  few 
days,  if  desired.  The  structure  is  of  solid  granite,  with  a 
rusticated  exterior.  In  place  of  the  usual  parapet  walls 
above  the  arches,  an  iron  railing  will  be  erected  which,  be- 
sides being  more  economical,  will  also  form  more  appropriate 


362  Readings  in  American  History 

finish  to  the  work.  The  famous  Tarpeian  Rock,  so  generally 
known  to  the  visitors  to  the  mills,  is  now  suffering  a  gradual 
diminution  of  its  eastern  or  front  side,  in  order  to  make  a 
passage  for  the  road  up  the  Patapsco.  The  fragments  of 
rock  and  earth  are  conveyed  by  means  of  a  temporary  rail- 
way across  the  turnpike,  and  serve  to  fill  up  the  ravine  at 
the  southern  end  of  the  viaduct. 

The  visitor  who  chooses  to  mount,  by  the  pathway  from 
the  hotel,  to  the  summit  of  the  rock,  or  to  clamber  along  the 
rough  passage  around  its  base,  will  find  that  the  second  divi- 
sion is  completely  graduated  for  a  distance  of  twelve  miles. 
Contracts  have  been  made,  it  will  be  recollected,  for  laying 
down  rails  of  granite  for  the  whole  extent  of  this  division,  and 
the  work  is  now  going  on.  The  third  division  was  let  out, 
in  part,  last  month,  the  cost  of  preparing  which  for  the  re- 
ception of  the  rails  will  be  about  seven  thousand  dollars  per 
mile.  The  remaining  part  of  this  division  will  be  let  out  next 
week,  and  the  road  will  then  be  finished  or  in  progress  to 
Parr's  Spring  Ridge,  a  distance  of  forty  miles.  The  road  will 
surmount  the  ridge  by  means  of  an  inclined  plane  worked  by 
steam  power.  As  soon  as  the  requisite  examinations  can  be 
made,  the  rest  of  the  road  to  Frederick  and  the  Potomac  will 
be  placed  under  contract. 

Transpor-  Many  persons  smiled  when,  about  two  years  ago,  we  con- 
railroad5^  templated  the  arrival  of  fat  oxen  from  the  south  branch  of 
the  Potomac,  &c.  by  way  of  our  railroad — fresh  as  in  their 
own  pastures,  and  fit  for  immediate  use;  but  we  see  it  stated 
in  the  Liverpool  papers,  that,  on  a  certain  day,  forty-nine 
Irish  pigs  quitted  Liverpool  in  one  carriage,  and  arrived 
safely  at  Manchester,  after  a  most  noisy  journey.  The  re- 
spectable quadrupeds  evidently  did  not  like  the  new  mode  of 
travelling,  and  in  passing  through  the  tunnel  made  an  outcry 
which  "echoed  through  the  hollow  dark  abyss,"  and  startled 
all  within  hearing.  Since  that  time  upwards  of  three  hun- 
dred of  the  tusky  herd  have  made  the  same  journey,  being 
probably  the  first  set  of  pigs  that  have  travelled  in  a  loco- 
motive since  the  creation  of  the  world.  The  fare  for  a  pig  is 


The  New  Democracy  363 

eighteen  pence,  being  not  quite  half  the  fare  of  a  pig  driver. 
The  company  will  begin  to  carry  cattle  very  shortly,  several 
commodious  carriages  having  been  constructed  for  their 
accommodation.  ... 

The  second  division  of  this  road,  extending  twelve  miles  Baltimore 
beyond  Ellicott's  was,  for  the  first  time  opened  for  public  SS^J 
use  on  Sunday  last.  As  only  one  track  of  rails  is  yet  fully 
laid,  passengers  can  only  just  now  be  accommodated  when 
the  working  cars  do  not  occupy  the  track — but  the  second  line 
of  rails  will  soon  be  completed.  This  great  work  goes  on, 
generally,  in  the  very  best  manner,  and  it  is  no  longer  allowed 
to  doubt  the  triumphant  success  of  the  undertaking.  Its 
progress,  however,  is  about  to  be  impeded  by  the  controversy 
with  the  Chesapeake  and  Ohio  canal  company  as  to  the  right 
of  way,  at  the  "  Point  of  Rocks  " ;  at  which  it  is  now  desired 
to  employ  many  laboring  men. 

The  work  on  this  division  is  executed  in  the  most  masterly 
manner.  Its  course  is  on  the  bank  of  the  Patapsco  to  the 
forks  of  that  river,  passing  through  a  granite  district,  rugged 
and  rough,  but  the  cost  of  it  has  not  been  large.  The  present 
termination  of  the  road — 26  miles  from  the  depot  in  Balti- 
more, is  nearly  three  hundred  feet  above  tide.  This  rapid 
climbing  of  the  mountains  is  not  perceived — indeed  passen- 
gers, unacquainted  with  the  facts,  always  suppose  they  are 
descending  though  when  actually  rising  as  much  as  20  feet 
in  a  mile. 

The  country  is  hilly,  or  rather  mountainous,  and  the  scenery 
beautiful — in  some  parts  magnificent. 

An  accident  (says  the  Baltimore  Gazette  of  Saturday  last) 
occurred  on  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  rail-road  this  morning, 
which  we  mention  to  prevent  the  circulation  of  alarming  re- 
ports. The  editor  was  one  of  seven  persons  in  a  car  propelled 
by  two  horses  travelling  on  a  wagon  with  a  moving  floor — 
constructed  by  Mr.  Stimpson,  which  conveyed,  besides  the 
two  vehicles,  ten  persons  at  the  rate  of  from  fifteen  to  twenty 
miles  per  hour. 

On  the  return  home  between  the  Carrollton  viaduct  and 


304 


Readings  in  American  History 


the  depot,  a  cow  crossed  the  rail  way  so  near  the  car  which 
was  in  front,  that  it  was  impracticable  to  stop  it  in  time  to 
prevent  it  from  running  against  her — the  car  was  of  course 
overset,  and  the  passengers  were  all  thrown  out,  but  none, 
as  we  believe,  seriously  injured.  The  editor  received  two  or 
three  bruises,  which  he  feels  happy  to  say  are  but  slight — 
two  others  were  more  severely  hurt,  but,  as  already  stated, 
we  believe  not  seriously. 

The  accident  is  not  imputable  to  any  want  of  care  on  the 
part  of  Mr.  Stimpson,  or  to  any  defect  in  the  car — it  is  such 
an  accident  as  might  have  happened  to  any  other  moving 
power  and  could  not  have  been  foreseen  or  guarded  against. 
The  unfortunate  cow  was  killed. 

The  experiment  was  entirely  unconnected  with  any  of  the 
operations  of  the  company. 

Speaking  of  Mr.  Stimpson's  car,  the  editor  of  the  Gazette 
further  says — 

The  experiment  made  on  Saturday,  with  the  car  moved  by 
horses  travelling  in  it  on  a  moving  floor,  was  entirely  satisfac- 
tory as  to  the  mode  of  applying  horse  power,  so  as  to  cause 
a  great  increase  of  velocity  without  increased  exertion  to  the 
horses. 

The  ingenious  inventor  has  so  constructed  his  car  that  the 
horses  moving  it,  by  walking  at  the  rate  of  2^  miles  per  hour, 
propel  the  car  at  the  rate  of  fifteen  miles  per  hour,  evidently 
with  as  little  fatigue  as  horses  experience  in  ploughing,  or 
travelling  with  a  wagon  conveying  a  moderate  load.  This 
rate  of  speed  appears  to  us  the  medium,  which  may  be  used 
without  injury  to  the  horses.  It  may  be  increased  on  a  level, 
or  descending  rail-way  free  from  short  curves — and  should 
be  reduced  in  ascending  or  on  very  crooked  roads.  If  the  use 
of  horse  power  should  be  continued  on  our  rail  roads,  such  a 
mode  of  applying  it  would  be  important;  indeed  indispensable 
for  travelling  at  a  greater  medium  of  speed  than  ten  miles 
an  hour. 

As  the  day  approaches  more  near  for  the  trial  of  the  loco- 
motive steam  engines  on  the  Balitmore  and  Ohio  rail  road, 


The  New  Democracy  365 

our  citizens  are  anxiously  looking  for  the  arrival  of  such  as 
it  is  known  were  constructing  for  the  purpose.  We  have 
already  two  in  the  city  which  will  be  ready  for  the  amicable 
contest — they  will  probably  both  be  on  the  road  during  the 
present  week. 

It  will  be  recollected  by  our  friends  at  a  distance,  who  de- 
sire to  witness  the  trial,  that  it  will  commence  on  Monday 
next,  and  continue  for  three  days  before  any  decision  can  be 
made.  We  are  daily  expecting  another  engine  from  Phila- 
delphia, which  we  saw  partly  constructed  about  a  month  ago, 
and  which  we  hope  will  arrive  in  time,  as  well  as  the  others 
of  which  we  have  heard.  .  .  . 

Steam  Wagon!  The  locomotive  engine,  plying  on  the 
Charleston  rail  road,  exploded  on  the  17th  inst.  by  which  the 
engineer  was  severely  scalded,  one  negro  badly  wounded  and 
two  slightly,  one  of  whom  was  the  fireman,  who  caused  the 
accident,  by  pressing  on  the  safety  valve  to  prevent  the  es- 
cape of  the  steam,  when  the  carriage  was  stopped  at  the 
revolving  platform! 

Effect  of  Steam  Coaches.  Under  this  head,  a  late  English  influence 
periodical  observes: — "The  man  who  started  the  first  steam  ^tea 
carriage  was  the  greatest  benefactor  to  the  cause  of  humanity 
the  world  ever  had.  Nothing  could  so  successfully  produce 
such  complete  mitigation,  or  rather  abolition  of  animal  suffer- 
ing, as  the  substitution  of  locomotive  machinery  for  the  in- 
human, merciless  treatment  of  horses  in  stage  coaches."  In 
a  political  point  of  view,  too,  the  writer  regards  the  subject 
as  one  of  vast  importance.  We  have,  says  he,  a  superabun- 
dant population,  with  a  limited  territory;  while  each  horse 
requires  a  greater  quantity  of  land  than  would  be  sufficient 
to  support  a  man!  How  extensive,  then,  will  be  the  beneficial 
effects  of  withdrawing  two-thirds  of  the  horses,  and  appropri- 
ating the  land  required  for  them,  to  the  raising  of  cattle,  and 
to  agricultural  purposes.  The  Liverpool  and  Manchester 
steam  coaches  have  driven  fourteen  horse  coaches  off  the 
road  alreadv.  Each  of  these  coaches  employed  twelve  horses, 


366 


Readings  in  American  History 


there  being  three  stages,  and  a  change  of  four  horses  each 
stage: — the  total  number  of  horses  employed  was  therefore 
168.  Each  horse,  it  is  calculated,  consumes  on  an  average 
in  pasturage,  hay,  corn,  &c.  annually,  the  produce  of  one 
acre  and  a  half.  The  whole  number  would  thus  consume  the 
produce  of  252  acres.  Now,  suppose  "every  man  had  his 
acre"  upon  which  to  rear  his  family,  (which  some  politicians 
have  deemed  sufficient)  the  maintainance  of  252  families  is 
gained  to  the  country  by  these  steam  coaches!  Taking  the 
average  number  in  a  family  at  six,  it  will  be  seen,  that  the 
subsistence  of  1512  individuals  is  thus  obtained.  .  .  . 

It  appears  by  the  following  article  which  we  copy  from  the 
London  Times,  that  steam  carriages  on  common  roads  are  in 
successful  operation  in  England.  There  can  be  no  doubt, 
over  a  well  constructed  turnpike,  that  steam  instead  of  horse 
power  would  be  of  infinite  advantage  to  the  people  of  this 
country,  and  we  feel  confident  that  some  one  of  our  very 
enterprising  stage  proprietors  will  make  arrangements  for 
its  early  introduction  into  the  U.  States.  The  pioneer  in 
such  an  undertaking  would  certainly  make  a  fortune,  as  it 
would  be  impossible  for  any  other  individual  to  compete 
with  him  on  a  well  travelled  route,  with  the  usual  means  of 
conveyance  by  horse  power.  The  immense  reduction  in  fare 
would  of  itself  set  all  competition  at  defiance,  and  the  in- 
crease of  travel  produced  as  a  necessary  consequence,  would 
more  than  make  up  for  the  great  difference  in  the  price  be- 
tween old  and  new  rates. 


FROM   THE   LONDON   TIMES 

Some  of  the  advantages  to  the  public  from  the  use  of  steam 
on  the  turnpike  roads  already  begin  to  show  themselves. 
Previous  to  the  starting  of  the  steam  coach  between  Gloucester 
and  Cheltenham,  the  fare  was  4s.  each  person — now  the  public 
are  taken  by  all  the  coaches  at  Is.  per  head.  On  Tuesday 
morning  the  steam  coach  took  33  passengers  from  Cheltenham 
to  Gloucester  in  50  minutes. 


TJw  New  Democracy 


367 


If  the  proprietors  of  the  common  coaches  can  now  afford 
to  run  for  one  shilling  instead  of  four,  the  former  rates,  it  is 
a  pretty  commentary  upon  their  consciences,  when  the  public 
were  in  their  power.  But  it  is  probable  that  they  are  now 
running  without  profit,  and  must  in  a  short  time  retire  and 
yield  to  the  superiority  of  steam.  Gloucester  is  ten  miles 
from  Cheltenham,  and  as  the  steam  cars  travel  it  in  fifty 
minutes,  they  go  at  the  rate  of  twelve  miles  an  hour,  which 
we  should  think  ought  to  be  fast  enough  over  a  common 
road,  to  satisfy  the  most  anxious.  .  .  . 


74.    THE  FIRST  EXPRESS  COMPANY  AND  OPPOSITION  TO 
*«•  -•  THE  RAILROAD 

(Josiah  Quincy,  Figures  of  the  Past,  352  passim.     Boston,  1901.) 

The  sources  from  which  mighty  rivers  take  their  rise  have  Origin  of 
always  been  interesting  to  explorers.  They  find  some  petty  ^j^?88 
rivulet,  which  oozes  out  of  the  mud,  and  marvel  that  its  feeble  panies. 
current  should  swell  till  it  bears  the  commerce  of  a  nation. 
The  beginnings  of  great  departments  of  human  enterprise 
have  something  of  the  same  interest,  and  I  have  just  found 
an  old  letter,  addressed  to  me  on  the  27th  of  October,  1838, 
which  led  to  results  quite  overpowering  in  their  magnitude. 
The  writer  is  William  F.  Harnden.  He  tells  me  that  he 
has  applied  for  a  post  of  conductor  upon  the  Western  Rail- 
road, and  solicits  my  influence,  as  treasurer  of  the  road, 
"  should  you  think  me  worthy  of  the  office."  Harnden  had 
been  selling  tickets  at  the  Worcester  Railroad  depot,  but 
found  this  occupation  much  too  sedentary  for  his  active 
nature.  He  was  a  man  who  wanted  to  be  moving.  For 
some  reason,  which  I  do  not  recall,  Harnden  did  not  get  the 
conductorship;  but  his  application  brought  me  in  contact 
with  this  lithe,  intelligent  young  fellow,  who  wished  to  be 
on  the  go,  and  I  suggested  to  him  a  new  sort  of  business, 
which  in  the  hands  of  a  bright  man  I  thought  might  be 
pushed  to  success.  As  director  and  president  of  the  Provi- 


368  Readings  in  American  History 

dence  Railroad,  I  was  compelled  to  make  weekly  journeys 
to  New  York,  where  the  bulk  of  our  stock  was  held.  The 
days  of  my  departure  were  well  known,  and  I  was  always 
met  at  the  depot  by  a  bevy  of  merchants'  clerks,  who  wished 
to  intrust  packages  of  business  papers,  samples  of  goods,  and 
other  light  matters  to  my  care.  The  mail  establishment  was 
at  that  time  utterly  insufficient  to  meet  the  wants  of  the 
public.  The  postage  was  seventeen  cents  upon  every  sepa- 
rate bit  of  paper,  and  this  was  a  burdensome  tax  upon  the 
daily  checks,  drafts,  and  receipts  incident  to  mercantile 
transactions.  I  was  ready  to  be  of  service  to  my  friends, 
though  some  of  them  thought  my  good  nature  was  imposed 
upon  when  they  found  that  I  was  obliged  to  carry  a  large 
travelling-bag  to  receive  their  contributions.  I  kept  this  bag 
constantly  in  sight  on  my  journey,  and,  upon  arriving  in 
New  York,  delivered  it  to  a  man  whom  the  merchants  em- 
ployed to  meet  me  and  distribute  its  contents.  Now,  it 
occurred  to  me  that  here  was  an  opportunity  for  somebody 
to  do,  for  an  adequate  compensation,  just  what  I  was  doing 
for  nothing.  I  pointed  out  to  Mr.  Harnden  that  the  collec- 
tion and  delivery  of  parcels,  as  well  as  their  transportation, 
might  be  undertaken  by  one  responsible  person,  for  whose 
services  the  merchants  would  be  glad  to  pay.  The  suggestion 
fell  upon  fruitful  soil.  Harnden  asked  me  for  special  facili- 
ties upon  the  Boston  and  Providence  road,  which  I  gladly 
gave  him,  and  with  the  opening  year  he  commenced  regular 
trips  (twice  a  week,  I  think  he  made  them),  bearing  in  his 
hand  a  small  valise;  and  that  valise  contained  in  germ  the 
immense  express  business, — contained  it  as  the  acorn  con- 
tains the  forest  of  oaks  that  may  come  from  it;  but  many 
generations  are  required  to  see  the  magnificence  of  the  for- 
ests, while  the  growths  of  human  enterprise  expand  to  their 
wonderful  maturity  in  one  short  life.  Harnden's  fate  was 
that  too  common  with  pioneers  and  inventors.  He  built 
up  a  great  business  by  steady  industry,  saw  all  its  splendid 
possibilities,  tried  to  realize  them  before  the  time  was  ripe, 
and  died  a  poor  man,  at  the  age  of  thirty-three.  In  attempt- 


The  New  Democracy  369 

ing  to  extend  the  express  business  to  Europe,  he  assumed 
risks  that  were  ruinous,  and  the  stalwart  Vermonter,  Alvin 
Adams,  took  his  place  as  chief  in  the  great  industry  which 
had  arisen  under  his  hands. 

"When  you  speak  of  the  opposition  that  our  early  rail-  Early  op- 
roads  encountered,"  said  a  young  man  to  me  the  other  day,  j£jfr^8t 
"you  refer,  of  course,  to  the  difficulty  of  inducing  people  to 
take  stock  in  them.  Nobody  could  have  objected  to  the 
increase  of  facilities  for  transportation,  provided  he  was  not 
asked  to  pay  the  bills."  But  it  happened  that  I  did  mean 
just  what  I  said :  and  perhaps  the  most  singular  phenomenon 
in  the  history  of  early  railroads  was  the  bitter  opposition 
they  encountered  from  leading  men,  whose  convenience  and 
pecuniary  interests  they  were  directly  to  promote.  The  be- 
liever in  railroads  was  not  only  obliged  to  do  the  work  and 
pay  the  bills  for  the  advantage  of  his  short-sighted  neighbor, 
but  as  Shakespeare  happily  phrases  it,  "cringe  and  sue  for 
leave  to  do  him  good."  Can  I  furnish  proof  of  this  incredi- 
ble statement?  Yes,  I  have  it  before  me  at  this  moment, 
and  it  is  worth  giving  with  some  detail. 

The  old  town  of  Dorchester,  which  some  years  ago  was 
annexed  to  Boston,  has  within  its  ancient  limits  nine  railroad 
stations,  and  at  those  most  frequented  about  fifty  trains 
stop  daily.  The  main  road,  known  as  the  Old  Colony,  passes 
over  a  route  which  I  caused  to  be  surveyed  at  my  own  ex- 
pense, with  the  view  of  providing  cheap  transportation  for 
the  towns  of  Dorchester  and  Quincy  and  others  to  the  south 
of  them.  I  need  not  say  that  the  land  made  accessible  by 
this  railroad  has  become  very  valuable,  and  that  the  business 
and  population  of  the  old  town  of  Dorchester  cluster  about 
the  stations.  If  any  tyrant  could  tear  up  those  tracks  and 
prevent  them  from  being  relaid,  his  action  would  paralyze  a 
prosperous  community,  and  might  well  be  called  a  calamity 
by  those  most  careful  in  weighing  their  words.  Now,  can 
the  reader  believe  that  the  very  word  I  have  italicized  was 
chosen  so  late  as  1842  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  of 
Dorchester,  in  regular  town-meeting,  assembled  to  express 


370  Readings  in  American  History 

their  sense  of  the  injury  that  would  result  to  them  and  their 
possessions  by  laying  a  railroad  track  through  any  portion 
of  their  territory?  No,  there  can  be  no  mistake  about  it. 
Here  is  the  report  of  their  meeting,  authentic  in  contempo- 
raneous type,  and  duly  attested  by  Mr.  Thomas  J.  Tolman, 
town  clerk.  A  leading  business  man  was  chosen  moderator, 
and  a  committee  of  six  prominent  citizens  was  appointed  to 
oppose  the  passage  of  a  railroad  through  the  town.  The 
resolutions  are  worth  reporting  with  some  fulness.  The  first 
declares  it  to  be  the  opinion  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  town 
of  Dorchester  that  a  railroad  upon  either  of  the  lines  desig- 
nated by  those  asking  for  a  charter  "will  be  of  incalculable 
evil  to  the  town  generally,  in  addition  to  the  immense  sacri- 
fice of  private  property  which  will  also  be  involved.  A  great 
portion  of  the  road  will  lead  through  thickly  settled  and 
populous  parts  of  the  town,  crossing  and  running  contiguous 
to  public  highways,  and  thereby  making  a  permanent  ob- 
struction to  a  free  intercourse  of  our  citizens,  and  creating 
great  and  enduring  danger  and  hazard  to  all  travel  upon  the 
common  roads." 

The  second  resolution  declares  that  if,  in  spite  of  the  pro- 
test of  the  inhabitants  of  Dorchester,  their  town  must  be 
blighted  by  a  railroad,  "  it  should  be  located  upon  the  marshes 
and  over  creeks,"  and  by  thus  avoiding  all  human  habitations 
and  business  resorts  "  a  less  sacrifice  will  be  made  of  private 
property  and  a  much  less  injury  inflicted  upon  the  town  and 
public  generally."  The  concluding  resolution  is  one  of  those 
jewels  (rather  more  than  five  words  long)  that  must  suffer 
by  any  curtailment: — 

"Resolved,  That  our  representatives  be  instructed  to  use 
their  utmost  endeavors  to  prevent,  if  possible,  'so  great  a 
calamity  to  our  town  as  must  be  the  location  of  any  railroad 
through  it;  and,  if  that  cannot  be  prevented,  to  diminish  this 
calamity  as  far  as  possible'  by  confining  the  location  to  the 
route  herein  designated." 

The  italics  are,  of  course,  mine.  They  are  quite  irresisti- 
ble. But  when  "calamities"  threaten,  the  good  man  does 


The  New  Democracy  371 

not  do  his  whole  duty  by  protesting  in  town-meeting.  There 
is  the  powerful  agency  of  the  press,  throughout  which  op- 
pressors may  be  rebuked  and  their  horrible  projects  brought 
to  naught.  Let  me  quote  a  few  extracts  from  a  newspaper 
article.  It  was  written  by  a  citizen  of  Dorchester  and  ap- 
peared shortly  after  the  meeting.  The  writer  has  been  speak- 
ing of  existing  facilities  for  water  transportation,  which  he 
thinks  should  content  certain  inhabitants  of  the  town  of 
Quincy  who  are  petitioning  for  a  railroad. 

"  What  better  or  more  durable  communication  can  be  had 
than  the  Neponset  River  or  the  wide  Atlantic?  By  using 
these,  no  thriving  village  will  be  destroyed,  no  enterprising 
mechanics  ruined,  no  beautiful  gardens  and  farms  made 
desolate,  and  no  public  or  private  interests  most  seriously 
affected.  Look  at  the  rapid  growth  of  Neponset  village, 
through  which  this  contemplated  road  is  to  run  (the  citizens 
of  which  are  as  enterprising  and  active  as  can  be  found, 
many  of  whom  have  invested  their  all  either  in  trade,  me- 
chanics, manufactures,  or  real  estate),  and  all — all  are  to  be 
sacrificed  under  a  car  ten  thousand  times  worse  for  the  public 
than  the  car  of  Juggernaut!  Look  at  the  interests,  for  in- 
stance, of  the  public  house  in  this  place,  kept  by  a  most 
estimable  citizen,  who  has  ever — 

But  I  have  no  heart  to  copy  further.  In  the  wreck  of  an 
entire  community  we  can  spare  no  tears  for  the  woes  of  a 
single  tavern-keeper.  The  ruins  of  that  once  prosperous 
village  of  Neponset  are,  even  to  this  day,  visited  by  reflective 
tourists.  I  think  I  mentioned  that  the  Old  Colony  Company 
has  a  way  of  stopping  some  fifty  trains  there,  in  order  to 
accommodate  moralists,  who  take  a  melancholy  satisfaction 
in  musing  among  them.  .  .  . 


372 


Readings  in  American  History 


Desire  for 
communi- 
cation 
with  the 
West. 


Early 
canals. 


Few  canals 
and  good 
roads, 
1812. 


75.    PROGRESS  IN  THE  MEANS  OF  COMMUNICATION  AND 
SOCIAL  CONDITIONS,  1834 

Michel  Chevalier  was  sent  to  the  United  States  in  1834  by  M. 
Thiers,  then  French  Minister  of  the  Interior,  for  the  purpose  of  in- 
specting the  public  works  of  this  country.  For  two  years  he  trav- 
elled through  the  various  States,  and  made  known  his  observations 
to  the  French  Government  through  a  series  of  letters  notable  for 
their  general  accuracy  of  detail.  He  discussed  also  social  and  polit- 
ical conditions.  Unlike  most  of  the  European  travellers  who  camo 
to  America  about  this  time,  he  is  singularly  free  from  prejudice  in 
his  descriptions  of  the  character  of  Americans  and  of  their  social 
and  political  institutions. — (Michel  Chevalier,  Society,  Manners,  and 
Politics  in  the  United  States,  83  passim.  Translated  by  T.  G. 
Bradford.  Boston,  1839.) 

Hardly  was  the  war  of  independence  at  an  end,  when  the 
great  men  whose  patriotism  and  courage  had  brought  it  to 
a  happy  close,  filled  with  ideas  of  the  wealth  yet  buried  in 
the  bosom  of  the  then  uninhabited  West,  began  to  form 
plans  for  rendering  it  accessible  by  canals.  .  .  .  Washington 
at  that  time  projected  the  canal  which  has  since  been  begun 
according  to  the  plans  of  Gen.  Bernard,  and  which  seeks  the 
West  by  following  up  the  Potomac,  but  from  want  of  capital 
and  experienced  engineers,  what  in  our  day  has  become  a 
long  and  fine  canal,  was  then  merely  a  series  of  side-cuts 
around  the  Little  Falls  and  Great  Falls  of  the  Potomac.  .  .  . 
The  works  undertaken  at  that  time  and  during  the  fifteen 
first  years  of  the  present  century  could  not  be  completed,  or 
failed  in  the  expected  results.  One  work  only  was  success- 
fully executed,  the  Middlesex  Canal,  which  extends  from 
Boston  to  the  River  Merrimac  at  Chelmsford,  a  distance 
of  27  miles. 

The  war  of  1812  found  the  United  States  without  canals, 
and  almost  without  good  roads;  their  only  means  of  inter- 
course were  the  sea,  their  bays,  and  the  rivers  that  flow  into 
them.  Once  blockaded  by  the  English  fleets,  not  only  could 
they  hold  no  communication  with  Europe  and  India,  but 


The  New  Democracy  373 

they  could  not  keep  up  an  intercourse  among  themselves, 
between  State  and  State,  and  between  city  and  city,  between 
New  York  and  Philadelphia  for  instance.  Their  commerce 
was  annihilated,  and  the  sources  of  their  capital  dried  up. 

The  lesson  was  hard  but  it  was  not  lost.  The  project  of  Erie 
a  canal  between  New  York  and  Lake  Erie  which  had  already  CanaL 
been  discussed  before  the  war,  was  eagerly  taken  up  again 
after  the  peace.  DeWitt  Clinton  succeeded  in  inspiring  his 
countrymen  with  his  own  noble  confidence  in  his  country's 
great  destiny,  and  the  first  stroke  of  the  spade  was  made  on 
the  4th  of  July,  1817,  .  .  .  in  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of 
the  illustrious  Madison,  who  wrote  that  it  would  be  an  act 
of  folly  on  the  part  of  the  State  of  New  York  to  attempt 
with  its  own  resources  only,  the  execution  of  a  work  for  which 
all  the  wealth  of  the  Union  would  be  insufficient;  notwith- 
standing all  opposition,  this  State  which  did  not  then  con- 
tain a  population  of  1,300,000  inhabitants,  began  a  canal 
.  .  .  and  in  eight  years  it  had  completed  it.  ...  Since  that 
time  it  has  continued  to  add  numerous  branches,  covering 
almost  every  part  of  the  State  as  with  net-work. 

The  results  of  this  work  have  surpassed  all  expectations;  influence 
it  opened  an  outlet  for  the  fertile  districts  of  the  western  part  £fj 
of  the  State,  which  had  before  been  cut  off  from  a  communi- 
cation with  the  sea  and  the  rest  of  the  world.  The  shores 
of  Lake  Erie  and  Ontario  were  at  once  covered  .with  fine 
farms  and  flourishing  towns.  The  stillness  of  the  old  forest 
was  broken  by  the  axe  of  New  York  and  New  England  set- 
tlers, to  the  head  of  Lake  Michigan.  The  State  of  Ohio 
which  is  washed  by  Lake  Erie,  and  which  had  hitherto  had 
no  connection  with  the  sea  except  by  the  long  southern  route 
down  the  Mississippi,  had  now  a  short  and  easy  communica- 
tion with  the  Atlantic  by  way  of  New  York.  The  territory 
of  Michigan  was  peopled,  and  it  now  contains  100,000  inhab- 
itants, and  will  soon  take  its  rank  among  the  States.  The 
transportation  of  the  Erie  Canal  exceeded  400,000  tons  in 
1834,  and  it  must  nearly  reach  500,000  tons  in  1835.  .  .  .  New 
York  is  become  the  third,  if  not  the  second  port  in  the  world, 


374 


Readings  in  American  History 


and  the  most  populous  city  of  the  western  hemisphere.  .  .  . 
The  Erie  Canal  is  no  longer  sufficient  for  the  commerce  which 
throngs  it.  In  vain  do  the  lock-masters  attend  night  and 
day  to  the  signal  horn  of  the  boatmen,  and  perform  the  proc- 
ess of  locking  with  a  quickness  that  puts  to  shame  the  slow- 
ness of  our  own.  .  .  .  The  impatience  of  commerce  with 
whom  time  is  money,  is  not  satisfied  with  a  rate  of  speed 
about  four-fold  that  which  is  common  on  our  own  canals. 
Merchandise  of  all  sorts,  as  well  as  travellers,  flows  in  at 
every  point  in  such  quantities,  that  railroads  have  been  con- 
structed along  the  borders  of  the  canal,  to  rival  the  packet- 
Railroads,  boats  in  the  transportation  of  passengers  only.  There  is 
one  from  Albany  to  Schenectady,  15  miles  in  length,  which 
though  not  well  built,  cost  about  550,000  dollars.  A  second, 
which  will  be  finished  in  1836,  runs  from  Schenectady  to 
Utica,  and  is  78  miles  in  length.*  A  third  railroad  is  in 
progress  from  Rochester  to  Buffalo  by  way  of  Batavia  anti 
Attica,  about  80  miles  in  length,  and  it  is  probable  before 
long  the  line  will  be  completed  from  one  end  of  the  canal  to 
the  other.  .  .  . 

A  still  greater  undertaking  is  already  in  train;  a  company 
was  chartered  in  1832;  which  will  begin  next  spring  the  con- 
struction of  a  railroad  from  New  York  City  to  Lake  Erie, 
through  the  southern  counties  of  the  State;  .  .  . 

Finally,  to  make  herself  more  entirely  mistress  of  the 
commerce  of  the  West,  and  to  penetrate  her  own  territory 
more  completely,  the  State  of  New  York  is  about  to  com- 
mence a  new  branch  of  the  Erie  Canal  (if  we  may  call  a 
work  of  which  the  entire  length  will  be  120  miles,  a  branch) 
which  will  form  an  immediate  connection  with  the  River 
Ohio.  .  .  . 

When  there  could  no  longer  be  a  doubt  of  the  speedy  com- 
pletion of  the  Erie  Canal,  Philadelphia  and  Baltimore  felt 

*  The  legislature  incorporated  the  company  on  the  express  condition  that 
they  should  transfer  only  travellers  and  their  baggage.  Notwithstanding 
this  provision,  when  the  books  were  opened  seven  times  the  amount  of 
capital  needed  was  subscribed ;  the  sum  required  was  $2,000,000 ;  the  amount 
of  subscriptions  $14,000,000. 


Branch 
canals. 


The  New  Democracy 


375 


that  New  York  was  going  to  become  the  capital  of  the  Union. 
The  spirit  of  competition  aroused  in  them  a  spirit  of  enter- 
prise. They  wished  also  to  have  their  routes  to  the  West; 
...  It  became  necessary  for  them,  therefore,  to  climb  the 
loftiest  heights,  and  thence  to  descend  to  the  level  of  the 
Ohio  with  their  works. 

1  .'.  .  From  Philadelphia  a  railroad  81  miles  in  length, 
extends  to  the  Susquehanna  at  Columbia.  To  the  Columbia 
railroad,  succeeds  a  canal,  172  miles  in  length  which  ascends 
the  Susquehanna  and  the  Juniata  to  the  foot  of  the  moun- 
tains at  Holidaysburg.  Thence  the  Portage  railroad  passes 
over  the  mountain  to  Johnstown,  a  distance  of  37  miles,  by 
means  of  several  inclined  planes,  constructed  on  a  grand 
scale,  with  an  inclination  sometimes  exceeding  one-tenth, 
which  does  not,  however,  deter  travellers  from  going  over 
them.  From  Johnstown  a  second  canal  goes  to  Pittsburg, 
104  miles.  This  route  is  subject  to  the  inconvenience  of 
three  transhipments.  .  .  . 

The  Pennsylvania  canal,  begun  in  1826,  was  finished  in 
1834.  The  State  has  connected  with  this  work  a  general 
system  of  canalization,  which  embraces  all  the  principal 
rivers,  .  .  . 

Still  less  than  Philadelphia,  could  Baltimore  think  of  a 
continuous  canal  to  the  Ohio.  Wishing  to  avoid  the  trans- 
shipments which  are  necessary  on  the  Pennsylvania  line,  the 
Baltimoreans  decided  on  the  construction  of  a  railroad  ex- 
tending from  their  city  to  Pittsburg  or  Wheeling,  ...  It  is 
now  finished  as  far  as  Harper's  Ferry  on  the  Potomac,  a 
distance  of  80  miles,  and  the  company  seem  to  have  given 
up  the  design  of  carrying  it  further.  .  .  . 

The  old  idea,  which  Washington  had  cherished,  of  making 
the  political  capital  of  the  Union  a  great  city,  was  not  less 
to  the  taste  of  Mr.  Adams  and  his  friends.  It  was,  there- 
fore, resolved  to  undertake  the  Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal, 
and  a  company  was  incorporated  for  this  purpose.  .  .  . 
The  execution  is  on  a  bold  scale,  and  superior  to  that  of  the 
works  before  mentioned.  .  .  . 


Rivalry 
of  cities 
for  West- 
ern trade. 


Chesa- 
peake and 
Ohio 
Canal. 


376 


Readings  in  American  History 


Travel 
from  New 
York  to 
Phila- 
delphia. 


Phila- 
delphia to 
Baltimore. 


Balti- 
more to 
Washing- 
ton and 
South. 


Southern 
railroads. 


Parallel  to  the  preceding  line  which  is  designed  for  the 
transportation  of  bulky  articles,  is  another  farther  inland 
for  the  use  of  travellers  and  the  lighter  and  more  valuable 
merchandise,  on  which  steam  is  becoming  the  only  motive 
power,  both  by  land  and  by  water;  by  land  on  railways,  and 
by  water  in  steamboats.  You  go  from  Boston  to  Providence 
by  a  railroad  42  miles  in  length,  .  .  .  which  cost  3.3,000 
dollars  a  mile.  From  Providence  to  New  York,  passengers 
are  carried  by  the  steamboats  in  from  14  to  18  hours;  some 
boats  have  made  the  passage  in  12  hours.  .  .  . 

Between  New  York  and  Philadelphia,  you  go  by  steam- 
boat to  South  Amboy,  28  miles,  whence  a  railroad  extends 
across  the  peninsula  to  Bordentown,  and  down  along  the 
Delaware  to  Camden,  opposite  Philadelphia.  In  summer  a 
steamboat  is  taken  at  Bordentown,  but  in  winter  the  Dela- 
ware is  frozen  over,  and  the  railway  is  then  used  through  the 
whole  distance  to  transport  the  crowd  that  is  always  going 
and  coming  between  the  commercial  and  financial  capitals 
of  the  United  States,  between  the  great  mart  and  the  exchange 
of  the  Union,  between  the  North  and  the  South.  ...  I  met 
many  persons  at  Philadelphia,  who  remembered  having  been 
two,  and  sometimes  three  long  days  on  the  road  to  New  York ; 
it  is  now  an  affair  of  seven  hours,  which  will  soon  be  reduced 
to  six.  .  .  . 

From  Philadelphia  to  Baltimore,  the  route  is  continued  by 
steamboat  to  Newcastle  and  a  railroad  from  thence  to  French- 
town,  across  the  peninsula,  1.6M  miles  long,  whence  another 
steamboat  takes  the  traveller  to  Baltimore  in  8  or  9  hours 
after  starting  from  Philadelphia.  .  .  . 

From  Baltimore  you  may  also  go  to  Washington,  by  a 
branch  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  railroad,  and  thence  by 
steamboat  down  the  Potomac  to  a  little  village,  15  miles 
from  Fredericksburg  from  which  a  railroad  is  now  in  progress 
to  Richmond.  .  .  . 

There  is,  therefore,  a  great  void  of  325  miles,  between  the 
Roanoke  and  Charleston,  the  chief  city  of  South  Carolina, 
or  rather  of  275  miles  between  the  Roanoke  and  Columbia, 


The  Xew  Democracy  377 

the  capital  of  that  State.  .  .  .  From  Charleston,  a  railroad 
136  miles  in  length,  extends  through  the  uncultivated  and 
feverish  zone  of  sand  and  pine-barrens  to  the  cotton-region; 
it  terminates  at  Hamburg,  on  the  River  Savannah,  opposite 
Augusta,  which  is  the  principal  interior  cotton-market.  .  .  . 
Its  construction  is  peculiar  in  this  respect,  that  where  its 
level  is  above  that  of  the  surface,  recourse  has  been  had  to 
piles  instead  of  embankments;  the  railway,  thus  perched 
upon  stilts  from  15  to  25  feet  high,  certainly  leaves  something 
to  be  desired  in  regard  to  the  safety  of  travellers,  .  .  .  An- 
other singular  circumstance  about  it  is,  that  it  was  constructed 
almost  entirely  by  slaves.  This  road  was  undertaken  with 
the  purpose  of  diverting  the  cotton,  which  descended  the 
river  Savannah  to  the  town  of  the  same  name,  from  that 
place  to  Charleston,  and  it  has  fully  answered  the  expecta- 
tions of  its  projectors.  .  .  . 

The  anthracite  beds  of  Pennsylvania  have  caused  the  con-  commu- 
struction  of  a  much  more  extensive  series  of  works.     At  pres-  ^j^1^" 
ent  hardly  any  other  fuel  is  consumed  on  the  coast  for  anthracite 
domestic  and  manufacturing  purposes  than  the  anthracite,  c 
which  is  found  only  in  a  small  section  of  Pennsylvania,  lying 
between  the  Susquehanna  and  the  Delaware.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  The  aggregate  length  of  all  the  works  which  I  have  Extent  of 
already  enumerated,  including  only  those  that  are  finished  j^™*^. 
or  far  advanced,  is  3,025  of  canal,  and  1,825  miles  of  rail-  meats, 
road,  made  at  a  cost  of  above  112  millions.  .  .  .  The  impulse 
is,  therefore,  given,  the  movement  goes  on  with  increasing 
speed,  the  whole  country  is  becoming  covered  with  works  in 
every  direction.     If  I  were  to  attempt  to  enumerate  all  the 
railroads,  of  which  the  routes  are  under  survey,  which  have 
been  or  are  on  the  point  of  being  authorized  by  charters 
from  the  several  legislatures,  for  which  the  subscription  is 
about  to  be  opened,  or  has  already  been  filled  up,  I  should 
be  obliged  to  mention  all  the  towns  in  the  Tnion.  .  .  . 

The  spectacle  of  a  young  people,  executing,  in  the  short    Enterprise 
space  of  fifteen  years,  a  series  of  works,  which  the  most  power-  ^ 
ful  States  of  Europe  with  a  population  three  or  four  time^  ;i- 


378  Readings  in  American  History 

great,  would  have  shrunk  from  undertaking,  is  in  truth  a 
noble  sight.  .  .  . 

The  millions  which  the  European  nations  raise  so  easily 
for  war,  that  is  to  say,  to  destroy  and  slaughter  each  other, 
would  not  certainly  be  wanting  to  their  princes  for  the  execu- 
tion of  useful  enterprises.  .  .  . 

Railroad  In  fact  there  is  a  perfect  mania  in  this  country  on  the  sub- 
tkmUla~  Jec^  °f  railroads.  •  •  •  Thus  the  Americans  have  railroads  in 
the  water,  in  the  bowels  of  the  earth,  and  in  the  air.  The 
benefits  of  the  invention  are  so  palpable  to  their  practical 
good  sense,  that  they  endeavor  to  make  an  application  of 
it  everywhere  and  to  everything,  right  or  wrong,  and  when 
they  cannot  construct  a  real,  profitable  railroad  across  the 
country  from  river  to  river,  from  city  to  city,  or  from  State 
to  State,  they  get  one  up,  at  least,  as  a  plaything,  or  until 
they  can  accomplish  something  better,  under  the  form  of  a 
machine.  .  .  . 

The  distance  from  Boston  to  New  Orleans  is  1600  miles. 
It  is  highly  probable,  that  within  a  few  years  this  immense 
line  will  be  covered  by  a  series  of  railroads  stretching  from 
bay  to  bay,  from  river  to  river,  and  offering  to  the  ever  im- 
patient Americans  the  service  of  rapid  cars  at  the  points 
where  the  steamboats  leave  their  passengers.  This  is  not  a 
castle  in  the  air,  like  so  many  of  those  grand  schemes  which 
are  projected  amidst  the  fogs  of  the  Seine,  the  Loire,  and  the 
Garonne;  it  is  already  half  completed.  .  .  . 

76.    ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  NATIONAL  ANTI-SLAVERY 
SOCIETY,  1833 

Extracts  from  the  "Declaration  of  Sentiments"  of  the  Conven- 
tion assembled  in  Philadelphia  to  organize  a  National  Anti-Slavery 
Society. 

More  than  fifty-seven  years  have  elapsed  since  a  band  of 
patriots  convened  in  this  place,  to  devise  measures  for  the 
deliverance  of  this  country  from  a  foreign  yoke.  .  .  . 

We  have  met  together  for  the  achievement  of  an  enter- 


The  New  Democracy  379 

prise,  without  which,  that  of  our  fathers  is  incomplete;  and 
which  for  its  magnitude,  solemnity,  and  probable  results 
upon  the  destiny  of  the  world  as  far  transcends  theirs  as 
moral  truth  does  physical  force. 

In  purity  of  motive,  in  earnestness  of  zeal,  in  decision  of 
purpose,  in  intrepidity  of  action,  in  steadfastness  of  faith,  in 
sincerity  and  spirit,  we  would  not  be  inferior  to  them. 

Their  principles  led  them  to  wage  war  against  their  op- 
pressors, and  to  spill  human  blood  like  water,  in  order  to  be 
free.  Ours  forbid  the  doing  of  evil  that  good  may  come,  and 
lead  us  to  reject,  and  to  entreat  the  oppressed  to  reject,  the 
use  of  all  carnal  weapons  for  deliverance  from  bondage;  rely- 
ing solely  upon  those  which  are  spiritual,  and  mighty  through 
God  to  the  pulling  down  of  strongholds. 

Their  measures  were  physical  resistance — the  marshalling 
in  arms — the  hostile  array — the  mortal  encounter.  Ours  shall 
be  such  only  as  the  opposition  of  moral  purity  to  moral  cor- 
ruption— the  destruction  of  error  by  the  potency  of  truth — 
the  overthrow  of  prejudice  by  the  power  of  love — and  the 
abolition  of  slavery  by  the  spirit  of  repentance. 

Their  grievances,  great  as  they  were,  were  trifling  in  com- 
parison with  the  wrongs  and  sufferings  of  those  for  whom  we 
plead.  Our  fathers  were  never  slaves — never  bought  and 
sold  like  cattle — never  shut  out  from  the  light  of  knowledge 
and  religion — never  subjected  to  the  lash  of  brutal  task 
masters. 

But  those,  for  whose  emancipation  we  are  striving, — con- 
stituting at  the  present  time  at  least  one-sixth  part  of  our 
countrymen, — are  recognized  by  the  laws,  and  treated  by 
their  fellow-beings,  as  marketable  commodities — as  goods 
and  chattels — as  brute  beasts;  are  plundered  daily  of  the 
fruits  of  their  toil  without  redress;  really  enjoy  no  constitu- 
tional nor  legal  protection  and  more  ruthlessly  torn  asunder 
— the  tender  babe  from  the  arms  of  its  frantic  mother — the 
heart-broken  wife  from  her  weeping  husband — at  the  caprice 
or  pleasure  of  irresponsible  tyrants.  For  the  crime  of  having 
a  dark  complexion  they  suffer  the  pangs  of  hunger,  the  inflic- 


380  Readings  in  American  History 

tion  of  stripes,  and  the  ignominy  of  brutal  servitude.  They 
are  kept  in  heathenish  darkness  by  laws  expressly  enacted 
to  make  their  instruction  a  criminal  offence.  .  .  . 

Hence  we  maintain — that  in  view  of  the  civil  and  religious 
privileges  of  this  nation,  the  guilt  of  its  oppression  is  un- 
equalled by  any  other  on  the  face  of  the  earth;  and,  there- 
fore, that  it  is  bound  to  repent  instantly,  to  undo  the  heavy 
burden,  to  break  every  yoke,  and  to  let  the  oppressed  go  free. 

We  further  maintain — that  no  man  has  a  right  to  enslave 
or  imbrute  his  brother — to  hold  or  acknowledge  him  for  one 
moment,  as  a  piece  of  merchandize — to  keep  back  his  hire 
by  fraud — or  to  brutalize  his  mind  by  denying  him  the 
means  of  intellectual,  social,  and  moral  improvement. 

The  right  to  enjoy  liberty  is  inalienable.  To  invade  it,  is 
to  usurp  the  prerogative  of  Jehovah.  Every  man  has  a 
right  to  his  own  body — to  the  products  of  his  own  labor — 
to  the  protection  of  law — and  to  the  common  advantages  of 
society.  It  is  piracy  to  buy  or  steal  a  native  African,  and 
subject  him  to  servitude.  Surely  the  sin  is  as  great  to  en- 
slave an  American  as  an  African.  .  .  . 

We  further  believe  and  affirm — That  all  persons  of  color, 
who  possess  the  qualifications  which  are  demanded  of  others, 
ought  to  be  admitted  forthwith  to  the  enjoyment  of  the 
same  privileges,  and  the  exercise  of  the  same  prerogatives,  as 
others — That  the  paths  of  preferment,  of  wealth,  and  of  in- 
telligence, should  be  opened  as  widely  to  them  as  to  persons 
of  a  white  complexion. 

We  maintain  that  no  compensation  should  be  given  to  the 
planters  emancipating  their  slaves — because  it  would  be  a 
surrender  of  the  great  fundamental  principle,  that  man 
cannot  hold  property  in  man — Because  Slavery  is  a  crime, 
and  therefore  it  is  not  an  article  to  be  sold — Because  the 
holders  of  slaves  are  not  the  just  proprietors  of  what  they 
claim;  freeing  the  slaves  is  not  depriving  them  of  property, 
but  restoring  it  to  its  right  owners,  it  is  not  wronging  the 
master,  but  righting  the  slave — restoring  him  to  himself — 
Because  immediate  and  general  emancipation  would  only 


The  Xeir  Democracy  381 

destroy  nominal,  not  real  property:  it  would  not  amputate 
a  limb  or  break  a  bone  of  the  slaves,  but  by  infusing  motives 
into  their  breasts,  would  make  them  doubly  valuable  to  the 
masters  as  free  laborers;  and,  because,  if  compensation  is 
given  at  all,  it  should  be  given  to  the  outraged  and  guiltless 
slaves,  and  not  to  those  who  have  plundered  and  abused  them. 

We  regard,  as  delusive,  cruel  and  dangerous,  any  scheme 
of  expatriation  which  pretends  to  aid,  either  directly  or  in- 
directly, in  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves,  or  to  be  a  sub- 
stitute for  the  immediate  and  total  abolition  of  slavery. 

We  fully  and  unanimously  recognize  the  sovereignty  of 
each  State,  to  legislate  exclusively  on  the  subject  of  slavery 
which  is  tolerated  within  its  limits;  we  concede  that  Con- 
gress, under  the  present  national  compact,  has  no  right  to 
interfere  with  any  of  the  slave  States,  in  relation  to  this  mo- 
mentous subject. 

But  we  maintain  that  Congress  has  a  right,  and  is  solemnly 
bound,  to  suppress  the  domestic  slave  trade  between  the 
several  States,  and  to  abolish  slavery  in  those  portions  of 
our  territory  which  the  Constitution  has  placed  under  its 
exclusive  jurisdiction. 

We  also  maintain  that  there  are,  at  the  present  time,  the 
highest  obligations  resting  upon  the  people  of  the  free 
States,  to  remove  slavery  by  moral  and  political  action,  as 
prescribed  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  They 
are  now  living  under  a  pledge  of  their  tremendous  physical 
force  to  fasten  the  galling  fetters  of  tyranny  upon  the  limbs 
of  millions  in  the  Southern  States;  they  are  liable  to  be  called 
at  any  moment  to  suppress  a  general  insurrection  of  the 
slaves;  they  authorize  the  slave  owner  to  vote  for  three- 
fifths  of  his  slaves  as  property,  and  thus  enable  him  to  per- 
petuate his  oppression;  they  support  a  standing  army  at  the 
South  for  its  protection  and  they  seize  the  slave  who  has 
escaped  into  their  territories,  and  send  him  back  to  be  tor- 
tured by  an  enraged  master  or  a  brutal  driver.  This  relation 
to  slavery  is  criminal  and  full  of  danger:  IT  MUST  BE 

BROKEN    UP. 


382  Readings  in  American  History 

These  are  our  views  and  principles — these,  our  designs  and 
measures.  .  .  . 

We  shall  organize  Anti-Slavery  Societies,  if  possible,  in 
every  city,  town,  and  village  in  our  land. 

We  shall  send  forth  Agents  to  lift  up  the  voice  of  remon- 
strance, of  warning,  of  entreaty,  and  of  rebuke. 

We  shall  circulate  unsparingly  and  extensively,  anti- 
slavery  tracts  and  periodicals. 

We  shall  enlist  the  pulpit  and  the  press  in  the  cause  of  the 
suffering  and  the  dumb. 

We  shall  aim  at  a  purification  of  the  churches  from  all 
participation  in  the  guilt  of  slavery. 

We  shall  encourage  the  labor  of  freeman  rather  than  that 
of  slaves,  by  giving  a  preference  to  their  productions:  and 

We  shall  spare  no  exertions  nor  means  to  bring  the  whole 
nation  to  speedy  repentance. 

Our  trust  for  victory  is  solely  in  God.  We  may  be  per- 
sonally defeated,  but  our  principles  never.  Truth,  Justice, 
Reason,  Humanity,  must  and  will  gloriously  triumph.  .  .  . 

Done  in  Philadelphia,  this  sixth  day  of  December,  A.  D. 
1833. 

FROM    THE    CONSTITUTION    OF    THE    AMERICAN    ANTI-SLAVERY 

SOCIETY 

Art.  II.  The  object  of  this  Society  is  the  entire  abolition 
of  slavery  in  the  United  States.  While  it  admits  that  each 
State  in  which  slavery  exists,  has,  by  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  the  exclusive  right  to  legislate  in  regard  to  its 
abolition  in  said  State,  it  shall  aim  to  convince  all  our  fellow- 
citizens,  by  arguments  addressed  to  their  understandings 
and  consciences,  that  slaveholding  is  a  heinous  crime  in  the 
sight  of  God,  and  that  the  duty,  safety  and  best  interests  of 
all  concerned,  require  its  immediate  abandonment  without 
expatriation.  The  Society  will  also  endeavor,  in  a  consti- 
tutional way,  to  influence  Congress  to  put  an  end  to  the 
domestic  slave  trade,  and  to  abolish  slavery  in  all  those  por- 


The  Neiv  Democracy  383 

tions  of  our  common  country  which  come  under  its  control, 
especially  in  the  District  of  Columbia,— and  likewise  to  pre- 
vent the  extension  of  it  to  any  state  that  may  be  hereafter 
admitted  to  the  Union. 

Art.  III.  This  Society  shall  aim  to  elevate  the  character 
and  condition  of  the  people  of  color,  by  encouraging  their 
intellectual  and  moral  worth,  share  and  equality  with  the 
whites,  of  civil  and  religious  privileges;  but  this  Society  will 
never  in  any  way,  countenance  the  oppressed  in  vindicating 
their  rights  by  resorting  to  physical  force. 

Art.  IV.  Any  person  who  consents  to  the  principles  of 
this  Constitution,  who  contributes  to  the  funds  of  this  So- 
ciety and  is  not  a  slaveholder,  may  be  a  member  of  this 
Society.  .  .  . 

CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  MASSACHUSETTS  ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETY 

Art.  I.  This  Society  shall  be  called  the  Massachusetts 
Anti-Slavery  Society,  and  shall  be  auxiliary  to  the  American 
Anti-Slavery  Society. 

Art.  II.  The  objects  of  the  Society  shall  be,  to  endeavor, 
by  all  means  sanctioned  by  law,  humanity  and  religion,  to 
effect  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  United  States;  to  im- 
prove the  character  and  condition  of  the  free  people  of  color, 
to  inform  and  correct  public  opinion  in  relation  to  their 
situation  and  rights,  and  obtain  for  them  equal  civil  and 
political  rights  and  privileges  with  the  whites. 

77.    THE  FIRST  TELEGRAPH  LINE,  1844 

Samuel  F.  B.  Morse,  at  the  time  of  his  graduation  from  Yale, 
1810,  was  ambitious  to  become  a  painter.  For  a  number  of  years  he 
devoted  himself  to  the  painting  of  portraits  and  made  rapid  progress. 
His  fame  was  established  as  the  inventor  of  the  electric  telegraph. 
Although  other  men  disputed  his  right  to  the  invention,  his  claims 
were  finally  established.  While  returning  from  Europe,  1832,  he 
devised  the  dash  and  dot  alphabet,  but  his  model  was  not  completed 
until  1835.  In  December,  1837,  having  a  few  months  earlier  secured 
a  patent,  he  applied  to  Congress  for  assistance  in  building  a  telegraph 


384 


Headings  in  American,  History 


line,  but  the  session  closed  without  making  the  necessary  grant. 
He  then  went  to  Europe  with  the  hope  of  interesting  foreign  govern- 
ments, but  in  this  was  likewise  unsuccessful.  Upon  returning  to 
the  United  States  he  was  in  debt,  and  it  is  stated  that  during  the  next 
four  years,  because  of  his  poverty,  he  was  known  to  have  gone  as 
long  as  twenty-four  hours  at  a  time  without  food. — (Nathan 
Sargent,  Public  Men  and  Events,  pp.  192-194.  Philadelphia,  1875.) 


Regarded 
as  imprac- 
ticable. 


On  the  opening  of  the  third  session  of  the  Twenty-seventh 
Congress,  Mr.  Morse,  of  telegraphic  celebrity,  obtained  leave 
to  set  up  his  telegraph  in  the  lower  rooms  of  the  Capitol,  in 
order  to  exhibit  to  Senators  and  members  its  operation,  he 
being  an  applicant  for  an  appropriation  of  thirty  thousand 
dollars  with  which  to  establish  an  experimental  line  from 
Washington  to  Baltimore. 

No  one  dreamed  then  that  continents,  separated  by  oceans, 
could  be  connected  by  telegraphic  wires,  and  messages  trans- 
mitted, almost  instantaneously,  between  the  most  distant 
parts  of  the  earth,  crossing  rivers,  bays,  lakes  and  oceans. 

The  rooms  in  which  were  the  termini  of  this  temporary 
illustrative  telegraph  were  almost  constantly  filled  by  Sena- 
tors, members  of  the  House,  and  others,  and  the  two  operators 
were  often  kept  busy  for  hours  transmitting  messages  to  and 
from  those  in  the  different  rooms,  to  the  great  wonder  of 
those  who  sent  and  those  who  received  them.  They  could 
hardly  credit  their  senses.  Members  in  the  different  rooms 
would  carry  on  for  some  time  a  jocose  conversation  full  of 
wit,  point,  and  repartee,  to  the  great  amusement  of  others 
in  the  rooms,  apparently  with  as  much  ease  as  if  they  stood 
face  to  face.  Still,  it  was  no  easy  matter  to  convince  many 
that  this  telegraph  could  be  made  practically  useful  to  the 
world.  It  was  considered  by  some  as  a  sort  of  Redheffer's 
perpetual-motion  machine — might  do  for  short  distance,  but 
impracticable  for  long  ones.  However,  there  were  others 
who,  if  they  could  not  see  all  of  the  great  results  to  be  wrought 
by  this  invention,  or  discovery — and  who  could  at  that  time? 
— were  satisfied  that  it  was  destined  to  effect  great  results. 

Mr.  Morse  asked  for  an  appropriation  of  thirty  thousand 


The  Xeic  Democracy  385 

dollars;   and  a  bill  was  introduced  authorizing  the  Secretary'  Approprfa- 
of  the  Treasury  to  make  an  experiment,  by  erecting  a  line  |£°n  asked 
of  telegraph — of  a  single  wire — from  Washington  to  Balti- 
more, and  making  an  appropriation  for  that  purpose. 

The  bill  came  up  and  was  considered  in  committee  of  the 
whole  on  the  21st  of  February.  It  met  with  most  decided 
opposition,  its  opponents,  not  numerous,  endeavoring  to  kill 
it  by  ridicule.  Mr.  Cave  Johnson,  who,  a  little  more  than 
a  year  after  this,  was  Postmaster-General,  moved  that  one- 
half  of  the  appropriation  be  expended  in  making  experiments 
in  mesmerism,  which  was  sustained  by  twenty  votes.  An- 
other member  moved  that  the  Secretary  use  the  appropria- 
tion in  trying  an  experiment  to  construct  a  railroad  to  the 
moon.  Other  ridiculous  propositions  were  made,  some  of 
them  creating  much  merriment  and  pleasant  badinage  among 
members.  Prominent  among  the  opponents  of  the  bill  were 
Cave  Johnson  and  George  W.  Jones,  of  Tennessee;  Edmund 
Burke,  of  New  Hampshire,  Commissioner  of  Patents  under 
Mr.  Polk;  George  S.  Houston  and  William  W.  Payne,  of 
Alabama;  W'illiam  Pettit  and  Andrew  Kennedy,  of  Indiana; 
and  Samuel  Gordon,  of  New  York.  Mr.  Pettit,  of  Indiana, 
afterwards  a  Democratic  Senator,  opposed  it,  and  looked 
upon  all  magnetic  telegraphs  as  miserable  chimeras,  fit  for 
nothing.  Nobody  who  did  not  understand  the  Pottawat- 
tomie  or  some  other  outlandish  jargon  could  know  what  the 
telegraph  reported. 

Governor  \Vallace,  of  Indiana,  who  voted  for  the  appro- 
priation, was  superseded  by  William  J.  Brown,  one  of  the 
leaders  of  the  Democratic  party,  who  made  the  vote  of 
Governor  \Vallace  the  great  theme  of  his  electioneering 
canvas. 

But,  finally,  the  opposition  gave  up,  and  the  bill  was  re-  Bin 
ported  to  the  House,  and  passed  by  a  small  majority. 

While  the  bill  was  undergoing  the  ordeal  of  ridicule  in  the 
committee  of  the  whole,  Mr.  Morse  stood  leaning  on  the  bar 
of  the  House,  or  railing,  in  a  state  of  intense  excitement  :m.l 
anxiety.  Seeing  him  thus,  I  went  to  him,  remarking  that  IM- 


386  Readings  in  American  History 

appeared  to  be  much  excited.  He  turned  and  said,  "I 
have  an  awful  headache,"  putting  his  hand  to  his  forehead. 
I  said,  "You  are  anxious."  "I  have  reason  to  be,"  he  re- 
plied; "and  if  you  knew  how  important  this  is  to  me,  you 
would  not  wonder.  I  have  spent  seven  years  in  perfecting 
this  invention,  and  all  that  I  had;  if  it  succeeds,  I  am  a  made 
man;  if  it  fails,  I  am  ruined.  I  have  a  large  family,  and  not 
money  enough  to  pay  my  board  bill  when  I  leave  the  city." 
I  assured  him  he  need  not  feel  so  anxious  as  the  bill  would 
pass.  "Are  you  sure  of  it?"  he  asked.  "Yes,  perfectly; 
all  this  ridicule  goes  for  nothing."  He  was  soon  relieved  by 
the  vote,  first  in  the  committee,  and  then  in  the  House.  I 
seldom  met  him  in  after  years  that  he  did  not  recall  the  con- 
versation between  us,  and  remark  how  much  relief  my  as- 
surance gave  him.  The  ridicule  cast  upon  his  great  inven- 
tion, or  discovery,  whichever  it  may  be,  mortified  him,  and 
led  him  to  fear  the  defeat  of  the  bill.  By  its  passage  he  was, 
as  he  said,  "A  made  man":  one  of  the  celebrities  of  the 
world,  whose  fame  can  never  die  so  long  as  man  can  flash 
words  over  continents  and  under  oceans  with  a  speed  that 
utterly  annihilates  time  and  space.  The  name  of  Morse  and 
the  electro-magnetic  telegraph  are  forever  inseparable.  .  .  . 
Practical  Mr.  Morse  had  completed  his  telegraph  line  from  Wash- 
telegraph  ington  to  Baltimore  just  previous  to  the  sitting  of  the  Demo- 
cratic convention,  and  was  ready  to  report  its  proceedings 
every  fifteen  minutes.  The  terminus  of  the  line  in  Wash- 
ington was  in  a  room  adjoining  the  Supreme  Court  room, 
under  the  Senate-Chamber,  now  the  Supreme  Court  room. 
Here  he  received  and  communicated  dispatches  during  the 
sitting  of  the  convention,  and  read  them  to  the  large  crowd 
assembled  around  the  window,  manifesting  the  most  intense 
interest  in  the  proceedings  at  Baltimore,  as  they  were  from 
time  to  time  received  and  read  aloud. 

It  was  a  novelty.  Every  few  minutes  it  would  be  reported 
that  Mr.  So-and-so  had  made  such  a  motion,  and  in  a  minute 
or  two,  "the  motion  has  failed,"  or,  "has  carried,"  as  the 
case  might  be.  Again,  "  A  ballot  is  being  taken,"  etc.  "  Mr. 


The  Neic  Democracy  387 

Polk  has  been  proposed,  and  a  vote  is  being  taken;  such  a 
State  has  voted  for  Mr.  Polk, — such  and  such  and  such  States 
have  voted  for  him;  he  has  received  two-thirds,  and  is 
nominated." 

This  talking  with  Baltimore  was  something  so  novel,  so 
strange,  so  extraordinary,  and  upon  a  matter  of  such  intense 
interest,  that  we  could  hardly  realize  the  fact.  It  seemed 
like  enchantment,  or  a  delusion,  or  a  dream. 

When  the  telegraph  announced  that  a  vote  was  being 
taken  for  James  K.  Polk  for  President,  and  he  had  been 
nominated,  the  Democrats  received  the  intelligence  in  silence, 
not  knowing  what  to  make  of  it.  ... 


CHAPTER  XXI 

TERRITORIAL     EXPANSION     AND     GROWTH     OF    THE 
SLAVERY  ISSUE 

78.     THE  OREGON  TRAIL,  1848 

Jessy  Quinn  Thornton  set  out  from  Quincy,  111.,  April,  1846,  for 
Oregon,  accompanied  by  his  wife.  They  migrated  with  the  hope 
that  the  change  of  climate  would  restore  them  to  health.  He  became 
judge  of  the  Oregon  Supreme  Court. — (Jessy  Quinn  Thornton,  Oregon 
and  California  Trail  in  1848,  Vol.  I,  13  passim.) 

independ-        In  due  time  we  arrived  at  Independence,  Missouri,  the 

SS-      Place  of  rendezvous.   .   .   . 

point.  The  town  of  Independence  was  at  this  time  a  great  Babel 

upon  the  border  of  the  wilderness.  Here  might  be  seen  the 
African  slave  with  his  shining  black  face,  driving  his  six- 
horse  team  of  blood-red  bays,  and  swaying  from  side  to  side 
as  he  sat  upon  the  saddle  and  listened  to  the  incessant  tin- 
kling of  the  bells.  In  one  street,  just  driving  out  of  town,  was 
an  emigrant,  who  having  completed  all  his  preparations,  was 
about  entering  upon  the  great  prairie  wilderness;  whistling 
as  though  his  mouth  had  been  made  for  nothing  else.  The 
shrill  notes  seemed  to  come  up  from  the  bottom  of  a  throat 
without  "a  stop." 

Santa  Fe  wagons  were  coming  in,  having  attached  to  them 
eight  or  ten  mules,  some  driven  by  Spaniards,  some  by 
Americans  resembling  Indians,  some  by  negroes,  and  others 
by  persons  of  all  possible  crosses  between  these  various  races; 
each  showing  in  his  dress  as  well  as  in  his  face  some  distinct- 
ive characteristic  of  his  blood  and  race.  The  traders  had 
been  out  to  Santa  Fe,  and  having  sold  their  goods  in  ex- 

388 


Territorial  Expansion 


389 


change  for  gold  dust,  dollars,  and  droves  of  mules,  were  then 
daily  coming  in;  the  dilapidated  and  muddy  condition  of 
their  wagons,  and  wagon-sheets,  as  the  sore  backs  of  their 
mules,  all  giving  evidence  of  the  length  and  toil  of  the  jour- 
ney they  had  performed  and  were  now  about  to  terminate. 

Merchants  were  doing  all  in  their  power  to  effect  the  sale 
of  supplies  to  emigrants.  Some  of  the  emigrants  were  hurry- 
ing to  and  fro,  looking  careworn,  and  many  of  them  sad,  as 
though  the  cloud  had  not  yet  passed  away,  that  had  come 
over  their  spirits,  as  they  tore  themselves  from  friends  and 
scenes  around  which  had  clustered  the  memories  of  the  heart. 
One  was  seen  just  starting,  calling  out  to  his  oxen,  and 
cracking  his  whip  as  though  the  world  were  at  his  control. 
Although  some  four  or  five  children  in  the  wagon  were  cry- 
ing in  all  possible  keys,  he  drove  on,  looking  as  cheerful  and 
happy,  as  though  he  was  perfectly  sure  that  he  was  going  to 
a  country  where  the  valleys  flowed  with  milk  and  honey. 
Behind  the  wagon,  with  her  nose  almost  over  the  end  board, 
an  old  mare  slowly  and  patiently  stepped  along  as  though 
she  knew  that  she  was  carrying  "mother"  and  "the  baby"; 
and  therefore  must  not  stumble  on  any  account. 

May  12.  —  During  the  day  we  passed  many  immense 
wagons  carrying  from  60  to  70  cwt.  of  goods  for  the  Santa 
Fe  market. 

May  13.  —  We  set  off  this  morning  for  the  Indian  country. 
Before  noon  we  passed  the  last  fixed  abode  of  a  white  man  — 
the  last  cabin  —  and  immediately  afterward  entered  the  ter- 
ritory of  the  Shawnees.  We  continued  to  meet  wagons  re- 
turning from  Santa  Fe.  We  also  met  thirty  Indians.  In 
the  afternoon  we  overtook  Ex-Governor  Boggs  and  some 
California  emigrants. 

We  encamped  at  night  in  an  open  prairie,  without  wood 
for  fires;  and  with  ill-tasting  water  rendered  impure  by  de- 
cayed vegetable  matter. 

May  15.  —  About  the  middle  of  the  afternoon,  Ex-Governor  Numbers 
Boggs  and  myself,  with  our  wagons,  teams,  and  those  of 
some  others,  came  up  with  the  main  body  of  the  California 


Beginning 


390  Readings  in  American  History 

emigrants,  consisting  of  63  wagons,  under  Col.  W.  H.  Russell, 
who  were  still  considered  as  being  at  the  rendezvous,  having 
moved  forward  a  little,  but  having  halted  again  for  emigrants 
whom  they  expected  to  join  them.  We  were  immediately 
invited  to  attach  ourselves  to  their  party,  and  to  remain  with 
them  until  those  of  us  who  proposed  to  go  to  Oregon,  should 
find  ourselves  in  sufficient  numbers,  by  new  accessions,  to 
form  a  company  of  our  own. 

In  the  evening,  an  inquiry  was  instituted  for  the  purpose 
of  ascertaining  the  sufficiency  of  the  wagons,  teams  and  pro- 
visions; the  number  and  sort  of  arms;  the  amount  of  powder 
and  lead;  the  number  of  persons  capable  of  bearing  arms, 
and  the  number  of  all  other  persons  of  either  sex.  The  fol- 
lowing are  believed  to  be  the  numbers:  wagons,  72;  men, 
130;  women,  65;  children,  125;  breadstuff,  69,420  Ibs. ; 
bacon,  40,200  Ibs. ;  powder,  1,100  Ibs.;  lead,  2,672  Ibs. ;  guns, 
mostly  rifles,  155;  pistols,  104;  cattle  and  horses,  estimated 
at  710. 

The  wagons  were  generally  new,  strong,  and  well  painted. 
They  were  all  covered  with  strong  linen  or  cotton  drilling; 
some  of  them  being  painted,  so  as  more  effectually  to  repel 
the  rain.  Some  of  the  wagons  had  "California"  painted  on 
the  cover;  some  of  them  displayed  "Oregon";  some  added 
in  large  letters,  "The  whole  or  none";  some  "54°  40'".  .  .  . 
All  were  obliging  and  kind;  and  there  was  even  an  extraor- 
dinary absence  of  selfishness;  suffering,  want,  and  privations, 
mental  anxiety,  hardship,  and  exhausting  labor,  had  not  yet 
blunted  the  moral  perceptions  of  any,  excited  cupidity,  and 
selfishness,  or  dried  up  the  fountains  of  the  heart's  best  and 
purest  affections. 

Motives  May    16. — We  were  now  en  route,  some  for  Oregon  and 

fr£nrmgrar  some  for  California.  Many  who  had  large  families  of  chil- 
dren were  removing  to  Oregon  with  the  hope  of  finding  a 
more  salubrious  climate  than  the  one  they  had  left,  and  of 
obtaining  from  the  government  of  the  United  States  a  grant 
of  land  which  would  enable  them  to  maintain  their  families 
in  an  honorable  independence.  Some  had  become  involved 


Territorial  Expansion  391 

in  pecuniary  embarrassments,  and  having  sold  their  property 
to  pay  their  creditors,  could  not  consent  to  remain  where 
they  must  necessarily  see  their  former  pleasant  homes  in  the 
hands  of  others;  and  they  had  resolved  upon  making  an 
effort  to  retrieve  their  fallen  fortunes  in  Oregon,  where  they 
flattered  themselves  that  if  they  accomplished  no  more,  they 
would  at  least  avoid  a  position  in  which  the  wealth  and  splen- 
did equipages  of  others  would  upbraid  them  for  their  pov- 
erty. Others  had,  during  a  long  time,  their  yearly  acquisi- 
tions taken  from  them  by  eager  creditors,  who  had  thus 
crippled  their  resources,  depressed  their  energies,  and  de- 
prived them  of  all  hope  either  of  paying  their  debts  or  of 
being  able  to  educate  their  children.  They  hoped  that  by 
emigrating  to  Oregon  they  would  for  a  few  years  escape 
harassing  observation,  and  thus  be  able  to  accumulate  the 
means  of  meeting  all  their  engagements.  Many  were  in 
pursuit  of  health.  Some  were  actuated  by  a  mere  love  of 
change;  many  more  by  a  spirit  of  enterprise  and  adventure; 
and  a  few,  I  believe,  knew  not  exactly  why  they  were  thus 
upon  the  road.  The  motives  which  thus  brought  this  mul- 
titude together  were,  in  fact,  almost  as  various  as  their  fea- 
tures. They  agreed  in  the  one  general  object — that  of  bet- 
tering their  condition;  but  the  particular  means  by  which 
each  proposed  to  attain  this  end,  were  as  various  as  can  well 
be  imagined.  These  remarks  apply  with  equal  force  to  the 
California  emigrants,  with  the  exception  that  some  of  them 
expected  to  obtain  grants  of  land  in  that  country  from  the 
government  of  Mexico. 

Nor  were  the  people  less  different  in  their  general  appear- 
ance, manners,  education  and  principles.  The  majority 
were  plain,  honest,  substantial,  intelligent,  enterprising  and 
virtuous. 

May  17. — Mr.  Webb,  editor  of  the  "  Independence  Exposi-  Beginning 
tion,"  and  a  Mr.  Hay,  arrived  in  camp  a  little  after  dark, 
having  come  direct  from  the  settlements  to  communicate  to  War. 
us  the  last  intelligence  we  should  receive  before  arriving  at 
the  Pacific.     The  letters  and  papers  brought  by  them,  gave 


392 


Readings  in  American  History 


us  positive  information  of  the  commencement  of  hostilities, 
and  of  the  perilous  position  of  the  noble  and  gallant  Taylor. 
But  I  did  not  doubt  that  the  resources  of  his  great  mind  and 
his  unsurpassed  military  skill,  would  enable  him  to  extricate 
himself  in  a  manner  that  would  be  honorable  to  the  American 
arms,  and  add  additional  lustre  to  a  name  already  greatly 
endeared  to  his  admiring  countrymen;  .  .  . 

May  21. — We  continued  our  journey  seven  miles  to  a 
creek,  the  banks  of  which  were  so  steep  as  to  make  it  neces- 
sary to  let  down  the  wagons  by  means  of  ropes  into  the 
stream,  when  teams  were  doubled  for  the  purpose  of  drawing 
them  up  the  opposite  bank.  The  process  was  difficult  and 
tedious,  but  was  at  length  accomplished.  .  .  . 

Mr.  Alfonso  Boone,  a  grandson  of  the  celebrated  Daniel 
Boone,  and  a  brother-in-law  of  Ex-Governor  Boggs,  came 
up  with  us  in  the  afternoon.  After  the  first  ordinary  camp 
duties  were  over,  the  men  amused  themselves  by  target- 
shooting  with  the  rifle.  At  night  the  cattle  were  driven  into 
the  kraal,  to  prevent  the  Indians  from  stealing  them. 

May  22. — This  morning  thirteen  wagons,  near  half  of 
which  belonged  to  Mr.  Gordon,  of  Jackson  County,  Mo., 
separated  from  our  party,  assigning  as  a  reason  for  so  doing, 
that  the  company  was  too  large  to  move  with  the  necessary 
celerity.  A  restlessness  of  disposition  and  dissatisfaction, 
produced  by  trifling  causes,  and  a  wish  to  rule  rather  than 
to  be  ruled,  to  lead  rather  than  be  led,  are  the  sources  of 
frequent  divisions  and  subdivisions  of  companies.  .  .  . 

Under  this  date,  I  find  the  following,  among  other  remarks, 
in  Mrs.  Thornton's  journal :  "  I  saw  many  Indians,  one  of 
whom  offered  all  his  money  to  Mr.  Thornton  for  his  squaw's 
parasol.  Squaw  did  not  think  proper  to  part  with  it." 

May  25. — We  traveled  until  about  the  middle  of  the  after- 
noon; but  scarcely  had  we  got  our  tents  spread,  when  a 
tremendous  storm  of  wind  and  rain  came  up,  accompanied 
by  vivid  lightning  and  almost  deafening  thunder.  The  rain 
poured  in  torrents  down  the  hill  sides  and  tumbled  tumultu- 
ously  into  the  streams  below.  .  .  . 


Territorial  Expansion  393 

May  26.— In  the  evening,  Ex-Governor  Boggs,  Mr.  J.  F.   Gover 
Reed,  Mr.  George  Dormer,  and  some  others,  including  my-  ™"to 
self,  convened  in  a  tent,  according  to  an  appointment  of  a 
general  meeting  of  the  emigrants,  with  the  design  of  preparing 
a  system  of  laws  for  the  purpose  of  preserving  order,  etc. 
We  proposed  a  few  laws,  without,  however,  believing  that 
they  would  possess  much  authority.     Provision  was  made 
for  the  appointment  of  a  court  of  arbitrators,  to  hear  and 
decide  disputes,  and  to  try  offenders  against  the  peace  and 
good  order  of  the  company. 

May  27. — A  meeting  was  held  about  nine  o'clock  to  hear 
and  decide  upon  the  report  of  the  committee.     A  man  named 

E made  use  of  violent  language  against  our  leader,  Col. 

Russell,  and  the  sub-captain.     E had  been  disappointed 

in  not  being  elected  to  the  latter  post.  He  finally  moved  the 
appointment  of  a  committee  to  try  the  officers  when  charged 
with  neglect  of  duty,  or  improper  treatment  of  any  of  the 
party.  The  motion  prevailed,  whereupon  the  officers  re- 
signed. A  few  moments'  reflection  showed  the  evil  conse- 
quences of  permitting  E to  control  in  any  degree  the  com- 
pany. The  resolution  was  rescinded  by  a  large  majority, 
and  the  former  officers  re-elected  by  acclamation.  .  .  . 

May  28. — The  river  having  fallen  more  than  fifteen  inches  crossin 
during  the  night,  the  whole  party  after  breakfast  were  desired  rlver 
to  unite  in  the  construction  of  large  canoes,  to  be  used  when 
lashed  together,  as  a  sort  of  raft,  upon  which  to  take  our 
wagons  over  the  stream.  The  call  was  not  generally  re- 
sponded to;  nevertheless  a  number  of  persons  went.  Two 
large  cotton-wood  trees  about  four  feet  in  diameter,  were 
felled,  from  which  two  canoes  twenty-five  feet  in  length  were 
commenced.  It  was  intended  to  unite  them,  by  means  of 
cross  timbers,  so  as  to  admit  the  wheels  of  the  wagon  into 
them;  and  then  to  attach  lines  to  both  ends  of  this  "Blue 
River  Rover,"  as  it  was  called,  and  by  pulling  backward  and 
forward,  convey  over  all  our  wagons  and  goods. 

May  31.— The  wagons  having  been  all  carried  across,  the 
animals  were  driven  in,  and  caused  to  swim  the  stream, 


394  Readings  in  American  History 

Many  of  the  men  came  up  shivering  violently.  The  per- 
petual  vexations  and  continued  hard  labor  of  the  day  had 
kept  the  nerves  of  most  of  the  men  in  a  state  of  great  irrita- 
bility. Two  drivers  fought  near  the  banks  of  the  river,  with 
fists  at  first,  but  with  knives  at  last.  They  were  separated 
without  serious  injury  to  either.  .  .  . 

June  2. — Twenty  wagons,  including  mine — all  for  Oregon 
— separated  from  the  California  wagons,  and  proceeded  on 
in  advance.  .  .  . 

June  3. — We  set  off  at  7  o'clock,  and  fears  being  entertained 
that  the  California  company  was  making  an  effort  to  come 
up  to  us,  and  pass,  we  drove  rapidly  during  the  day,  over  a 
prairie  which  was  generally  level,  and  in  some  places  muddy. 
We  traveled  twenty  miles. 

Alarmed  June  7. — We  saw  the  Pawnee  face  for  the  first  time.  As 
^e  sun  was  about  to  set  behind  the  hills,  twenty-three  war- 
riors, mounted  on  horseback  and  armed  with  bows  and  arrows, 
appeared  upon  the  top  of  a  distant  eminence,  between  us 
and  the  declining  sun.  After  reconnoitering  our  position  for 
a  few  minutes  headed  by  their  chief  they  came  sweeping 
down  the  slope  at  a  quick  charge.  There  was  something  in 
their  appearance  not  exactly  warlike,  but  as  having  rather 
the  insolent  bearing  of  confident  robbers,  whose  eyes  brighten 
with  the  sight  of  the  spoil  they  already  regarded  as  wrested 
from  the  hands  of  weak  and  defenseless  emigrants.  We 
armed  ourselves  with  our  rifles  and  went  out  to  meet  them. 
We  should  have  remained  behind  our  wagons,  which  would 
have  served  as  a  breast-work.  However,  the  leader  of  our 
company  did  not  think  so ;  and  we  accordingly  all  went  out. 
But  the  wary  and  observing  chief  of  these  roving  robbers, 
seeing  that  we  were  likely  to  give  them  a  reception  very 
different  from  the  one  he  looked  for,  instantly  altered  his 
whole  conduct  and  aspect.  Seeing  our  determination  and 
condition,  though  we  were  still  inferior  to  his  strength,  he 
instantly  changed  from  the  firm  and  cruel  expression  of  a 
plundering  savage  to  the  bland  and  pleasant  aspect  of  a 
friend. 


Territorial  Expansion  395 

June  8. — We  arrived  at  the  Nebraska  at  2  o'clock,  p.  M., 
and  we  then  proceeded  up  it  till  about  5  o'clock,  when  we 
encamped  at  a  place  that  had  recently  been  occupied  by  an 
advance  party.  .  .  . 

June  14. — All  the  company  had,  without  much  ceremony,  Wedding, 
been  invited  to  attend  a  wedding,  at  the  tent  of  Mr.  Lord, 
at  9  o'clock  that  evening.  .  .  . 

I  can  not  say  that  I  much  approve  of  a  woman  marrying 
upon  the  road.  It  looks  so  much  like  making  a  sort  of  hop, 
skip,  and  jump  into  matrimony.  ... 

June  16. — We  saw  this  day  a  multitude  of  bison.  They  Buffalo 
seemed  almost  to  cover  the  country  in  some  places.  The  bunt' 
dark  rolling  masses,  even  in  the  distance,  made  a  low,  dull, 
rumbling  sound,  like  an  approaching  earthquake, — such  was 
the  rattling  of  their  hoofs  and  horns.  Hunters,  trappers, 
voyageurs,  or  emigrants  when  they  are  in  the  bison  country, 
relieve  the  monotony  of  the  day's  toil  by  the  excitement  of 
the  chase.  .  .  .  Then,  after  the  camp  fires  are  lighted,  there 
comes  on  the  roasting  of  ribs  and  boudins,  the  chef  d'ceuvre 
of  all  who  know  how  to  appreciate  good  eating  in  the  great 
prairie  wilderness.  Stale  anecdotes  are  retailed — puns  good, 
bad,  or  indifferent  are  perpetrated;  all  kinds  of  jokes  and 
jests  are  cracked;  or,  it  may  be,  veritable  stories  are  related 
of  life  full  of  startling  adventure  and  the  most  thrilling  in- 
cident. .  .  . 

July  7. — The  day  was  the  warmest  we  had  experienced,   suffering 
and  the  dust  filled  the  lungs,  nose,  ears,  and  hair;   and  so  fl 
covered  the  face,  that  it  was  sometimes  difficult  to  recognize 
each  other.  ...  I  have  known  the  time  when  I  would  have 
given  fifty  dollars  for  a  pair  of  goggles.     We  suffered  from 
this   almost  insupportable  flying  sand  or  dust  for  weeks 
together. 

July  8.— At  this  place  the  first  open  and  very  marked  at-  Outlawry. 
tempt  was  made  to  seize  upon  my  property,  and  leave  myself 
and  wife  in  the  wilderness,  exposed  to  the  tender  mercies  of 
the  savages.     David  came  to  my  wagon,  with  one  Rice  Dun- 
bar,  and  coolly  informed  me  that  he  intended  to  take  from 


396 


Readings  in  A  merican  History 


Ascent  to 

South 

Pass. 


South 
Pass. 


Wrong 
advice  and 
suffering 
of  com- 
pany. 


me  two  ox-yokes  and  their  chains.  .  .  .  He  took  up  the 
second  yoke,  and  loaded  himself  with  it  and  the  chain;  and 
I  took  up  a  musket,  which  although  not  loaded,  had  a  bayonet 
upon  it,  and  immediately  came  down  upon  him  with  fixed 
bayonet  ...  I  then  sprang  into  my  wagon  and  got  my  six- 
shooter.  I  then  marched  him  out  and  marched  him  before 
me  to  the  first  yoke  and  chain  taken  by  him,  which,  with 
great  docility,  he  took  up  and  carried  back  to  my  wagon.  .  .  . 

July  18. — The  ascent  to  the  top  of  the  pass  is  so  gradual 
that  it  is  somewhat  difficult  at  first  to  fix  the  culminating 
point.  We  had  approached  it  from  Rock  Independence,  over 
a  gradually  ascending  plane,  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles 
in  length,  and  our  road  conducted  us  to  the  summit  by  an 
ascent  so  regular  that  we  did  not,  upon  arriving  at  it,  realize 
at  first  the  elevation  to  which  we  had  attained.  It  is,  there- 
fore, in  this  peculiarity  entirely  unlike  the  winding  ascent  by 
which  the  traveler  toils  up  the  Alleghany.  .  .  . 

This  South  Pass  possesses  great  interest  when  we  come  to 
observe  that  in  its  immediate  vicinity  the  Colorado,  the  Co- 
lumbia, the  Missouri,  and  the  Nebraska  have  their  sources. 

July  20. — We  all  resumed  our  journey;  our  California 
friends  turning  to  the  left  and  we  continuing  along  the  right 
hand  road,  .  .  .  On  the  eighth  of  August  they  were  directed 
by  a  group  of  men  who  claimed  to  be  marking  out  a  new 
route  that  by  taking  the  road  indicated  the  emigrants  would 
be  able  to  shorten  the  850  miles  still  before  them  by  200 
miles.  This  advice  was  acted  upon.  Instead  of  shortening 
the  route,  they  were  forced  to  travel  some  600  miles  further 
before  reaching  their  destination.  Their  food  was  almost 
exhausted;  wagons  were  abandoned  because  of  the  death  of 
oxen  and  a  part  of  the  journey  was  performed  on  foot  with 
extreme  suffering,  some  of  the  company  dying  of  starvation 
and  exposure. 

August  22. — The  country  over  which  we  had  passed  was 
dreary  beyond  description.  The  earth  was  iron  and  the 
heavens  brass.  Everything  was  parched  and  arid;  .  .  .  The 
oxen  hurried  forward  with  a  rapidity  which  will  be  consid- 


Territorial  Expansion  397 

ered  great,  if  we  remember  that  they  had  now  l>een  two  days 
and  one  night  without  either  water  or  grass.  .  .  . 

We  made  a  large  fire,  at  which  Mrs.  Thornton  prepared 
tea ;  we  having  brought  a  little  water  with  us  from  the  river. 
This  and  a  small  allowance  of  crackers,  only  equal,  however, 
to  the  amount  to  which  we  had  confined  ourselves  for  several 
weeks,  she  divided  with  our  unhappy  companions  in  peril 
and  travel. 

On  the  night  of  our  encampment  in  the  Siskia  mountains, 
some  of  the  emigrants  had  not  an  ounce  of  bread,  and  only 
a  small  quantity  of  very  poor,  unwholesome,  and  innutrious 
beef. 

November  4. — We  passed  household  and  kitchen  furniture, 
beds  and  bedding,  books,  carpets,  cooking  utensils,  dead 
cattle,  broken  wagons,  and  wagons  not  broken,  but,  never- 
theless abandoned.  In  short,  the  whole  road  presented  the 
appearance  of  a  defeated  and  retreating  army,  having  passed 
over  it,  ... 

November  18. — On  this  day,  just  seven  months  from  the  Reach  the 
time  of  entering  then  upon  our  journey,  we  entered  the  head   ^elie 
of  the  Willamette  Valley.     This  was  an  important  point  in   valley, 
our  journey  and   I   seemed  to  have  thrown  off  from  my 
shoulder,  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  when  I  first  entered 
the  valley  a  load  of  care  that  had  long  oppressed  me.  .  .  . 

79.    DISCOVERY  OF  GOLD  IN  CALIFORNIA 

Reverend  Walter  Colton  was  a  chaplain  in  the  navy.  His  ship  was 
ordered  to  California,  and  he  was  appointed  provisional  alcalde  in 
Monterey  by  Commodore  Stockton  in  1846.  During  September 
of  that  year  he  held  the  first  jury  trial  in  California.  Through  his 
influence  also  the  first  school-house  in  California  is  said  to  have  been 
built  and  the  first  newspaper  started.  His  Diary  gives  an  excellent 
account  of  the  time. — (Reverend  Walter  Colton,  Three  Years  in 
California,  245  passim.  New  York,  1850.) 

Monday,  June  12. — A  straggler  came  in  to-day  from  the  Gold  flret 
American  Fork,  bringing  a  piece  of  yellow  ore  weighing  an 
ounce.     One  brought  a  spyglass,  another  an  iron  ladle;  some 


398 


Readings  in  American  History 


Excite- 
ment. 


All  types 
flock  to 
the  mines. 


wanted  to  melt  it,  others  to  hammer  it,  and  a  few  were  satis- 
fied with  smelling  it.  All  were  full  of  tests;  and  many,  who 
could  not  be  gratified  in  making  their  experiments,  declared 
it  a  humbug.  .  .  .  They  could  not  conceive  that  such  a 
treasure  could  have  lain  there  so  long  undiscovered.  The 
idea  seemed  to  convict  them  of  stupidity. 

Tuesday,  June  20. — My  messenger  sent  to  the  mines,  has 
returned  with  specimens  of  the  gold;  he  dismounted  in  a  sea 
of  upturned  faces.  As  he  drew  forth  the  yellow  lumps  from 
his  pockets,  and  passed  them  around  among  the  eager  crowd, 
the  doubts,  which  had  lingered  till  now,  fled.  All  admitted 
they  were  gold,  except  one  old  man,  who  still  persisted  they 
were  some  Yankee  invention,  got  up  to  reconcile  the  people 
to  the  change  of  flag.  The  excitement  produced  was  intense, 
and  many  were  soon  busy  in  their  hasty  preparations  for  a 
departure  to  the  mines.  The  family  who  had  kept  house 
for  me  caught  the  moving  infection.  Husband  and  wife 
were  both  packing  up;  the  blacksmith  dropped  his  hammer, 
the  carpenter  his  plane,  the  mason  his  trowel,  the  farmer  his 
sickle,  the  baker  his  loaf,  and  the  tapster  his  bottle.  All 
were  off  for  the  mines,  some  on  horses,  some  on  carts,  and 
some  on  crutches,  and  one  went  in  a  litter.  Debtors  ran  of 
course.  I  have  only  a  community  of  women  left,  and  a  gang 
of  prisoners,  with  here  and  there  a  soldier,  who  will  give  his 
captain  the  slip  at  the  first  chance.  I  don't  blame  the  fellow 
a  whit;  seven  dollars  a  month,  while  others  are  making  two 
or  three  hundred  a  day!  that  is  too  much  for  human  nature 
to  stand.  .  .  . 

Saturday,  July  15. — The  gold  fever  has  reached  every  serv- 
ant in  Monterey;  none  are  to  be  trusted  in  their  engage- 
ment beyond  a  week.  General  Mason,  Lieutenant  Lanman, 
and  myself,  form  a  mess;  we  have  a  house,  and  all  the  table 
furniture  and  culinary  apparatus  requisite;  but  our  servants 
have  run,  one  after  another,  till  we  are  almost  in  despair; 
even  Sambo,  who  we  thought  would  stick  by  from  laziness, 
if  no  other  cause,  ran  last  night;  and  this  morning,  for  the 
fortieth  time,  we  had  to  take  to  the  kitchen,  and  cook  our 


Territorial  Expansion  399 

own  breakfast.  A  general  of  the  United  States  Army,  the 
commander  of  a  man-of-war,  and  the  Alcalde  of  Monterey, 
in  a  smoking  kitchen,  grinding  coffee,  toasting  a  herring, 
pealing  onions !  These  gold  mines  are  going  to  upset  all  the 
domestic  arrangements  of  society. 

Tuesday,  July  18. — Another  bag  of  gold  from  the  mines, 
and  another  spasm  in  the  community.  My  carpenters  at 
work  on  the  school-house,  on  seeing  it,  threw  down  their  saws 
and  planes,  shouldered  their  picks,  and  are  off  for  the  Yuba. 
Three  seamen  ran  from  the  Warren,  forfeiting  their  four 
years'  pay;  and  a  whole  platoon  of  soldiers  from  the  fort 
left  only  their  colors  behind.  .  .  . 

Saturday,  August  12. — My  man  Bob,  who  is  of  Irish  ex-  Wealth 
traction  and  who  had  been  in  the  mines  about  two  months, 
returned  to  Monterey  four  weeks  since,  bringing  with  him 
over  two  thousand  dollars,  as  the  proceeds  of  his  labor.  Bob, 
while  in  my  employ,  required  me  to  pay  him  every  Saturday 
night,  in  gold,  which  he  put  into  a  little  leather  bag  and  sewed 
into  the  lining  of  his  coat,  after  taking  out  twelve  and  a  half 
cents,  his  weekly  allowance  for  tobacco.  But  now  he  took 
rooms  and  began  to  branch  out;  he  had  the  best  horses,  the 
richest  viands,  and  the  choicest  wines  in  the  place.  He  never 
drank  himself,  but  it  filled  him  with  delight  to  brim  the 
sparkling  goblets  for  others.  Multitudes  here  are  none  the 
richer  for  the  mines.  .  .  . 

Thursday,  Aug.  17. — Let  me  introduce  a  man  well  known 
to  me,  who  has  worked  on  the  Yuba  river  sixty-four  days, 
and  brought  back  as  the  result  of  his  individual  labor,  five 
thousand  three  hundred  and  fifty-six  dollars.  Make  a  dot 
there,  and  let  me  introduce  another  townsman,  who  has 
worked  on  the  North  Fork  fifty-seven  days,  and  brought 
back  four  thousand  five  hundred  and  thirty-four  dollars. 
Make  a  dot  there,  and  let  me  introduce  a  boy  fourteen  years 
of  age,  who  has  worked  on  the  Mokelumne  fifty-four  days, 
and  brought  back  three  thousand  four  hundred  and  sixty- 
seven  dollars.  Let  me  introduce  a  woman  who  has  worked 
in  the  dry  diggings  forty-six  days,  and  brought  back  two 


400 


Readings  in  American  History 


Creditors 
enabled  to 
pay  debts. 


Get-rich- 
quick  type 
developed. 


At  the 
mines. 


thousand  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  dollars.  Is  not  this 
enough  to  make  a  man  throw  down  his  ledger  and  shoulder 
a  pick.  .  .  . 

Saturday,  Sept.  16. — The  gold  mines  are  producing  one 
good  result;  every  creditor  who  has  gone  there  is  paying  his 
debts.  Claims  not  deemed  worth  a  farthing  are  now  cashed 
on  presentation  at  nature's  great  bank.  This  has  rendered 
the  credit  of  every  man  here  good  for  almost  any  amount. 
Orders  for  merchandise  are  honored  which  six  months  ago 
would  have  been  thrown  into  the  fire.  There  is  none  so  poor, 
who  has  two  stout  arms  and  a  pickaxe  left,  but  he  can  empty 
any  store  in  Monterey.  All  distinctions  indicative  of  means 
have  vanished;  the  only  capital  required  is  muscle  and  an 
honest  purpose.  I  met  a  man  to-day  from  the  mines  in 
patched  buckskins,  rough  as  a  badger  from  his  hole  who  had 
fifteen  thousand  dollars  in  yellow  dust,  swung  at  his  back. 
Talk  to  him  of  brooches,  gold-headed  canes,  and  Carpenter's 
coats !  Why  he  can  unpack  a  lump  of  gold  that  would  throw 
all  Chestnut  Street  into  spasms.  And  there  is  more  where 
this  came  from.  With  these  advantages,  he  bends  the  knee 
to  no  man,  but  strides  along  in  his  buckskins,  a  lord  of  earth 
by  a  higher  prescriptive  privilege  than  what  emanates  from 
the  partiality  of  Kings.  Clear  out  of  the  way  with  your 
crests,  and  crowns,  and  pedigree-trees,  and  let  this  democrat 
pass.  .  .  . 

Wednesday,  Oct.  4. — Our  camping-ground  is  in  a  broad 
ravine  through  which  a  rivulet  wanders,  and  which  is  dotted 
with  the  frequent  tents  of  gold-diggers.  The  sounds  of  the 
crowbar  and  pick,  as  they  shake  or  shiver  the  rock,  are  echoed 
from  a  thousand  cliffs;  while  the  hum  of  human  voices  rolls 
off  on  the  breeze  to  mingle  with  the  barking  of  wolves,  who 
regard  with  no  friendly  eyes  this  intrusion  into  their  solitude. 
But  little  care  the  gold-diggers  about  the  wolves,  it  is  enough 
for  them  to  know  that  this  ravine  contains  gold;  and  it  must 
be  dug  out,  though  an  earthquake  slumber  beneath. 

The  provisions  with  which  we  left  San  Jose  are  gone  and 
we  have  been  obliged  to  supply  ourselves  here.  We  pay  at 


Territorial  Expansion  401 

the  rate  of  four  hundred  dollars  a  barrel  for  flour;  four  dollars   Prices  of 
a  pound  for  poor  brown  sugar,  and  four  dollars  a  pound  for  ^modl~ 
indifferent  coffee.     And  as  for  meat,  there  is  none  to  be  got  increased, 
except  jerked-beef,  which  is  the  flesh  of  the  bullock  cut  into 
strings  and  hung  up  in  the  sun  to  dry,  and  which  has  about 
as  much  juice  in  it  as  a  strip  of  bark  dangling  in  the  wind 
from  a  dead  tree.     Oh  ye  who  lose  your  temper  because 
your  sirloin  has  rolled  once  too  much  on  the  spit,  come  to 
the  mines  of  California  and  eat  jerked-beef!  .  .  . 

Friday,  Oct.  6. — The  most  efficient  gold-washer  here  is  Goid- 
the  cradle  which  resembles  in  shape  that  appendage  of  the  washln*t> 
nursery,  from  which  it  takes  its  name.  It  is  nine  or  ten  feet 
long,  open  at  one  end  and  closed  at  the  other.  At  the  end 
which  is  closed,  a  sheet-iron  pan,  four  inches  deep,  and  six- 
teen over,  and  perforated  in  the  bottom  with  holes,  is  let  in 
even  with  the  sides  of  the  cradle.  The  earth  is  thrown  into 
the  pan,  water  turned  on  it  and  the  cradle,  which  is  on  an 
inclined  plane,  set  in  motion.  The  earth  and  water  pass 
through  the  pan,  and  then  down  the  cradle,  while  the  gold, 
owing  to  its  specific  gravity,  is  caught  by  elects  fastened 
across  the  bottom.  Very  little  escapes  it;  it  generally  lodges 
before  it  reaches  the  last  elect.  It  requires  four  or  five  men 
to  supply  the  earth  and  water  to  work  such  a  machine  to 
advantage.  The  quantity  of  gold  washed  out  must  depend 
on  the  relative  proportion  of  gold  in  the  earth.  The  one 
worked  in  this  ravine  yields  a  hundred  dollars  a  day;  but 
this  is  considered  a  slender  result.  Most  of  the  diggers  use 
the  bowl  or  pan ;  its  lightness  never  embarrasses  their  roving 
habits;  and  it  can  be  put  in  motion  wherever  they  may  find 
a  stream  or  spring.  It  can  be  purchased  now  in  the  mines 
for  five  or  six  dollars;  a  few  months  since  it  cost  an  ounce — 
sixteen  dollars  for  a  wooden  bowl !  But  I  have  seen  twenty- 
four  dollars  paid  for  a  box  of  seidlitz  powders,  and  forty 
dollars  for  as  many  drops  of  laudanum. 

Wednesday,  Oct.  18.— We  are  camped  in  the  heart  of  the 
richest  deposits  which  have  been  found,  and  where  there  are 
manv  hundred  at  work.  I  have  taken  some  pains  to  ascer- 


402 


Readings  in  American  History 


Prospect- 
ing. 


Great 
migration. 


Types  of 
men. 


tain  the  average  per  man  that  is  got  out;  it  must  be  less  than 
half  an  ounce  per  day.  It  might  be  more  were  there  any 
stability  among  the  diggers;  but  half  their  time  is  consumed 
in  what  they  call  prospecting;  that  is,  looking  up  new  de- 
posits. An  idle  rumor,  or  mere  surmise,  will  carry  them  off 
in  this  direction  or  that,  when  perhaps  they  gathered  nothing 
for  their  weariness  and  toil.  A  locality  where  an  ounce  a 
day  can  be  obtained  by  patient  labor  is  constantly  left  for 
another,  which  rumor  has  enriched  with  more  generous  de- 
posits. They  who  decry  this  instability  in  others,  may  hold 
out  for  a  time,  but  yield  at  last  to  the  same  phrensied  fickle- 
ness. I  have  never  met  with  one  who  had  the  strength  of 
purpose  to  resist  these  roving  temptations.  He  will  not 
swing  a  pick  for  an  ounce  a  day,  with  the  rumor  of  pounds 
ringing  in  his  ears.  .  .  . 

Wednesday,  Nov.  8. — Some  fifty  thousand  persons  are 
drifting  up  and  down  these  slopes  of  the  great  Sierra,  of  every 
hue,  language,  and  clime,  tumultuous  and  confused  as  a  flock 
of  wild  geese  taking  wing  at  the  crack  of  a  gun.  All  are  in 
quest  of  gold ;  and,  with  eyes  dilated  to  the  circle  of  the  moon, 
rush  this  way  and  that,  as  some  new  discovery,  or  fictitious 
tale  of  success  may  suggest.  .  .  . 

Such  a  mixed  and  motley  crowd — such  a  restless,  roving, 
rummaging  ragged  multitude,  never  before  roared  in  the 
rookeries  of  man.  As  for  mutual  aid  and  sympathy — Sam- 
son's foxes  had  as  much  of  it,  turned  with  tail  to,  with  fire- 
brands tied  between.  Each  great  camping-ground  is  de- 
noted by  the  ruins  of  shovels  and  shanties,  the  bleaching 
bones  of  the  dead,  dishumed  by  the  wolf,  and  the  skeleton 
of  the  culprit,  still  swinging  in  the  wind,  from  the  limb  of 
a  tree,  overshadowed  by  the  raven. 

Thursday,  Nov.  9. — -Our  bocarro  came  in  this  morning, 
and  startled  us  with  the  intelligence  that  last  night,  while 
he  was  on  watch — sound  asleep,  of  course — the  wild  Indians 
came  and  stole  all  our  horses  and  mules.  Rather  an  awkward 
predicament  for  us,  in  the  California  mountains,  three  hun- 
dred miles  from  home,  and  our  horses  and  mules  in  the  hands 
of  wild  Indians!  .  .  . 


Territorial  Expansion  403 

Thursday,  May  24. — These,  and  other  insular  spots,  may   California 
be  made  perfect  gardens;    but  take  California  as  a  whole,   f^agri**1 
she  is  not  the  country  which  agriculturists  would  select,   culture. 
You  can  hardly  travel  through  it  in  midsummer  without 
loading  your  mule  down  with  provender  to  keep  him  alive. 
The  productive  forces  of  such  a  state  as  New  York,  Ohio,  or 
Pennsylvania,  sweep  immeasurably  beyond  the  utmost  capa- 
bilities of  California.     It  is  the  golden  coronet  that  gives 
this  land  her  pre-eminence,  and  puts  into  her  hand  a  magic 
wand,  that  will  shake  for  ages  the  exchanges  of  the  civilized 
world.  .  .  . 

Wednesday,  June  20. — The  causes  which  exclude  slavery  NO 
from  California  lie  within  a  nut-shell.  All  here  are  diggers,  daver5r- 
and  free  white  diggers  wont  dig  with  slaves.  They  know 
they  must  dig  themselves:  they  have  come  out  here  for  that 
purpose,  and  they  wont  degrade  their  calling  by  associating  it 
with  slave-labor:  self-preservation  is  the  first  law  of  nature. 
They  have  nothing  to  do  with  slavery  in  the  abstract,  or  as 
it  exists  in  other  communities;  not  one  in  ten  cares  a  button 
for  its  abolition,  nor  the  Wilmot  Proviso  either:  all  they  look 
at  is  their  own  position;  they  must  themselves  swing  the 
pick,  so  they  wont  swing  it  by  the  side  of  negro  slaves.  That 
is  their  feeling,  their  determination,  and  the  upshot  of  the 
whole  business.  An  army  of  half  a  million,  backed  by  the 
resources  of  the  United  States,  could  not  shake  their  purpose. 
Of  all  men  with  whom  I  have  ever  met,  the  most  firm,  res- 
olute, and  indomitable,  are  the  emigrants  into  California. 
They  feel  that  they  have  got  into  a  new  world,  where  they 
have  a  right  to  shape  and  settle  things  in  their  own  way.  No 
mandate,  unless  it  comes  like  a  thunder-bolt  straight  out  of 
heaven,  is  regarded.  They  may  offer  to  come  into  the  Union, 
but  they  consider  it  an  act  of  condescension.  They  walk 
over  hills  treasured  with  the  precious  ores;  they  dwell  by 
streams  paved  with  gold.  All  these  belong  to  them;  they 
feel  their  presence  and  power,  and  partake  of  their  grandeur. 
Think  you  that  such  men  will  consent  to  swing  the  pick  by 
the  side  of  slaves?  Never!  while  the  stream  owns  its  source, 
or  the  mountain  its  base.  .  .  . 


404 


Readings  in  American  History 


Growth  of 
San  Fran- 
cisco. 


Prices  In 
San  Fran- 
cisco. 


80.     INFLUENCE  OF  GOLD-MINING  ON  THE  DEVELOPMENT 
OF  SAN  FRANCISCO 

(Selected  from  Six  Months  in  the  Gold  Mines,  by  Edward  G. 
Buffum,  Lieutenant  First  Regiment  New  York  Volunteers,  January 
1,  1850.) 

Within  the  past  six  months,  the  growth  of  San  Francisco 
has  been  enormous.  During  that  time,  at  least  a  thousand 
houses  have  been  erected,  of  all  sizes  and  forms.  The  hills 
around  the  town  are  now  covered  with  buildings,  and  every 
spot  of  ground  near  the  center  is  occupied.  When  it  is  taken 
into  consideration,  that  lumber  during  this  time  has  never 
been  lower  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  and  often  as  high  as 
four  hundred  dollars  per  thousand,  and  carpenters'  wages 
have  been  at  from  twelve  to  twenty  dollars  a  day,  it  must 
be  conceded  on  all  hands,  that  the  Californians  are  at  least 
an  enterprising  people.  During  this  time  the  price  of  real 
estate  has  risen  in  proportion  with  the  growth  of  the  town, 
property  being  now  fifty  per  cent,  higher  than  it  was  six 
months  since.  A  lot  on  Portsmouth  Square,  which  was  pur- 
chased some  three  years  ago  for  fifteen  dollars,  and  sold  last 
May  for  six  thousand,  was  purchased  a  few  days  since  for 
forty  thousand  dollars!  The  mere  ground-rent  of  a  little 
piece  of  land  of  sufficient  size  to  erect  a  house  upon,  in  any 
of  the  public  streets,  varies  from  one  hundred  to  five  hundred 
dollars  a  month.  Rents  of  houses  are,  of  course,  in  propor- 
tion to  the  price  of  real  estate.  The  "Parker  House,"  a 
hotel  upon  the  Square,  is  leased  for  two  hundred  thousand 
dollars  per  annum,  and  under-leased  in  small  portions,  at  a 
profit  of  fifty  thousand  more.  In  the  "  El  Dorado,"  a  large 
building  next  to  the  Parker  House,  a  single  room  on  the  lower 
floor  is  rented  for  gambling  purposes,  for  one  hundred  and 
eighty  dollars  a  day.  Most  of  the  large  rooms  in  the  hotels 
are  rented  to  gamblers,-  each  table  where  a  game  is  played 
paying  thirty  dollars  a  day.  A  man  who  erects  a  house 
in  San  Francisco  usually  intends  that  the  rent  should  cover 


Territorial  Expansion  405 

all  expenses  of  the  building  in  three  or  four  months,  and  in 
this  he  generally  succeeds.  Mechanics  command  enormous 
wages.  Carpenters  are  now  getting  from  twelve  to  twenty 
dollars  a  day,  and  tin-smiths,  brick-layers,  paper-hangers, 
and  others  employed  in  the  construction  of  buildings,  the 
same;  while  common  day-labourers  command  eight  dollars 
a  day  for  their  services.  Board  varies  from  sixteen  to  forty 
dollars  per  week,  and  washing  costs  eight  dollars  per  dozen. 

81.    ARGUMENTS  IN  FAVOR  OF  NEGRO  SLAVERY 

(Matthew  Estes,  A  Defence  of  Negro  Slavery  as  It  Exists  in  the 
United  States,  95  passim.     Montgomery,  1846.) 

Numerous  important  advantages  result  from  the  institu-  slaves 
tion  of  slavery  in  this  country,  to  which  I  will  now  respect-  compared 

•   11      •       >         i  .  with  op- 

fully  invite  the  attention  of  the  reader.  eratives. 

1.  The  Slave. — The  advantages  to  the  slave  are  very 
great. — It  is  almost  needless  to  contrast  the  contented,  happy 
state  of  our  blacks,  with  the  discontented,  unhappy  state  of 
the  operatives  in  other  countries.     Speeches  of  members  of 
Parliament  in  England,  reports  of  committees  of  the  House, 
reports  of  commissioners  of  the  poor  present  us  with  a  horrid 
picture  of  society  in  England.     In  many  parts  of  the  realm 
nearly  one-half  of  the  population  are  on  the  pauper  list.     In 
some  places,  the  tax  on  land  to  support  the  poor  is  so  heavy, 
that  farms  are  voluntarily  abandoned  by  their  owners,  on  ac- 
count of  their  inability  to  pay  the  tax. 

2.  Our  negroes  have  religious  advantages  altogether  su- 
perior to  the  laboring  population  of  any  country  in  Europe, 
and  equal  to  the  common  class  of  operative  in  our  Northern 
States.  .  .  .  The  change  of  the  three  millions  of  Africans  in 
this  country  from  the  darkness  of  African  idolatry  to  the 
light  of  Christianity,  is  the  most  wonderful  achievement  of 
modern  times — far  transcending,  in  my  humble  conception, 

the  great  reformation  in  the  sixteenth  century.  ...  I  could   slaves 
prove  from  the  census  of  1840,  that  the  free  negroes  at  the  andcrlme- 


406 


Readings  in  American  History 


Advances 
of  slaves. 


Physical 
condition 
of  slaves. 


The 
master. 


North  are  guilty  of  more  crimes  in  proportion  to  numbers, 
than  any  similar  number  of  individuals  in  the  United  States. 
Our  slaves,  in  fact,  are  not  guilty  of  one-tenth  of  the  crimes 
which  are  committed  by  the  free  negroes  at  the  North.  I 
think  it  is  probable  that  it  could  be  made  to  appear,  that 
the  few  free  negroes  in  the  free  States,  are  guilty  of  more 
crimes  than  our  whole  black  population. 

3.  The  institution  of  slavery  has  been  beneficial  to  the 
negro  in  an  intellectual  point  of  view.  ...  In  a  little  more 
than  two  centuries,  our  negroes  have  advanced  from  the  low- 
est state  of  savageism,  to  a  state  of  comparative  civilization. 
No  similar  instance  can  be  found  in  history — nor,  had  the 
slaves  been  free,  would  they  have  made  even  a  start  towards 
their  present  condition. 

4.  Physical  benefits  of  Slavery. — The  world  cannot  pro- 
duce a  more  vigorous,  healthy  race  of  men  than  our  negroes 
— a  race  freer  from  all  constitutional  or  hereditary  taints  of 
every  kind. 

II.  The  Master. — The  advantages  of  slavery  to  the  white 
race  at  the  South   are — 1st.  Increase  of   Intelligence. — In 
point  of  general  intelligence,  especially  in  everything  relating 
to  politics,  we  must  be  permitted  to  maintain  our  decided 
superiority  over  our  Northern  brethren.     Not  only  have  the 
Southern  people  a  superiority  in  point  of  political  intelli- 
gence, but  they  have  a  very  great  superiority  in  the  capacity 
of  public  speaking. 

2nd.  Slavery  cultivates  in  the  South  a  spirit  of  lofty  and 
generous  patriotism. 

The  very  existence  among  us  of  an  inferior  population, 
whose  business  it  is  to  perform  most  of  the  hard  drudgery 
which  is  essential  to  the  well-being  of  man,  creates  a  higher 
tone  of  character,  and  as  a  consequence,  a  much  higher  de- 
gree of  principle  and  action.  The  South  has  ever  taken  the 
lead  in  all  those  measures  which  have  reflected  most  honor 
upon  the  nation. 

III.  The  Country.     The  reader  will  please  call  to  mind 
a  fact  already  mentioned,  viz:  that  the  constitution  of  the 


Territorial  Expansion  407 

negro  peculiarly  fits  him  for  a  hot  climate;  that  in  such  a 
climate  he  is  in  his  proper  element,  whilst  the  white  man, 
on  the  contrary,  is  adapted  to  a  more  northern  climate,  and 
cannot  bear,  extensive  exposure  at  the  South,  without  great 
risk  of  injury  to  his  constitution.  It  must  be  admitted  as  a 
fact,  then,  that  without  negro  labor,  the  larger  and  more 
fertile  portion  of  the  South  would  be  left  uncultivated.  I 
take  it  for  granted  that  the  negroes  must  be  in  a  state  of 
slavery;  for  if  it  were  otherwise,  free  black  labor  could  never 
be  commanded  to  the  extent  necessary  to  cultivate  the  soil 
as  at  present.  .  .  . 

1st.     Slave  labor  improves   the  health  of  the  country,   slave 
New  Orleans,  Charleston,  and  other  Southern  towns  and 
cities,  are  built  upon  marshes,  which  have  been  filled  up  by  to  the 
slave  labor.     Our  Southern  climate  being  unfriendly  to  the 
constitution  of  the  white  man,  he  could  never  be  induced 
voluntarily  to  undertake  the  removal  of  such  sources  of 
disease.     The  negro,  on  the  contrary,  can  perform  such  labor 
without  the  slightest  injury  to  his  constitution. 

2nd.  The  cotton,  tobacco,  rice  and  sugar  of  the  South, 
all  the  products  of  slave  labor,  constitute  the  basis  of  much 
of  the  wealth  of  this  country,  North  and  South,  and  also  of  • 
Europe.  Destroy  the  production  of  cotton  at  the  South, 
and  you  will  almost  ruin  Europe  and  America;  for  all  other 
portions  of  the  world,  it  has  been  ascertained,  could  not 
supply  the  demand  for  this  article.  Since  the  acquisition 
of  Texas,  the  South  enjoys  a  monopoly  of  the  cotton  lands 
of  the  world.  .  .  .  The  world,  then,  is  indebted  to  the  slave 
labor  of  the  South,  for  a  supply  of  this  very  important  article. 
.  .  .  More  than  one-half  of  the  manufacturing  establish- 
ments of  this  country  and  of  England  are  engaged  in  th? 
manufacture  of  cotton  goods.  Thus  it  appears,  that  in 
different  ways,  the  cotton  raised  at  the  South  by  our  slaves, 
gives  employment  to  a  larger  number  of  individuals — con- 
tributes more  to  the  comfort  of  mankind  generally,  than  any 
other  single,  nay,  any  other  five  articles  of  trade,  commerce, 
or  agriculture.  .  .  .  Our  rice,  tobacco,  and  sugar,  are  like- 


40S 


Readings  in  American  History 


wise  extensively  beneficial  to  the  world.  .  .  .  Our  rice  is 
sent  to  many  parts  of  the  world  where  it  is  extensively  used 
as  a  cheap  and  wholesome  article  of  diet.  The  destruction 
of  this  single  branch  of  agriculture  would  bring  almost  in- 
calculable evils  upon  the  world;  for  it  is  not  only  useful  as 
a  common  article  of  diet,  but  is  almost  indispensable  in  sick- 
ness, as  every  medical  man  well  knows.  Tobacco  is  an  article 
of  extensive  use,  and  employs  in  its  production  and  manufac- 
ture, a  great  number  of  individuals.  This  article  is  the  prod- 
uct of  slave  labor,  and  could  not  be  raised  to  anything  like 
the  same  extent  without  it. 

Sugar  is  almost  exclusively  the  product  of  slave  labor,  and 
cannot,  it  is  ascertained,  be  profitably  made  by  whites.  Free 
black  labor  can  never  be  commanded  to  any  considerable 
extent;  so  we  are  bound  to  rely  upon  slave  labor.  .  .  .  We 
may  set  it  down  as  an  established  fact,  then,  that  but  for 
our  slaves  the  South  would  be  uncultivated;  that  the  prim- 
itive forests  would  again  cover  our  fields,  and  the  world 
would  be  deprived  of  all  the  incalculable  benefits  that  flow 
from  our  agriculture.  .  .  .  When  this  discussion  first  com- 
menced years  ago,  scarcely  a  man  could  be  found  in  the 
Union  who  had  the  boldness  to  advocate  slavery  as  an  ab- 
stract right.  Slavery  was  defended  simply  upon  the  ground 
of  expediency,  and  hence  all  parties  agreed,  that  it  should 
be  abolished  just  as  soon  as  it  could  be  effected.  So  strong 
in  fact,  was  the  anti-slavery  feeling  at  the  South,  that  the 
State  of  Virginia,  the  largest  slave  State  in  the  Union  came 
within  a  few  votes  of  abolishing  it.  ...  As  the  public  mind 
has  been  enlightened,  men  have  become  more  and  more 
convinced  of  the  indispensable  necessity  of  slavery  in  the 
The  North  present  state  of  the  world.  .  .  .  Another  fact  in  connection 
with  negro  slavery  at  the  North  is,  that  it  could  never  be 
made  profitable  there.  It  was  very  early  ascertained  that 
the  climate  was  not  adapted  to  the  constitution  of  the  negro, 
— hence  one  of  the  causes  of  the  great  mortality  among  the 
blacks  at  the  North.  Nor  is  the  North  adapted  to  the  growth 
of  these  products,  in  the  cultivation  of  which  slave  labor  is 


Anti- 
slavery 
sentiment 
at  the 
South. 


and  slave 
labor. 


Territorial  Expansion  409 

most  profitable.  From  this  it  appears  that  our  Northern 
friends  are  entitled  to  no  particular  credit  for  abolishing 
slavery;  they  almost  invariably  sold  their  negroes,  before 
the  law  could  take  effect  which  they  had  passed  abolishing 
Slavery.  .  .  . 

Our  Slave  population  at  this  time  numbers  about  three  Effects  of 
millions  of  souls,  estimated  to  be  worth  one  thousand  mil-  abol'tlon 

i.  j     n  rrri    •        •  On  ^"e 

lions  of  dollars.  Ihis  is  a  vast  amount  of  property,  which  South, 
no  five  millions  of  people  in  the  world  will  voluntarily  give 
up  for  the  sake  of  conscience.  But  as  large  as  this  amount 
is,  it  is  only  one  item:  the  depreciation  in  value  of  our  land, 
and  other  property,  as  the  result  of  abolition,  would  equal 
the  value  of  the  negroes — that  is,  one  thousand  millions  of 
dollars.  In  a  word,  the  abolition  of  Slavery  at  the  South, 
would  impoverish  every  Slave  State  in  the  Union,  with 
probably  one  or  two  exceptions;  and  the  result  would  not 
be  much  different  in  the  non-slaveholding  States.  The  South 
furnishes  the  raw  material  to  the  North,  for  most  of  their 
manufactures,  and  likewise  their  only  customers,  England, 
France,  in  fact,  the  whole  world,  would  feel  the  shock  of 
abolition.  .  .  . 

But  let  us  suppose  all  difficulties  overcome,  and  Slavery 
abolished  throughout  the  South.  .  .  . 

One  of  the  most  obvious  of  these  consequences  would  be,  Abolition 
an  increase  of  distance  between  the  two  races.  Nature  has  ""J 
marked  broad  lines  of  distinction  between  them,  which  will 
ever,  in  this  country  at  least,  keep  them  widely  separated, 
and  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  this  is  a  wise  and  salu- 
tary provision  of  nature,  to  keep  the  two  races  distinct  and 
separate.  ...  At  the  North,  bitter  and  deep-rooted  preju- 
dices exist  against  the  colored  race:  whilst  there  is  a  legal 
equality,  there  is  the  most  striking  practical  inequality  in  all 
the  departments  of  life.  ...  At  the  South,  the  black  race 
stands  much  nearer  the  white,  than  at  the  North.  Tin* 
white  man  knows  that  the  negro  is  not,  and  never  can  be 
his  equal,  nor  even  desires  to  be.  There  is  not,  then,  be- 
tween the  two  races,  that  spirit  of  jealousy  and  rivalry  that 


410  Readings  in  American  History 

exists  at  the  North.  An  acknowledged  inferior  is  always 
treated  with  more  respect  and  kindness  in  his  subordinate, 
dependent  position,  than  when  he  aspires  to  an  equality. 
In  the  former  relation,  a  kindly  paternal  feeling  is  engendered, 
which  operates  as  a  protection  to  the  inferior;  when,  on  the 
contrary,  the  inferior  aspires  to  an  equality,  this  kindly 
paternal  feeling  gives  way  to  a  feeling  of  repulsion,  hate  and 
jealousy.  .  .  . 

Should  Slavery  be  abolished  among  us,  this  repulsive  feel- 
ing will  be  engendered  to  an  alarming  extent,  that  will  en- 
danger, at  least  temporarily,  the  peace  and  good  order  of 
society.  .  .  .  The  blacks  at  the  North  are  too  few  in  numbers 
to  resist ;  they  have  in  consequence,  with  but  few  exceptions, 
submitted  quietly  to  all  the  indignities  which  have  been  heaped 
upon  them.  It  would  be  far  otherwise  at  the  South,  where 
the  two  races  are  nearly  equal  in  numbers:  hence  maltreat- 
ment of  the  black  race  would  be  met  with  resistance,  and  a 
state  of  turmoil  and  strife,  the  consequences  of  which  could 
not  be  foreseen,  would  invariably  ensue.  Riots,  murders, 
mobs,  pillage  and  general  discontent  and  alarm  would  be 
the  order  of  the  day.  A  strong  military  force,  kept  up  at 
enormous  expense,  would  be  necessary  to  preserve  the  public 
peace.  .  .  . 

Emancipa-       But  other  evils  would  follow  emancipation,  one  of  which 
is  idleness,  on  the  part  of  the  blacks.  .  .  . 

Emancipation  would  not  only  lead  to  idleness  on  the  part 
of  the  blacks,  but  would  be  the  source  of  an  incalculable 
amount  of  crime,  disease,  and  misery  of  every  kind.  .  .  . 

One  thing  is  true,  that  whether  he  is  ever  prepared  for 
freedom  or  not,  any  sudden  emancipation  cannot  be  other- 
wise than  the  source  of  unmixed  evil.  If  slavery  is  ever  to 
cease  in  the  world,  it  must  be  by  gradual  decay  in  its  opera- 
tion almost  imperceptible.  .  .  . 


Territorial  Expansion  411 


82.     A  PICTURE  OF  IMMIGRATION  AND  SETTLEMENT,  1831 

(A  True  Picture  of  Emigration  or  Fourteen  Years  in  The  Interior 
of  North  America:  Being  a  Full  and  Impartial  Account  of  The  Vari- 
ous Difficulties  and  Ultimate  Success  of  an  English  Family  Who 
Emigrated  From  Barwick-In-Elmet,  near  Leeds,  In  The  Year 
1837,  pp.  1-62.) 

Whatever  may  have  been  our  success  in  America,  I  can  Motives 

attribute  but  little  of  it  to  myself;  as  I  gave  up  the  idea  of  of  imml' 

,.  ,  grants, 

ending  my  days  in  my  own  country  with  the  utmost  reluc- 
tance, and  should  never  have  become  an  emigrant,  if  obedi- 
ence to  my  husband's  wishes  had  left  me  any  alternative. 
His  motives,  briefly  stated,  were  these:  In  the  year  1817  we 
took  a  small  farm  at  a  village  in  Yorkshire  on  a  lease  for 
fourteen  years,  and  as  corn  was  at  that  time  selling  well, 
the  rent  was  fixed  at  too  high  a  rate  for  us  to  obtain  a  com- 
fortable livelihood.  We  did  indeed  by  dint  of  great  industry 
and  strict  economy,  maintain  our  credit  to  the  end  of  the 
lease;  but  the  severe  struggles  we  had  to  endure  to  meet 
our  payments,  the  gradual  diminution  of  our  little  property, 
and  the  entire  absence  of  any  prospects  of  being  able  to  supply 
the  wants  of  a  large  family  had  tended  effectually  to  fix  my 
husband's  purpose  of  trying  what  could  be  done  in  the  west- 
ern world.  We  accordingly  disposed  of  our  little  furniture, 
settled  our  pecuniary  affairs,  and  ultimately  began  our  long 
journey  the  last  week  in  August,  1831. 

The  reader  will  now  enquire  to  what  part  of  America  we 
were  going,  or  whether  we  had  any  plans  as  to  the  locality 
of  our  future  home.  This  is  an  important  consideration  for 
every  emigrant,  though  little  attended  to  by  many.  We 
were  not,  however,  like  the  poor  Northumbrian,  who  on 
landing  at  New  York  a  few  years  ago,  required  a  person 
whom  he  met  in  the  street,  to  direct  him  to  the  back  settle- 
ments. My  husband  had  travelled  many  miles  to  obtain 
a  sight  of  private  American  letters,  and  after  maturely  con- 
sidering all  the  intelligence  he  could  collect,  he  determined 


412  Readings  in  American  History 

to  go  to  Pike  County,  Illinois,  to  a  person  named  Mr.  B , 

who  had  settled  there  a  year  or  two  before,  and  written  to  a 
brother  of  his  in  this  country. 

Set  out  for  Without  further  preface,  we  are  therefore  to  be  considered 
America.  on  our  wav  from  ^he  centre  of  Yorkshire  to  Liverpool,  self, 
husband,  and  five  children,  the  eldest  a  boy  about  nine  years 
old,  two  others  we  were  leaving  behind,  the  one  my  eldest 
son  engaged  as  an  under  teacher  in  a  boarding-school,  the 
other  my  eldest  daughter  serving  also  in  a  respectable  fam- 
ily. To  persons  such  as  we  were,  who  had  never  been  forty 
miles  from  home,  a  journey  by  waggon  and  railway,  where 
every  hour  presents  the  eye  with  something  new,  does  not  af- 
ford the  best  opportunity  for  reflection;  we  in  consequence 
reached  Liverpool  before  we  fully  felt  the  importance  of  the 
step  we  were  taking.  .  .  .  But  it  was  at  Liverpool,  when  we 
had  got  our  luggage  to  a  boarding  house  and  were  waiting 
the  departure  of  a  vessel,  that  the  throes  of  leaving  England 
and  all  its  endearments  put  our  courage  to  a  test  the  most 
severe.  .  .  . 

We  were  now  passengers,  in  the  steerage,  on  the  vessel 
Home,  bound  for  New  Orleans.  Our  reasons  for  sailing  to 
that  port  the  most  distant  in  North  America,  and  not  in  a 
direct  course  to  the  Illinois,  were  on  account  of  the  ready 
transit  we  should  make  thence  into  the  interior  up  the  Missis- 
sippi; whereas,  by  landing  at  New  York,  Boston,  or  Phila- 
delphia, we  should  have  had  to  cross  the  Alleghany  moun- 
tains, and  travel  a  great  distance  by  land,  which  would  have 
been  both  troublesome  on  account  of  our  luggage  and  very 
expensive. 

As  the  wind  was  favourable  we  soon  lost  sight  of  the  shore. 
Yet  the  eye  with  unwearied  vigilance  kept  steadily  fixed  on 
the  few  eminences  which  remained  visible,  till  they  gradually 
waned  into  obscurity,  and  at  last  disappeared  altogether.  .  .  . 
Supplies  Although  we  were  entire  strangers  to  a  sea-faring  life,  we 

boardP  found  we  had  been  judicious  in  the  choice  of  our  provisions; 
we  were  well  supplied  with  oatmeal,  and  flour,  bacon,  bis- 
cuits, tea  and  coffee  etc.,  and  as  we  had  to  cook  for  ourselves 


Territorial  Expansion  413 

at  a  fire  which  supplied  all  the  steerage  passengers,  I  found 
I  should  have  something  to  do  besides  descrying  distant 
sails,  and  sighing  a  blessing  to  those  bound  for  England. 

At  home  I  had  always  been  fond  of  regularity  with  regard 
to  the  dinner  hour,  but  I  soon  found  if  I  continued  my  punc- 
tual habits  on  board  I  should  often  be  liable  to  be  laughed  at 
for  my  pains,  and  lose  my  dinner  to  the  bargain.  Imagine 
to  yourself,  a  small  fire  surrounded  by  half-a-dozen  sturdy 
rustics,  as  busy  boiling,  roasting,  and  frying,  as  if  their  lives 
depended  upon  a  single  meal,  and  I  will  hazard  an  opinion 
you  would  be  very  hungry  before  you  would  venture  among 
them.  I  do  not  say  they  would  eat  you ;  but  either  from  the 
motion  of  the  ship,  or  their  uncouthness,  your  fortune  would 
be  better  than  mine  if  you  got  your  meal  prepared  without 
being  scalded.  For  the  above  reasons  I  soon  forgot  my 
punctuality,  and  through  the  remainder  of  the  voyage  our 
custom  was  to  cook  and  eat  when  we  could,  for  seasons  are 
not  unknown  on  ship-board  when  both  must  be  dispensed 
with.  .  .  .  The  sea  was  beginning  to  be  unusually  rough,  its  Rough 
huge  foaming  waves  came  dashing  against  the  sides  of  the 
vessel  as  if  they  had  been  let  loose  to  destroy  it.  Some- 
times we  appeared  about  to  leave  the  waters,  and  become 
inhabitants  of  aerial  regions;  then  again  one  might  suppose 
the  ship  was  instantaneously  descending  into  the  caverns  of 
the  deep,  overwhelmed  by  the  mass  of  waters  which  on  all 
sides  encompassed  it,  and  at  times  came  sweeping  over  the 
deck  with  irresistible  fury.  A  thousand  times  I  thought  the 
ship  would  be  upset  by  the  force  of  the  tempest,  which, 
roaring  tremendously,  carried  all  before  it,  and  often  laid 
our  masts  nearly  level  with  the  main;  when  suddenly  re- 
gaining her  upright  position,  she  seemed  to  be  contending 
with  the  blast,  and  by  a  movement  I  can  scarcely  account 
for,  obtruding  her  briny  sails  against  the  forces  of  the  storm. 
Terror  and  dismay  were  on  every  hand.  ...  I  shall  never 
forget  the  horrors  of  that  night,  increased  as  they  were  by 
the  heart-rending  meanings  of  my  despairing  companions. 
...  At  length  the  morning  began  to  dawn;  we  were  all 


414 


Readings  in  American  History 


New 
Orleans. 


From  New 
Orleans  to 
St.  Louis. 


Arrive  at 
desti- 
nation. 


anxiety  to  see  the  day,  and  ascertain  our  real  situation.  .  .  . 
Our  ears  had  caused  us  to  think  the  storm  was  abating;  but 
this  only  increased  our  anxiety  as  we  were  afraid  to  hope,  lest 
we  should  be  deceived,  when  to  our  surprise  the  cabin  door 
sprung  open;  it  was  the  captain  himself  had  opened  it.  His 
expressive  words  "the  danger  is  past,"  were  repeated  again 
and  again  through  all  the  cabin;  and  now  the  scene  was 
changed.  In  the  place  of  lamentations  and  the  voice  of 
despair,  were  immediately  heard  jocularity  and  the  tumult 
of  mirth.  .  .  . 

New  Orleans  being  the  provision  market  for  the  West 
Indies  and  some  of  the  Southern  States,  its  port  is  frequented 
not  merely  by  foreign  traders,  but  by  thousands  of  small 
craft,  often  of  the  rudest  construction  on  which  the  settlers 
in  the  interior  bring  down  the  various  produce  of  their  cli- 
mate and  industry.  The  town  itself,  from  its  low  marshy 
situation,  is  very  unhealthy;  the  yellow  fever  is  an  everlast- 
ing scourge  to  its  inhabitants,  annually  carrying  off  great 
numbers.  As  a  trading  port,  New  Orleans  is  the  most  famous 
and  the  best  situated  of  any  in  America;  .  .  . 

The  time  occupied  in  passing  from  New  Orleans  to  St. 
Louis  was  about  twelve  days.  We  reached  the  latter  place 
about  noon,  and  found  another  steamer  ready  to  convey  us 
forward  to  the  situation  at  which  we  purposed  to  remain.  I 
had  little  opportunity  of  surveying  the  town,  and  therefore 
can  say  little  respecting  it;  but  was  somewhat  surprised 
to  find  that  this  noted  city  should  be  built  principally  of 
wood;  .  .  . 

We  had  already  travelled  nearly  seven  thousand  miles. 
Our  food  had  been  principally  dried  provisions.  For  many 
long  weeks  we  had  been  oppressed  with  anxious  suspense; 
there  is  therefore  no  cause  for  wonder,  that,  jaded  and  worn 
out  as  we  were,  we  felt  anxious  to  be  at  our  destined  situa- 
tion. Our  enquiries  of  the  sailors  "  how  much  further  we 
had  to  go"  almost  exhausted  their  patience.  Already  we 
had  been  on  the  vessel  twenty-four  hours,  when  just  at  night- 
fall the  packet  stopped:  a  little  boat  was  lowered  into  the 


Territorial  Expansion  415 

water,  and  we  were  invited  to  collect  our  luggage  and  de- 
scend into  it  as  we  were  at  Phillip's  Ferry;  we  were  utterly 
confounded:  there  was  no  appearance  of  a  landing  place, 
no  luggage  yard,  nor  even  a  building  of  any  kind  within 
sight;  we,  however,  attended  to  our  directions,  and  in  a  few 
minutes  saw  ourselves  standing  by  the  brink  of  the  river, 
bordered  by  a  dark  wood,  with  no  one  near  to  notice  us  or 
tell  us  where  we  might  procure  accommodation  or  find  har- 
bour. This  happened,  as  before  intimated,  as  the  evening 
shades  were  rapidly  settling  on  the  earth,  and  the  stars 
through  the  clear  blue  atmosphere  were  beginning  to  twinkle. 
It  was  in  the  middle  of  November,  and  already  very 
frosty.  .  .  . 

It  was  a  fair  specimen  of  a  log-house,  and  therefore  a  de-  Log  house, 
scription  of  it  will  give  the  reader  a  pretty  correct  idea  of 
the  American  peasantry.  There  were  two  rooms,  both  on 
the  ground  floor,  separated  from  each  other  with  boards  so 
badly  joined,  that  crevices  were  in  many  places  observable. 
.  .  .  Beneath  one  of  the  rooms  was  a  cellar,  the  floor  and  sides 
of  which  were  mud  and  clay,  as  left  when  first  dug  out;  the 
walls  of  the  house  consisting  of  layers  of  strong  blocks  of 
timber,  roughly  squared  and  notched  into  each  other  at  the 
corners;  the  joints  filled  up  with  clay.  The  house  had  two 
doors,  one  of  which  is  always  closed  in  winter,  and  open  in 
summer  to  cause  a  draught.  The  fire  was  on  the  floor  at 
the  end  of  the  building,  where  a  very  grotesque  chimney 
had  been  constructed  of  stones  gathered  out  of  the  land, 
and  walled  together  with  clay  and  mud  instead  of  cement. 
The  house  was  covered  with  oak  shingles;  that  is  to  say,  thin 
riven  boards  nailed  upon  each  other,  so  as  just  to  overreach. 
The  floors  of  the  house  were  covered  with  the  same  material, 
except  a  large  piece  near  the  fire,  which  was  paved  with  small 
stones,  also  gathered  from  the  land.  There  was  no  window 
to  the  house  I  am  describing,  although  many,  log-houses 
may  now  be  found  having  glass  windows.  It  is  in  reality 
true,  that  the  want  of  light  is  felt  very  little  in  a  log-house; 
in  winter  they  are  obliged  to  keep  fine  blazing  fires,  which, 


416  Readings  in  American  History 

in  addition  to  the  light  obtained  from  their  low  wide  chim- 
neys, enable  the  inmates  to  perform  any  business  that  is 
requisite.  .  .  . 

Adjoining  one  side  were  a  few  boards  nailed  together  in 
the  form  of  a  table,  and  supported  principally  by  the  timber 
in  the  wall.  This  was  dignified  with  the  name  sideboard. 
In  the  centre  of  the  room  stood  another  small  table,  covered 
with  a  piece  of  brown  calico;  this  was  the  dining  table. 
The  chairs,  four  in  number,  were  the  most  respectable  furni- 
ture in  the  house,  having  bark  of  hickory  platted  for  bottoms. 
Besides  these  there  were  two  stools  and  a  bench  for  common 
use, — a  candlestick  made  from  an  ear  of  Indian  corn,  two  or 
three  trenchers  and  a  few  tin  drinking  vessels.  One  corner 
of  the  house  was  occupied  with  agricultural  implements,  con- 
sisting of  large  hoes,  axes  etc.,  for  stubbing,  called  in  America 
grubbing,  flails  and  wooden  forks,  all  exhibiting  specimens 
of  workmanship  rather  homely.  Various  herbs  were  sus- 
pended from  the  roof  with  a  view  of  being  medicinally  serv- 
iceable, also  two  guns,  one  of  them  a  rifle.  There  were  also 
several  hams  and  sides  of  bacon,  smoked  almost  till  they 
were  black;  two  or  three  pieces  of  beef,  etc.  .  .  .  The  furni- 
ture in  the  other  room  consisted  of  two  beds  and  a  hand- 
loom,  with  which  the  family  wove  the  greater  part  of  their 
own  clothes.  .  .  . 

Survey  Before  I  proceed  any  further  with  my  narrative,  perhaps 

chase  of'      ^  w^  be  °f  advantage  to  the  reader  to  explain  the  method 
land.  of  purchasing  land  in  the  United  States.     The  land  in  the 

various  states  has '  all  been  surveyed  by  direction  of  the 
government  and  divided  into  portions  of  eighty  acres  each. 
For  the  sale  of  the  land  thus  surveyed  and  laid  down  on  large 
plans,  a  land-office  is  established  in  various  central  situations, 
where  all  the  allotments  of  a  certain  district  are  sold,  and  the 
purchasers'  names  registered.  Any  person,  therefore,  who 
wishes  to  purchase  one  more  of  these  subsections,  can  see 
the  plan,  and  select  any  that  are  unsold.  They  will  even 
sell  as  small  a  quantity  as  forty  acres;  but  as  they  do  this 
merely  to  accommodate  new  settlers,  no  person  already  pos- 


Territorial  Expansion  417 

sessing  eighty  acres,  can  purchase  a  smaller  quantity  than 
that  at  a  time.  In  some  of  the  older  states  the  government 
lands  are  all  sold  off.  It  must  therefore  be  bought  of  private 
owners;  but  in  Illinois  and  other  new  states  there  is  plenty 
unsold.  The  government  price  everywhere  is  one  hundred 
dollars  for  eighty  acres.  As  there  are  myriads  of  acres  yet 
in  its  native  luxuriant  wildness,  any  person  may  with  im- 
punity cultivate  as  much  as  he  chooses  without  paying  any- 
thing; and,  as  a  further  inducement,  when  a  person  begins 
thus  to  cultivate,  no  other  person  can  legally  purchase  that 
land,  till  four  years  have  expired  from  the  time  of  his  begin- 
ning to  cultivate.  By  obtaining  what  is  termed  a  pre- 
emption, the  improvement  arising  from  his  own  industry  is 
as  secure  to  him  for  four  years  as  if  he  was  the  actual  owner. 
Should,  however,  he  fail  to  pay  for  the  land  before  the  term 
expires,  an  indifferent  person  may  then  purchase  it;  but 
this  seldom  happens.  .  .  .  An  improved  eighty  acres  was 
the  first  land  we  purchased.  .  .  . 

The  nights  in  winter  are  at  once  inexpressibly  cold,  and  Climate, 
poetically  fine.  The  sky  is  almost  invariably  clear,  and 
the  stars  shine  with  a  brilliancy  entirely  unknown  in  the 
humid  atmosphere  of  England.  Cold  as  it  was,  often  did 
I,  during  the  first  winter,  stand  at  the  door  of  our  cabin, 
admiring  their  lustre  and  listening  to  the  wolves,  whose 
howlings,  among  the  leafless  woods  at  this  season,  are  al- 
most unceasing. 

The  first  fruits  of  our  industry  were  derived  from  our  Maple 
sugar  orchard,  the  care  of  which  devolved  principally  on  me.  ' 
We  were  in  want  of  nearly  all  kinds  of  implements  of  hus- 
bandry, without  the  means  of  procuring  them,  except  by 
running  into  debt,  a  practice  which  we  felt  reluctant  to  adopt. 
Our  sugar  trees  therefore  at  this  time  afforded  us  a  season- 
able boon.  The  weather  was  favourable,  and  by  hard  work- 
ing we  made  nearly  three  hundred  weight,  besides  a  barrel 
of  molasses.  We  disposed  of  the  greater  part  of  it  to  a 
store-keeper  named  Mr.  Varley,  at  the  rate  of  seven  or  eight 
cents  per  pound.  It  must  not  be  understood  that  we  got 


418  Readings  in  American  History 

money  for  it.  Business  is  seldom  transacted  after  that 
manner  in  Illinois.  .  .  . 

is  immi-  And  now,  kind  reader,  if  thou  hast  any  intention  of  being 
stable?  de~  an  emigrantj  I  cordially  wish  thee  success;  but  before  thou 
forsakest  the  endearments  of  thy  present  home,  consider  the 
situation  in  which  we  were  placed  with  a  helpless  family 
dependent  upon  us.  Thou  hast  seen  us  expend  our  little 
money  with  the  utmost  frugality:  thou  art  acquainted  with 
our  possessions  real  and  personal.  It  was  now  the  middle 
of  March,  when  Indian  corn,  the  most  useful  produce  of  that 
country  must  be  sown,  or  the  season  would  be  past.  We 
had  land  and  seed  but  no  plough.  What  could  we  do?  If 
we  did  not  sow  we  could  not  reap;  we  should  have  nothing 
to  feed  our  cattle  with  the  ensuing  winter.  Labor  omnia  vincit 
was  our  motto.  We  set  to  work  with  our  hoes;  I,  husband, 
and  son,  the  latter  under  ten  years  of  age;  and  day  after  day, 
for  three  successive  weeks,  did  we  toil  with  unwearied  dili- 
gence till  we  had  sown  and  covered  in  nearly  four  acres.  .  .  . 
Praines.  In  Illinois  there  are  thousands  of  acres  with  not  a  tree 

upon  it,  but  covered  with  a  sort  of  strong  wild  grass,  growing 
sometimes  three  or  four  feet  high.  These  lands  are  termed 
prairies,  and  require  only  to  be  broken  up  with  a  prary 
plough,  and  they  become  at  once  fine  arable  land.  As  I  before 
intimated,  this  kind  of  land,  though  the  soonest  cultivated, 
is  not  the  most  productive  being,  as  the  farmers  term  it,  of 
a  stronger  quality  than  the  other.  .  .  .  Let  the  reader  im- 
agine himself  by  the  side  of  a  rich  meadow,  or  fine  grass 
plain  several  miles  in  diameter,  decked  with  myriads  of 
flowers  of  a  most  gorgeous  and  varied  description,  and  he 
will  have  before  his  mind  a  pretty  correct  representation  of 
one  of  these  prairies.  Nothing  can  surpass  in  richness  of 
colour,  or  beauty  of  formation  many  of  the  flowers,  which 
are  found  in  the  most  liberal  profusion  on  these  extensive 
and  untrodden  wilds.  .  .  . 

America  is  certainly  and  emphatically  the  country  for  the 
feathered  tribe,  whether  numbers,  variety,  or  beauty  be  the 
subject  of  special  consideration.  .  .  . 


Territorial  Expansion  419 

I  ought  in  fairness  to  state  what  our  success  has  been ;  I  do 
this  and  no  more;  the  lapse  of  a  dozen  years  has  wonderfully 
changed  the  appearance  of  things.  We  have  seen  a  neigh- 
borhood rise  around  us;  and  in  some  situations,  where  at 
our  first  coming,  everything  appeared  in  its  native  wildness, 
small  villages  have  now  begun  to  rise.  Means  of  comfort 
are  now  within  our  reach.  We  remember  the  time  when  we 
knew  not  where  to  apply  for  an  article  if  at  all  out  of  daily 
use;  but  by  the  increase  of  population,  we  can  now  easily 
obtain  anything  we  require,  and  were  we  disposed  to  give 
up  labour,  we  could  live  very  comfortably  on  the  fruits  of 
our  former  toil.  , 


CHAPTER  XXII 
SLAVERY  EXTENSION   AND  SECTIONAL   FEELING 

83.    DEVELOPMENT  OF  RAILROADS,  1850-60 

(J.  C.  G.  Kennedy,  Report  of  the  Superintendent  of  the  Census, 
December  1,  1852,  pp.  99  passim.  Washington,  1853.  Preliminary 
Report  on  the  Eighth  Census,  1860,  pp.  103  passim.  Washington, 
1862.) 

Prosperity  In  no  other  particular  can  the  prosperity  of  a  country  be 
1  s'  more  strikingly  manifested  than  by  the  perfection  of  its 
roads  and  other  means  of  internal  communication.  The 
system  of  railroads,  canals,  turnpikes,  post  routes,  river 
navigation,  and  telegraphs,  possessed  by  the  United  States, 
presents  an  indication  of  its  advancement  in  power  and  civil- 
ization more  wonderful  than  any  other  feature  of  its  progress. 
In  truth,  our  country  in  this  respect  occupies  the  first  place 
among  the  nations  of  the  wrorld. 

Miles  of  From  returns  received  at  this  office,  in  reply  to  special 

I852°ad>  circulars,  and  other  sources  of  information,  it  is  ascertained 
that  there  were,  at  the  commencement  of  the  year  1852, 
10,814  miles  of  railroads  completed  and  in  use;  and  that 
10,898  miles  were  then  in  course  of  construction,  with  a 
prospect  of  being  speedily  brought  into  use.  While  the 
whole  of  these  10,898  miles  will,  beyond  reasonable  doubt, 
have  been  finished  within  five  years,  such  is  the  activity  with 
which  projects  for  works  of  this  character  are  brought  for- 
ward and  carried  into  effect,  that  it  is  not  extravagant  to 
assume  that  there  will  be  completed  within  the  limits  of  the 
United  States  before  the  year  1860  at  least  35,000  miles  of 
railroads. 

420 


Slavery  Extension  and  Sectional  Feeling         421 

The  Quincy  railroad,  for  the  transportation  of  granite  First 
from  the  quarries  at  Quincy  to  Neponset  river  and  the  Mauch  railroad8- 
Chunk  railroad,  from  the  coal  mines  to  the  Lehigh  river, 
in  Pennsylvania,  were  the  first  attempts  to  introduce  that 
mode  of  transportation  in  this  country;  and  their  construc- 
tion and  opening,  in  the  years  1826  and  1827,  are  properly 
considered  the  commencement  of  the  American  railroad 
system.  From  this  period  until  about  the  year  1848,  the 
progress  of  the  improvements  thus  begun  was  interrupted 
only  by  the  financial  revulsion  which  followed  the  events  of 
1836  and  1837.  Up  to  1848,  it  is  stated  that  about  6,000 
miles  had  been  finished.  Since  that  date  an  addition  of 
5,000  miles  has  been  made  to  the  completed  roads,  and,  in- 
cluding the  present  year,  new  lines,  comprising  about  14,000 
miles,  have  been  undertaken,  surveyed,  and  mostly  placed 
under  contract. 

The  usefulness  and  comparative  economy  of  railroads  as  Use  of 
channels  of  commerce  and  travel  have  become  so  evident,  raUr 
that  they  have  in  some  measure  superseded  canals,  and  are 
likely  to  detract  seriously  from  the  importance  of  navigable 
rivers  for  like  purposes.     In  a  new  country  like  ours,  many  Cost  of 
items  of  expense,  which  go  to  swell  the  cost  of  railroads  in  railroad8- 
England  and  on  the  Continent  are  avoided.     Material  is 
cheap;   the  right  of  way  usually  freely  granted;   and  heavy 
land  damages  seldom  interpose  to  retard  the  progress  of  an 
important  work.     It  is  difficult  to  arrive  at  a  clear  approxi- 
mation to  the  average  cost  of  railroad  construction  in  the 
United  States.     Probably  the  first  important  work  of  this 
class  undertaken  and  carried  through  in  the  Union  was  the 
cheapest,  as  it  has  proved  one  of  the  most  profitable,  ever 
built.     This  was  the  road  from  Charleston,  in  South  Carolina,  Charleston 
to  Augusta,  on  the  Savannah.     It  was  finished  and  opened 
for  traffic  in  1833.     The  entire  expense  of  building  the  road 
and  equipping  it  with  engines  and  cars  for  passengers  and 
freight  was,  at  the  date  of  its  completion,  only  $6,700  per 
mile;    and  all  expenditures  for  repairs  and  improvements, 
during  the  eighteen  years  that  the  road  has  been  in  opera- 


422  Readings  in  American  History 

tion,  have  raised  the  aggregate  cost  of  the  whole  work  to 
only  $1,336,615,  or  less  than  $10,000  per  mile.  .  .  . 

It  will  be  seen  at  a  glance  that  the  leading  idea  in  all  these 
vast  enterprises  was  to  overcome  the  barrier  presented  by 
this  chain  of  mountains,  to  a  direct  and  unrestricted  inter- 
course between  the  sea  board  and  the  West,  and  to  supply 
the  want  of  those  natural  channels  of  commerce,  navigable 
rivers,  extending  into  the  section  we  desire  to  reach.  The 
enormous  aggregate  of  expense  of  the  numerous  works  spec- 
ified above,  undertaken  with  this  one  object,  and  their  im- 
portance as  public  improvements,  may  be  estimated  from 
NOW  York  the  following  brief  notice  of  the  New  York  and  Erie  railroad, 
Railroad  which  occupies  the  third  place  in  our  preceding  enumeration. 
The  longest  continuous  line  of  railroad  in  the  world,  and  that 
in  the  construction  of  which  the  greatest  natural  obstacles 
have  been  overcome,  is  that  which  extends  from  the  Hudson 
river,  through  the  southern  counties  of  New  York,  to  Lake 
Erie.  Its  length  is  four  hundred  and  sixty-nine  miles,  and 
it  has  branches  of  an  additional  length  of  sixty-eight  miles. 
Nearly  its  whole  course  is  through  a  region  of  mountains. 
The  bridges  by  which  it  is  carried  over  the  Delaware  and 
Susquehannah  rivers,  and  other  streams,  and  the  viaducts 
upon  which  it  crosses  the  valleys  that  intercept  its  route, 
are  among  the  noblest  monuments  of  power  and  skill  to  be 
found  in  our  country.  The  most  of  these  works  are  of  heavy 
masonry;  but  one  of  them  is  a  wooden  bridge,  one  hundred 
and  eighty-seven  feet  in  height,  with  one  arch,  the  span  of 
which  is  two  hundred  and  seventy-five  feet.  One  of  the 
viaducts  is  twelve  hundred  feet  long,  and  one  hundred  and 
ten  feet  high. 

The  aggregate  cost  of  this  important  work  was  $23,580,000, 
and  the  expense  of  construction  was  $42,333  per  mile.  The 
road  was  originally  suggested  in  1829;  a  company  was  or- 
ganized in  1833;  it  was  finished  in  May,  1851,  and  opened 
with  great  ceremony  for  travel  and  transportation  in  that 
month.  The  State  advanced  three  millions  of  dollars  to- 
wards the  work,  and  afterwards  released  the  company  from 


Slavery  Extension  and  Sectional  Feeling         423 

the  obligation  to  pay  the  loan.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  exe- 
cution of  this  great  work  was  pursued  through  nineteen  years, 
and  was  not  accomplished  without  calling  into  requisition 
both  the  resources  of  the  State  and  the  means  of  her  citi- 
zens. .  .  . 

Since  the  first  edition  of  this  report  was  put  to  press,  in- 
formation has  been  received,  tending  to  prove  that  2,500 
miles  of  railroad,  in  progress  at  the  beginning  of  1852,  had 
been  completed  during  the  year,  and  that  3,652  miles  of 
new  road  had  been  placed  under  contract,  making  the  ag- 
gregates of  13,266  miles  of  railroad  in  operation,  and  12,681 
miles  in  progress,  on  the  1st  of  January,  1853.  These  facts 
display  a  rate  of  increase  in  the  extension  of  the  railroad 
system  greater  than  the  experience  of  former  years  had  au- 
thorized us  to  anticipate.  .  .  . 

From  the  brief  sketch  of  American  railroads  should  not 
be  excluded  some  mention  of  several  projects  which  are  not 
only  closely  connected  with  the  interests  of  the  United  States, 
but  possess  something  of  national  importance.  The  first  of 
these,  in  point  of  vastness  of  design,  is  the  enterprise  of 
building  a  railroad  from  the  Mississippi  river  to  the  Pacific 
ocean.  The  routes  proposed  in  this  great  work  are  almost  From  the 
as  numerous  as  the  persons  who  claim  the  merit  of  having  S|p^itothe 
first  suggested  and  brought  forward  the  scheme  of  thus  com-  Pacific, 
pleting  the  chain  of  railroad  connection  between  the  Atlantic 
and  Pacific  coasts  of  the  Union.  Although  the  importance 
of  such  a  work  to  the  prosperity  of  the  nation  cannot  be 
doubted,  there  is  reason  to  suppose  that  many  years  will 
elapse  before  the  resources  of  the  country  will  be  found 
sufficient  for  its  accomplishment.  No  scientific  survey  of 
any  route  west  of  the  frontier  of  Missouri  has  been  made, 
but  it  is  not  probable  that  any  could  be  found  that  would 
bring  the  line  of  travel  between  the  Mississippi  and  the  ocean 
within  the  limit  of  1,600  miles. 

The  natural  obstacles  to  be  overcome  are  the  Rocky  moun-  obstacle*, 
tains  and  the  Sierra  Nevada,  the  deserts  between  the  Missouri 
and  the  former  chain,  and  those  of  the  great  basin,  the  flying 


424 


Readings  in  American  History 


sands,  and  the  want  of  timber.  Further  explorations  may 
lead  to  the  discovery  of  means  to  overcome  these  difficul- 
ties. .  .  . 

The  rates  of  fare  on  our  railroads  are  lower  than  on  those 
of  any  country  of  which  we  have  returns,  affording  the  means 
of  comparison.  In  New  England,  the  average  rate  per  mile 
is  slightly  over  two  cents;  from  New  York  to  Washington, 
it  is  three  cents  and  a  half  per  mile.  From  New  York  to 
Cincinnati,  the  railroad  and  steamboat  fare  together  is  less 
than  two  cents  per  mile.  From  New  York  to  Albany,  the 
price  of  passage  is  a  fraction  over  one  cent  per  mile,  and  the 
average  rate  upon  all  the  New  York  railroads  has  been  stated 
at  two  cents  and  one-fifth  per  mile.  .  .  . 

The  decade  which  terminated  in  1860  was  particularly 
distinguished  by  the  progress  of  railroads  in  the  United 
States.  At  its  commencement  the  total  extent  in  operation 
was  8,588.79  miles,  costing  $296,260,128;  at  its  close  30,598.77 
miles,  costing  $1,134,452,909;  the  increase  in  mileage  having 
been  22,004.08  mHes,  and  in  cost  of  construction  $838,192,781. 

While  the  increase  in  mileage  was  nearly  300  per  cent., 
and  the  amount  invested  still  greater,  the  consequences  that 
have  resulted  from  these  works  have  been  augmented  in 
vastly  greater  ratio.  Up  to  the  commencement  of  the  dec- 
ade our  railroads  sustained  only  an  unimportant  relation  to 
the  internal  commerce  of  the  country.  Nearly  all  the  lines 
then  in  operation  were  local  or  isolated  works,  and  neither 
in  extent  nor  design  had  begun  to  be  formed  into  that  vast 
and  connected  system,  which,  like  a  web,  now  covers  every 
portion  of  our  wide  domain,  enabling  each  work  to  contribute 
to  the  traffic  and  value  of  all,  and  supplying  means  of  loco- 
motion and  a  market,  almost  at  his  own  door,  for  nearly 
every  citizen  of  the  United  States.  .  .  . 

Previous  to  1850  by  far  the  greater  portion  of  railroads 
constructed  were  in  the  States  bordering  the  Atlantic,  and, 
as  before  remarked,  were  for  the  most  part  isolated  lines, 
whose  limited  traffics  were  altogether  local.  Up  to  the  date 
named,  the  internal  commerce  of  the  country  was  conducted 


Slavery  Extension  and  Sectional  Feeling         425 

almost  entirely  through  water  lines,  natural  and  artificial, 
and  over  ordinary  highways.  The  period  of  the  settlement 
of  California  marks  really  the  commencement  of  the  new 
era  in  the  physical  progress  of  the  United  States.  The  vast  Discovery 
quantities  of  gold  it  produced  imparted  new  life  and  activity  caSromia 
to  every  portion  of  the  Union,  particularly  the  western  States, 
the  people  of  which,  at  the  commencement  of  1850,  were 
thoroughly  aroused  as  to  the  value  and  importance  of  rail- 
roads. Each  presented  great  facilities  for  the  construction 
of  such  works,  which  promised  to  be  almost  equally  produc- 
tive. Enterprises  were  undertaken  and  speedily  executed 
which  have  literally  converted  them  into  a  net-work  of  lines, 
and  secured  their  advantages  to  almost  every  farmer  and 
producer. 

The  progress  of  these  works  in  the  aggregate,  year  by  year, 
will  be  seen  by  the  tabular  statements  at  the  close  of  the 
report.     The  only  important  line  opened  in  the  west,  pre-  sandusky 
vious  to  1850,  was  the  one  from  Sandusky  to  Cincinnati,  ^j^f 
formed  by  the  Mad  River  and  Little  Miami  roads.     But 
these  pioneer  works  were  rude,  unsubstantial  structures  com- 
pared with  the  finished  works  of  the  present  day,  and  were 
employed  almost  wholly  in  the  transportation  of  passengers. 
Within  the  decade,  in  place  of  this  one  line,  railroads  have  Growth  in 
been  constructed  radiating  from  Lakes  Erie  and  Michigan,  adecade- 
striking  the  Mississippi  at  ten  and  the  Ohio  at  eight  different 
points,  and  serve  as  trunk  lines  between  the  two  great  hy- 
drographic  systems  of  the  west.     These  trunk  lines  are  cut 
every  few  miles  by  cross  lines,  which,  in  the  States  east  of 
the  Mississippi,  are  sufficiently  numerous  to  meet  every  pub- 
lic and  private  want,  and  to  afford  every  needful  encourage- 
ment to  the  development  of  the  resources  of  this  country. 

The  southern  States  have  been  behind  the  northern  in   southern 
their  public  enterprises,  though,  at  the  date  of  the  census,   {jjSwJj. 
they  were  prosecuting  them  with  great  energy  and  vigor. 
The  progress  inland  of  the  great  trunk  lines  of  the  south 
has  been  already  noted.     The  opening  of  the  Mobile  and 
Ohio,  and  of  the  Mississippi  Central,  which  will  soon  take 


426  Readings  in  American  History 

place,  will  give  completeness  to  the  system  of  the  south- 
western States,  and  leave  little  to  be  done  to  make  it  all  that 
is  wanted  for  that  section  of  the  country. 

West  of  the  Mississippi  less  has  been  done,  for  the  reason 
that  the  settlements  there  are  of  a  more  recent  date,  and  the 
people  less  able  to  provide  the  means  for  their  construction 
than  those  of  the  older  States.  But  even  upon  our  western 
frontier  extensive  systems  have  been  undertaken  and  very 
considerable  progress  made  in  their  execution. 

A  more  interesting  subject  than  the  progress  of  our  public 
works,  would  be  their  results,  as  shown  in  the  increased 
commerce  and  wealth  of  the  country.  .  .  . 


_84.    THE  LINCOLN-DOUGLAS  DEBATES,  1858 

The  public  career  of  Abraham  Lincoln  really  began  in  the  summer 
of  1858,  when  he  met  Stephen  A.  Douglas  in  joint  debate  in  each  of 
seven  congressional  districts  of  Illinois.  The  towns  selected  for 
these  contests  were  Ottawa,  Freeport,  Jonesboro,  Charleston,  Gales- 
burg,  Quincy,  and  Alton. 

Lincoln  had  been  selected  by  the  Republican  party  of  Illinois  as 
their  candidate  for  United  States  Senator,  for  it  had  been  shown 
that  he  was  the  one  man  in  the  State  who  was  able  to  cope  with 
Douglas  in  political  discussion.  The  Republican  Convention  in- 
dorsed Lincoln  on  June  16,  1858,  and  on  the  evening  of  that  day  he 
accepted  the  candidacy  in  a  speech  which  is  recognized  as  one  of 
the  most  important  of  his  whole  career.  The  opening  sentences 
were  as  follows: 

"  If  we  could  first  know  where  we  are,  and  whither  we  are 
tending,  we  could  better  judge  what  to  do  now,  and  how  to 
do  it.  We  are  now  far  into  the  fifth  year  since  a  policy  was 
initiated  with  the  avowed  object  and  confident  promise  of 
putting  an  end  to  slavery  agitation.  Under  the  operation 
of  that  policy,  that  agitation  has  not  only  not  ceased,  but 
has  constantly  augmented.  In  my  opinion,  it  will  not  cease 
until  a  crisis  shall  have  been  reached  and  passed.  'A  house 
divided  against  itself  can  not  stand.'  I  believe  this  govern- 
ment can  not  endure  permanently  half  slave  and  half  free. 


Slavery  Extension  and  Sectional  Feeling         427 

I  do  not  expect  the  Union  to  be  dissolved ;  I  do  not  expect  the 
house  to  fall;  but  I  do  expect  it  will  cease  to  be  divided.  It 
will  become  all  one  thing,  or  all  the  other.  Either  the  op- 
ponents of  slavery  will  arrest  the  further  spread  of  it,  and 
place  it  where  the  public  mind  shall  rest  in  the  belief  th'at  it 
is  in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinction,  or  its  advocates  will 
push  it  forward  till  it  shall  become  alike  lawful  in  all  the 
states,  old  as  well  as  new,  north  as  well  as  south."  .  .  . 

In  closing,  he  said :  "  Our  cause  must  be  entrusted  to,  and 
conducted  by,  its  own  undoubted  friends — those  whose  hands 
are  free,  whose  hearts  are  in  the  work,  who  do  care  for  the 
result.  Two  years  ago  the  Republicans  of  the  nation  mus- 
tered over  thirteen  hundred  thousand  strong.  We  did  this 
under  the  single  impulse  of  resistance  to  a  common,  danger, 
with  every  external  circumstance  against  us.  Of  strange 
discordant,  and  even  hostile  elements  we  gathered  from  the 
four  winds,  and  formed  and  fought  the  battle  through,  under 
the  constant  hot  fire  of  a  disciplined,  proud,  and  pampered 
enemy.  Did  we  brave  all  then,  to  falter  now — now,  when 
that  same  enemy  is  wavering,  dissevered  and  belligerent? 
The  result  is  not  doubtful.  We  shall  not  fail — if  we  stand 
firm,  we  shall  not  fail.  Wise  counsels  may  accelerate,  or 
mistakes  delay  it;  but  sooner  or  later  the  victory  is  sure  to 
come."  .  .  . 

A  writer  for  the  New  York  Evening  Post,  who  was  present  at  the 
Ottawa  debate  and  who  listened  for  the  first  time  to  the  two 
champions,  gives  his  impression  of  them  in  the  following  manner: 

Two  men  presenting  wider  contrasts  could  hardly  be  found 
as  the  representatives  of  the  two  great  parties.  Everybody 
knows  Douglas,  a  short,  thick-set  burly  man,  with  large 
round  head,  heavy  hair,  dark  complexion,  and  fierce  bull- 
dog look.  Strong  in  his  own  real  power,  and  skilled  by  a 
thousand  conflicts  in  all  the  strategy  of  a  hand  to  hand  or  a 
general  fight;  .  .  .  "Little  Dug"  ascended  the  platform  and 
looked  out  impudently  and  carelessly  on  the  immense  throng 
which  surged  and  struggled  before  him.  A  native  of  Ver- 


428  Readings  in  American  History 

mont,  reared  on  a  soil  where  no  slaves  stood,  came  to  Illinois 
as  a  teacher,  and  from  one  post  to  another  had  risen  to  his 
present  eminence.  Forgetful  of  the  ancestral  hatred  of 
slavery  to  which  he  was  the  heir,  he  had  come  to  be  a  holder 
of  slaves  and  to  owe  much  of  his  fame  to  his  continued  sub- 
servience to  southern  influence.  .  .  . 

In  every  relation  of  life,  socially  and  to  the  State,  Mr. 
Lincoln  has  been  always  the  pure  and  honest  man.  In 
physique  he  is  the  opposite  to  Douglas.  Built  on  the  Ken- 
tucky type,  he  is  very  tall,  slender  and  angular,  awkward 
even,  in  gait  and  attitude.  His  face  is  sharp,  large-featured 
and  unprepossessing.  His  eyes  are  deep  set,  under  heavy 
brows;  his  forehead  is  high  and  retreating,  and  his  hair  is 
dark  and  heavy.  In  repose,  I  must  confess  that  "Long 
Abe's"  appearance  is  not  comely.  But  stir  him  up  and  the 
fire  of  his  genius  plays  on  every  feature.  His  eye  glows  and 
sparkles,  every  lineament  now  so  ill-formed,  grows  brilliant 
and  expressive,  and  you  have  before  you  a  man  of  rare  power 
and  of  strong  magnetic  influence.  He  takes  the  people  every 
time,  and  there  is  no  getting  away  from  his  sturdy  good  sense, 
his  unaffected  sincerity,  and  the  unceasing  play  of  his  good 
humor,  which  accompanies  his  close  logic  and  smooths  the 
way  to  conviction — Aug.  27,  1858. 

THE   FREEPORT   DEBATE,    AUGUST   27,    1858 
(E.  E.  Sparks,  Illinois  Historical  Collections,  III,  148  passim.) 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  On  Saturday  last,  Judge  Douglas 
and  myself  first  met  in  public  discussion.  He  spoke  one 
hour,  I  an  hour  and  a  half,  and  he  replied  for  half  an  hour. 
The  order  is  now  reversed.  I  am  to  speak  an  hour,  he  an  hour 
and  a  half,  and  then  I  am  to  reply  for  half  an  hour.  I  pro- 
pose to  devote  myself  during  the  first  speech  to  the  scope  of 
what  was  brought  within  the  range  of  his  half  hour  speech 
at  Ottawa.  Of  course  there  was  brought  within  the  scope 
of  that  half-hour's  speech  something  of  his  own  opening 
speech. 


Slavery  Extension  and  Sectional  Feeling         429 

In  the  course  of  that  opening  argument  Judge  Douglas 
proposed  to  me  seven  distinct  interrogatories.  In  my  speech 
of  an  hour  and  a  half,  I  attended  to  some  other  parts  of  his 
speech,  and  incidentally,  as  I  thought,  answered  one  of  the 
interrogatories  then.  I  then  distinctly  intimated  to  him 
that  I  would  answer  the  rest  of  his  interrogatories.  He  made 
no  intimation  at  the  time  of  the  proposition,  nor  did  he  in 
his  reply  allude  at  all  to  that  suggestion  of  mine.  I  do  him 
no  injustice  in  saying  that  he  occupied  at  least  half  of  his 
reply  in  dealing  with  me  as  though  I  had  refused  to  answer 
his  interrogatories.  I  now  propose  that  I  will  answer  any 
of  the  interrogatories  upon  condition  that  he  will  answer 
questions  from  me  not  exceeding  the  same  number.  I  give 
him  an  opportunity  to  respond.  The  Judge  remains  silent. 
I  now  say  that  I  will  answer  his  interrogatories,  whether  he 
answers  mine  or  not;  [Applause.]  and  after  that  I  have  done 
so,  I  shall  propound  mine  to  him  [Applause.]  .  .  . 

Now,  my  friends,  it  will  be  perceived,  upon  an  examina-  Lincoln 
tion  of  these  questions  and  answers,  that  so  far  I  have  only 
answered  that  I  was  not  pledged  to  this,  that,  or  the  other. 
The  Judge  has  not  framed  his  interrogatories  to  ask  me  any- 
thing more  than  this,  and  I  have  answered  in  strict  accord- 
ance with  the  interrogatories,  and  have  answered  truly,  that 
I  am  not  pledged  at  all  upon  any  of  the  points  to  which  I 
have  answered.  But  I  am  not  disposed  to  hang  upon  the 
exact  form  of  his  interrogatory.  I  am  rather  disposed  to 
take  up  at  least  some  of  these  questions,  and  state  what  I 
really  think  of  them. 

As  to  the  first  one,  in  regard  to  the  Fugitive-Slave  law,  I  JujJJ'J^ 
have  never  hesitated  to  say,  and  I  do  not  now  hesitate  to 
say,  that  I  think,  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
the  people  of  the  Southern  States  are  entitled  to  a  Congres- 
sional Fugitive-Slave  law.  Having  said  that,  I  have  had 
nothing  to  say  in  regard  to  the  existing  Fugitive-Slave  law, 
further  than  that  I  think  it  should  have  been  framed  so  as 
to  be  free  from  some  of  the  objections  that  pertain  to  it, 
without  lessening  its  efficiency.  And  inasmuch  as  we  are 


430 


Readings  in  American  History 


not  now  in  an  agitation  in  regard  to  an  alteration  or  modifica- 
tion of  that  law,  I  would  not  be  the  man  to  introduce  it  as  a 
new  subject  of  agitation  upon  the  general  question  of  slavery. 

In  regard  to  the  other  question,  of  whether  I  am  pledged 
to  the  admission  of  any  more  Slave  States  into  the  Union, 
I  state  to  you  very  frankly  that  I  would  be  exceedingly  sorry 
to  be  put  in  a  position  of  having  to  pass  upon  that  question. 
I  should  be  exceedingly  glad  to  know  that  there  would  never 
be  another  Slave  State  admitted  into  the  Union;  [Applause] 
but  I  must  add  that  if  slavery  shall  be  kept  out  of  the  Terri- 
tories during  the  Territorial  existence  of  any  one  Territory, 
and  then  the  people  shall,  having  a  fair  chance  and  a  clear 
field,  when  they  come  to  adopt  the  constitution,  do  such  an 
extraordinary  thing  as  to  adopt  a  slave  constitution,  unin- 
fluenced by  the  actual  presence  of  the  institution  among 
them,  I  see  no  alternative,  if  we  own  the  country,  but  to 
admit  them  into  the  Union.  [Applause.]  .  .  . 

The  fourth  one  is  in  regard  to  the  abolition  of  slavery  in 
the  District  of  Columbia.  In  relation  to  that,  I  have  my 
mind  very  distinctly  made  up.  I  should  be  exceedingly  glad 
to  see  slavery  abolished  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  [Cries 
of  "Good!  Good!"]  I  believe  that  Congress  possesses  the 
constitutional  power  to  abolish  it.  Yet  as  a  member  of 
Congress,  I  should  not,  with  my  present  views,  be  in  favor 
of  endeavoring  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
unless  it  would  be  upon  these  conditions:  First^jhat  the 
abolition  should  be  gradual;  Second,  that  it  should  be  on  a 
vote  of  the  majority  of  qualified  voters  in  the  District;  and 
third,  that  compensation  should  be  made  to  unwilling  owners. 
With  these  three  conditions,  I  confess  I  would  be  exceedingly 
glad  to  see  Congress  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbia, and,  in  the  language  of  Henry  Clay,  "  sweep  from  our 
capital  that  foul  blot  upon  our  nation."  [Loud  Applause.] 

In  regard  to  the  fifth  interrogatory,  I  must  say  here,  that 
as  to  the  question  of  the  abolition  of  the  slave-trade  between 
the  different  States,  I  can  truly  answer  as  I  have,  that  I  am 
pledged  to  nothing  about  it.  It  is  a  subject  to  which  I  have 


Slavery  Extension  and  Sectional  Feeling         431 

not  given  that  mature  consideration  that  would  make  me 
feel  authorized  to  state  a  position  so  as  to  hold  myself  en- 
tirely bound  by  it.  In  other  words,  that  question  has  never 
been  prominently  enough  before  me  to  induce  me  to  investi- 
gate whether  we  really  have  the  constitutional  power  to  do 
it.  I  could  investigate  it  if  I  had  sufficient  time  to  bring 
myself  to  a  conclusion  upon  that  subject,  but  I  have  not 
done  so,  and  I  say  so  frankly  to  you  here,  and  to  Judge 
Douglas.  I  must  say,  however,  that  if  I  should  be  of  opinion 
that  Congress  does  possess  the  constitutional  power  to  abolish 
the  slave-trade  among  the  different  States,  I  should  still  not 
be  in  favor  of  the  exercise  of  that  power  unless  upon  some 
conservative  principle  as  I  conceive  it  akin  to  what  I  have 
said  in  relation  to  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia.  .  .  . 

I  now  proceed  to  propound  to  the  Judge  the  interrogato- 
ries, so  far  as  I  have  framed  them.  I  will  bring  forward  a 
new  installment  when  I  get  them  ready.  [Laughter.]  I  will 
bring  them  forward  now,  only  reaching  to  number  four. 

The  first  one  is: — 

Question  1.  If  the  people  of  Kansas  shall,  by  means  en- 
tirely unobjectionable  in  all  other  respects,  adopt  a  State 
Constitution,  and  ask  admission  into  the  Union  under  it, 
before  they  have  the  requisite  number  of  inhabitants  accord- 
ing to  the  English  bill, — some  ninety-three  thousand,— will 
you  vote  to  admit  them?  [Applause.] 

Q.  2.  Can  the  people  of  a  United  States  Territory,  in  a 
lawful  way,  against  the  wish  of  any  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  exclude  slavery  from  its  limits  prior  to  the  formation 
of  a  State  constitution?  [Renewed  applause.] 

Q.  3.  If  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  shall 
decree  that  States  cannot  exclude  slavery  from  their  limits, 
are  you  in  favor  of  acquiescing  in,  adopting,  and  following 
such  decision  as  a  rule  of  political  action?  [Loud  applause.) 

Q.  4.  Are  you  in  favor  of  acquiring  additional  territory, 
in  disregard  of  how  such  acquisition  may  affect  the  nation 
on  the  slavery  question?  [Cries  of  "Good,  Good!"]  .... 


432 


Readings  in  American  History 


MR.    DOUGLAS  S   REPLY 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  The  silence  with  which  you  have 
listened  to  Mr.  Lincoln  during  his  hour  is  creditable  to  this 
vast  audience,  composed  of  men  of  various  political  parties. 
Nothing  is  more  honorable  to  any  large  mass  of  people  as- 
sembled for  the  purpose  of  a  fair  discussion  than  that  kind 
and  respectful  attention  that  is  yielded,  not  only  to  your 
political  friends,  but  to  those  who  are  opposed  to  you  in 
politics.  .  .  . 

The  next  question  propounded  to  me  by  Mr.  Lincoln  is, 
Can  the  people  of  a  Territory  in  any  lawful  way,  against 
the  wishes  of  any  citizen  of  the  United  States,  exclude  slavery 
from  their  limits  prior  to  the  formation  of  a  State  constitu- 
tion? I  answer  emphatically,  as  Mr.  Lincoln  has  heard  me 
answer  a  hundred  times  from  every  stump  in  Illinois,  that 
in  my  opinion  the  people  of  a  Territory  can,  by  lawful  means, 
exclude  slavery  from  their  limits  prior  to  the  formation  of  a 
State  constitution.  [Enthusiastic  applause.]  Mr.  Lincoln 
knew  that  I  had  answered  that  question  over  and  over  again. 
He  heard  me  argue  the  Nebraska  bill  on  that  principle  all 
over  the  State  in  1854,  in  1855  and  in  1856,  and  he  has  no 
excuse  for  pretending  to  be  in  doubt  as  to  my  position  on 
that  question.  It  matters  not  what  way  the  Supreme  Court 
may  hereafter  decide  as  to  the  abstract  question  whether 
slavery  may  or  may  not  go  into  a  Territory  under  the  Con- 
stitution, the  people  have  the  lawful  means  to  introduce  it 
or  exclude  it  as  they  please,  for  the  reason  that  slavery  can- 
not exist  a  day  or  an  hour  anywhere  unless  it  is  supported 
by  local  police  regulations.  ["  Right,  right ! "]  Those  police 
regulations  can  only  be  established  by.  the  local  legislature; 
and  if  the  people  are  opposed  to  slavery,  they  will  elect 
representatives  to  that  body  who  will  by  unfriendly  legis- 
lation effectually  prevent  the  introduction  of  it  into  their 
midst.  If,  on  the  contrary,  they  are  for  it,  their  legislation 
will  favor  its  extension.  Hence,  no  matter  what  the  decision 


Slavery  Extension  and  Sectional  Feeling         433 


of  the  Supreme  Court  may  be  on  that  abstract  question, 
still  the  right  of  the  people  to  make  a  Slave  Territory  or  a 
Free  Territory  is  perfect  and  complete  under  the  Nebraska 
bill.  I  hope  Mr.  Lincoln  deems  my  answer  satisfactory  on 
that  point.  .  .  . 

The  third  question  which  Mr.  Lincoln  presented  is,  If  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  shall  decide  that  a  State 
of  this  Union  cannot  exclude  slavery  from  its  own  limits 
will  I  submit  to  it?  I  am  amazed  that  Lincoln  should  ask 
such  a  question.  ["A  schoolboy  knows  better."]  Yes,  a 
schoolboy  does  know  better.  Mr.  Lincoln's  object  is  to 
cast  an  imputation  upon  the  Supreme  Court.  He  knows 
that  there  never  was  but  one  man  in  America,  claiming  any 
degree  of  intelligence  or  decency,  who  ever  for  a  moment 
pretended  such  a  thing.  It  is  true  that  the  Washington 
Union,  in  an  article  published  on  the  17th  of  last  December, 
did  put  forth  that  doctrine,  and  I  denounced  the  article  on 
the  floor  of  the  Senate,  in  a  speech  which  Mr.  Lincoln  now 
pretends  was  against  the  President.  The  Union  had  claimed 
that  slavery  had  a  right  to  go  into  the  free  States,  and  that 
any  provision  in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of  the  Free  States 
to  the  contrary  were  null  and  void.  I  denounced  it  in  the 
Senate,  as  I  said  before,  and  I  was  the  first  man  who  did. 
Lincoln's  friends,  Trumbull,  and  Seward,  and  Hale,  and 
Wilson,  and  the  whole  Black  Republican  side  of  the  Senate, 
were  silent.  They  left  it  to  me  to  denounce  it.  [Cheers.]  .  .  . 

The  fourth  question  of  Mr.  Lincoln  is,  Are  you  in  favor 
of  acquiring  additional  territory,  in  disregard  as  to  how  such 
acquisition  may  affect  the  Union  on  the  Slavery  question? 
This  question  is  very  ingeniously  and  cunningly  put. 

[Deacon  Bross  here  spoke  "sotto  voce," — the  reporter 
understanding  him  to  say  "Now  we've  got  him."] 

The  Black  Republican  creed  lays  it  down  expressly  that 
under  no  circumstances  shall  we  acquire  any  more  territory, 
unless  slavery  is  first  prohibited  in  the  country.  I  ask  Mr. 
Lincoln  whether  he  is  in  favor  of  that  proposition.  Are  you 
[addressing  Mr.  Lincoln]  opposed  to  the  acquisition  of  any 


Supreme 
Court  and 
exclusion 
of  slavery 
from  a 
State. 


Acquire 

additional 

territory? 


434  Readings  in  American  History 

more  territory,  under  any  circumstances,  unless  slavery  is 
prohibited  in  it?  That  he  does  not  like  to  answer.  When  I 
ask  him  whether  he  stands  up  to  that  article  in  the  platform 
of  his  party,  he  turns,  Yankee-fashion,  and  without  answering 
it,  asks  me  whether  I  am  in  favor  of  acquiring  territory  with- 
out regard  to  how  it  may  affect  the  Union  on  the  Slavery 
question.  ["Good."]  I  answer  that  whenever  it  becomes 
necessary,  in  our  growth  and  progress  to  acquire  more  terri- 
tory, that  I  am  in  favor  of  it,  without  reference  to  the  ques- 
tion of  slavery;  and  when  we  have  acquired  it,  I  will  leave  the 
people  free  to  do  as  they  please,  either  to  make  it  slave  or 
free  territory  as  they  prefer.  .  .  . 

LINCOLN'S  SPEECH  AT  JONESBORO 

The  second  interrogatory  that  I  propounded  to  him  was 
this:— 

"Question  2.  Can  the  people  of  a  United  States  Terri- 
tory, in  any  lawful  way,  against  the  wish  of  any  citizen  of 
the  United  States,  exclude  slavery  from  its  limits  prior  to 
the  formation  of  a  State  Constitution?" 

To  this  Judge  Douglas  answered  that  they  can  lawfully 
exclude  slavery  from  the  Territory  prior  to  the  formation  of 
the  Constitution.  He  goes  on  to  tell  us  how  it  can  be  done. 
As  I  understand  him,  he  holds  that  it  can  be  done  by  the 
Territorial  Legislature  refusing  to  make  any  enactments  for 
the  protection  of  slavery  in  the  Territory,  and  especially  by 
adopting  unfriendly  legislation  to  it.  For  the  sake  of  clear- 
ness, I  state  it  again:  That  they  can  exclude  slavery  from 
the  Territory,  1st,  by  withholding  what  he  assumes  to  be  an 
indispensable  to  it  in  the  way  of  legislation;  and,  2nd,  by  un- 
friendly legislation.  If  I  rightly  understand  him,  I  wish  to 
ask  your  attention  for  a  while  to  his  position. 

In  the  first  place  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 
decided  that  any  Congressional  prohibition  of  slavery  in 
the  Territories  is  unconstitutional;  that  they  have  reached 
this  proposition  as  a  conclusion  from  their  former  proposi- 


Slavery  Extension  and  Sectional  Feeling         435 

tion,  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  expressly 
recognizes  property  in  slaves,  and  from  that  other  Constitu- 
tional provision,  that  no  person  shall  be  deprived  of  property 
without  due  process  of  law.  Hence  they  reach  the  conclu- 
sion* that  as  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  expressly 
recognizes  property  in  slaves,  and  prohibits  any  person  from 
being  deprived  of  property  without  due  process  of  law  to 
pass  an  Act  of  Congress  by  which  a  man  who  owned  a  slave 
on  one  side  of  a  line  would  be  deprived  of  him  if  he  took  him 
on  the  other  side,  is  depriving  him  of  that  property  without 
due  process  of  law.  That  I  understand  to  be  the  decision 
of  the  Supreme  Court.  I  understand  also  that  Judge  Douglas 
adheres  most  firmly  to  that  decision;  and  the  difficulty  is, 
how  is  it  possible  for  any  power  to  exclude  slavery  from  the 
Territory,  unless  in  violation  of  that  decision?  That  is  the 
difficulty. 

In  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  in  1856,  Judge  Trum- 
bull,  in  a  speech  substantially,  if  not  directly,  put  the  same 
interrogatory  to  Judge  Douglas,  as  to  whether  the  people 
of  a  Territory  had  the  lawful  power  to  exclude  slavery  prior 
to  the  formation  of  a  constitution.  Judge  Douglas  then  an- 
swered at  considerable  length  and  his  answer  will  be  found 
in  the  "  Congressional  Globe,"  under  date  of  June  9th,  1856. 
The  Judge  said  that  whether  the  people  could  exclude  slavery 
prior  to  the  formation  of  a  constitution  or  not  was  a  question 
to  be  decided  by  the  Supreme  Court.  He  put  that  proposition, 
as  will  be  seen  by  the  "Congressional  Globe,"  in  variety  of 
forms,  all  running  to  the  same  thing  in  substance, — that  it 
was  a  question  for  the  Supreme  Court.  I  maintain  that 
when  he  says,  after  the  Supreme  Court  has  decided  the  ques- 
tion, that  the  people  may  yet  exclude  slavery  by  any  means 
whatever,  he  does  virtually  say  that  it  is  not  a  question  for 
the  Supreme  Court.  [Applause.] 

He  shifts  his  ground.  I  appeal  to  you  whether  he  did  not 
say  it  was  a  question  for  the  Supreme  Court?  Has  not  the 
Supreme  Court  decided  that  question?  When  he  now  says 
the  people  may  exclude  slavery,  does  he  not  make  it  a  ques- 


436  Readings  in  American  History 

tion  for  the  people?  Does  he  not  virtually  shift  his  ground, 
and  say  that  it  is  not  a  question  for  the  court,  but  for  the 
people?  This  is  a  very  simple  proposition, — a  very  plain 
and  naked  one.  It  seems  to  me  that  there  is  no  difficulty 
in  deciding  it.  In  a  variety  of  ways  he  said  that  it  was  a 
question  for  the  Supreme  Court.  He  did  not  stop  then  to 
tell  us  that  whatever  the  Supreme  Court  decides,  the  people 
can  by  withholding  necessary  "police  regulations"  keep 
slavery  out.  He  did  not  make  any  such  answer.  I  submit 
to  you  now  whether  the  new  state  of  the  case  has  not  induced 
the  Judge  to  sheer  away  from  his  original  ground.  [Ap- 
plause.] Would  not  this  be  the  impression  of  every  fair 
minded  man?  . 


85.     THE  NOMINATION  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

The  second  Republican  National  Convention  met  in  Chicago, 
May  16,  1860.  On  the  third  ballot  Abraham  Lincoln  was  nomi- 
nated for  President.  Isaac  H.  Bromley,  who  wrote  the  following 
account  of  the  convention,  was  at  the  time  a  correspondent  for  a 
New  York  newspaper. — (Scribner's  Magazine,  XIV,  646-656.) 

Meeting  The  second  Republican  National  Convention  met  at 
vention0n"  Chicago  on  May  16,  1860.  Not  since  the  foundation  of  the 
Government  had  the  political  outlook  been  so  threatening 
to  the  stability  of  the  Union  and  the  continuance  of  peace. 
Congress  had  been  five  months  in  session,  two  of  which  had 
been  entirely  occupied  with  the  speakership  contest,  and  the 
rest  in  wordy  wrangling  that  frequently  came  perilously  near 
to  blows  on  the  floor  of  the  House  in  open  session.  .  .  . 

With  the  Democratic  Party  hopelessly  disrupted,  and  the 
whole  trend  of  affairs  in  the  Free  States  toward  a  union  of 
all  the  elements  of  opposition  to  that  party,  it  was  not  strange 
that  the  delegates  came  together  at  Chicago  in  high  spirits 
and  with  a  confident  feeling  that  the  nominee  of  the  Con- 
vention would  be  the  next  President  of  the  United  States. 
Nfo  one  looked  farther  than  that.  The  fixed  purpose  of  the 


Slavery  Extension  and  Sectional  Feeling         437 

party  was  to  bring  Kansas  into  the  Union  as  a  Free  State, 
and  set  definite  bounds  to  the  institution  of  slavery.  .  .  . 

The  Convention  met  in  an  enormous  building  with  a  ca-  Place  of 
parity  capable  of  holding  ten  or  twelve  thousand  people;  meetin«- 
a  barn-like  structure,  made  of  rough  timber,  decorated  so 
completely  with  flags,   banners,   bunting,   etc.,   that  when 
filled  it  seemed  a  gorgeous  pavilion  aflame  with  color  and  all 
aflutter  with  pennants  and  streamers.     It  was  the  first  of 
its  kind,  and  itself  something  of  a  wonder.  .  .  . 

It  was  indeed  a  grand  spectacle.     When  Governor  E.  D.   Theflret 
Morgan,   of  New  York,   as  Chairman  of  the   Republican  8esslon- 
National  Committee,   called  the  Convention  to  order,  he 
faced  the  largest,  audience  that  had  ever  assembled  within 
doors  in  the  country.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  By  a  piece  of  good  luck  the  acoustic  properties  of 
the  wigwam  were  excellent,  so  that  the  speakers  could  be' 
heard  without  difficulty  in  every  part  of  it.  ... 

The  New  York  delegation  was  for  Seward  to  a  man.  And  William 
for  him  absolutely,  unreservedly — first,  last,  and  all  the  time,  afa^rife 
without  any  second  choice.  To  them  Mr.  Seward  seemed 
the  central  figure  of  the  whole  movement,  its  prophet,  priest 
and  oracle.  Not  even  Henry  Clay  before  him,  or  Grant  or 
Elaine  after  had  such  a  following  of  blind  idolaters.  They 
had  worked  themselves  up  into  the  belief  that  the  new  polit- 
ical party  would  collapse  if  it  did  not  take  the  highest  ground 
of  principle,  and  choose  as  its  leader  the  foremost  anti- 
slavery  statesman  in  the  country;  the  man  who  had  de- 
scribed the  relations  between  freedom  and  slavery  as  an 
"irrepressible  conflict"  between  two  opposing  and  enduring 
forces,  and  whom  they  fondly  called  "Old  Irrepressible." 
Without  him  it  would  be  the  play  without  Hamlet.  They 
were  vociferous,  aggressive,  boisterous,  and  they  had  brought 
with  them  from  New  York  outsiders  and  workers  and  brass 
bands  who  filled  the  streets  with  processions  and  the  nights 
with  music  to  such  an  extent  that  the  Seward  enthusiasm 
seemed  tumultuous  and  all-absorbing.  .  .  . 

Since  the  Democratic  breaking  up,   the  conviction  had 


438 


Readings  in  American  History 


Lack  of 
harmony 
in  the 
conven- 
tion. 


Outside 
the  con- 
vention 
hall. 


deepened  that  this  party  had  the  Presidency  within  reach. 
The  nearness  of  it  made  everybody  uncommonly  fearful  of 
losing  it.  The  consequence  was  that  this  body  was  disposed 
to  be  conservative  to  the  point  of  timidity.  All  shades  of 
opinion  on  the  slavery  question,  from  the  out-and-out 
Abolitionists  like  Giddings,  to  men  like  Eli  Thayer  who 
accepted  the  popular  sovereignty  theory,  had  to  be  harmon- 
ized. There  was  danger  in  touching  at  all  the  tariff  question, 
and  yet  it  could  not  be  ignored  entirely;  and  most  difficult 
of  all  was  to  bring  together  the  representatives  of  the  Amer- 
ican or  Know  Nothing  party  and  the  great  mass  of  foreign- 
born  voters,  chiefly  Germans,  who  constituted  the  strength 
and  the  dependence  of  the  party  in  the  Western  States.  To 
steer  through  such  dangers  and  besetments  called  for  skilful 
pilotage.  .  .  . 

The  resolutions  went  through  by  acclamation  about  six 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  and  amid  whirlwinds  of  noise  that 
exceeded  all  previous  demonstrations,  the  Convention  ad- 
journed till  next  day.  There  was  not  much  sleep  for  anybody 
that  night.  The  streets  were  alive  all  night  with  processions 
and  brass  bands,  while  the  delegation  head-quarters  at  the 
hotels  had  oratory  on  tap  and  were  in  constant  eruption. 
The  real  business  was  going  on,  however,  without  noise  or 
demonstration/  It  was  the  commerce  between  Illinois, 
Indiana,  and  Pennsylvania  that  night  that  made  Mr.  Lin- 
coln President,  and  put  Caleb  B.  Smith  and  Simon  Cam- 
eron in  his  Cabinet.  .  .  .  The  deal  made  by  David  Davis 
and  N.  B.  Judd  with  Pennsylvania  and  Ohio  was  not  sus- 
pected by  the  Seward  men,  who  were  in  high  feather  over  the 
admission  of  delegates  from  Virginia  and  Texas;  and  at  the 
opening  of  the  third  day's  session  more  confident  than  ever. 
Impressed  by  their  confidence  Greeley  had  given  up  the  fight, 
and  wired  the  Tribune  that  Seward's  nomination  was  cer- 
tain. And  that  indeed  was  the  belief  of  everybody  except 
a  few  persons  who  had  been  up  all  night  at  the  Tremont 
House,*  without  any  brass  bands. 


*  Located  at  the  corner  of  Dearborn  and  Lake  Streets. 
Departments  of  Northwestern  University. 


Now  occupied  by 


Slavery  Extension  and  Sectional  Feeling         439 

The  candidates  were  put  in  nomination,  and  at  the  men-  Nomina- 
tion of  each  name  applause  more  or  less  loud  and  prolonged  tions- 
broke  forth.  The  great  demonstrations  were  at  the  names 
of  Seward  and  Lincoln.  When  either  of  these  was  mentioned 
the  audience  seemed  to  grow  wild.  One  might  have  supposed 
that  the  choice  between  them  was  to  be  governed  by  volume 
of  sound.  In  these  lung  contests  the  Lincoln  men  had  the 
advantage  of  his  being  the  local  favorite,  and  having,  conse- 
quently a  more  numerous  claque.  But  the  Seward  men  were 
good  howlers,  and  the  match  was  not  far  from  equal.  The 
formal  placing  of  candidates  in  nomination  being  over,  the 
roll-call  began  with  Maine,  proceeding  in  geographical  in- 
stead of  alphabetical  order.  The  vote  of  the  New  England 
States  was  anxiously  watched.  The  Seward  men  counted 
on  some  solid  delegations  and  a  majority  of  the  total  vote. 
Maine  started  off  with  10  for  Seward  and  6  for  Lincoln: 
New  Hampshire  gave  Seward  but  1  and  Lincoln  7;  Vermont 
gave  her  10  votes  to  Collamer.  With  each  vote  the  coun- 
tenances of  the  Seward  men  fell  and  the  hopes  of  the  Lincoln 
men  rose.  The  votes  of  the  three  States  had  been  simply 
turned  in  by  the  several  chairmen  in  an  undemonstrative 
matter-of-fact  way.  Massachusetts  was  called.  John  A. 
Andrew  was  chairman  of  the  delegation.  In  his  view  Massa- 
chusetts was  something  more  than  a  numeral  in  a  mathe- 
matical process,  or  a  platoon  in  a  procession.  He  understood 
dramatic  effect  too  well  to  stand  up  and  simply  hand  in  a 
few  figures.  He  did  not  address  the  Secretary.  He  stood 
on  his  chair,  said,  "Mr.  President,"  and  waited  till  Ashmun 
said,  "The  gentleman  from  Massachusetts."  The  Old  Bay 
State  having  got  wheeling  distance  and  distinct  audience, 
he  said,  "Mr.  President,  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachu- 
setts casts  21  votes  for  William  H.  Seward  and  4  votes  for 
Abraham  Lincoln."  The  cheers  that  followed  were  more 
for  the  dignified  presence  and  impressive  manner  of  the  man 
than  for  either  of  the  candidates,  and  all  joined  in  it.  The 
vote  was  slightly  disappointing  to  the  Seward  men,  who 
hoped  for  the  solid  delegation.  Then  came  Connecticut 


44!)  Readings  in  American  History 

and  Rhode  Island,  and  the  reporters'  pencils  swiftly  made 
the  New  England  footing,  which  showed  that  out  of  81  votes 
Seward  had  but  32,  while  Lincoln  had  19,  and  all  others  30. 

The  Secretary  called  New  York.  Only  one  delegation 
had  cast  a  solid  vote,  and  Vermont's  vote  for  Collamer  was 
known  to  be  merely  complimentary.  Everybody  knew  what 
New  York's  vote  would  be;  but  Evarts  had  no 'less  appre- 
ciation of  dramatic  effect  than  John  A.  Andrew.  He  too 
stood  on  his  chair,  and  looking  beyond  the  Secretary  said : 
"Mr.  President."  "The  gentleman  from  New  York,"  said 
Ashmun.  There  was  stillness,  but  not  absolute  silence. 
"Mr.  President,"  said  Evarts,  slowly,  "I  wait  until  the  Con- 
vention is  in  order."  A  few  strokes  of  the  gavel  and  there 
was  a  hush  undisturbed  by  a  whisper.  Every  eye  was  fixed 
on  Evarts,  every  head  bent  toward  him.  Again  Ashmun: 
"The  gentleman  from  New  York  has  the  floor."  Then 
Evarts,  with  slow,  deliberate  utterance  that  gave  each  word 
the  weight  of  a  great  argument :  "  Mr.  President,  the  State 
of  New  York  casts  70  votes  for  William  Henry  Seward." 
Straight  went  the  audience  off  its  feet  and  for  several  minutes 
there  was  wild  applause. 

Then  New  Jersey  gave  a  solid  vote  for  William  L.  Dayton; 
Pennsylvania,  hers,  nearly  solid  for  Cameron,  and  presently 
Virginia  astonished  the  Seward  men  by  giving  14  votes  for 
Lincoln  and  only  8  for  Seward.  Ohio  gave  Chase  three- 
quarters  of  her  vote,  and  then  Indiana  gave  the  Seward  men 
another  surprise  by  a  solid  vote  for  Lincoln.  Missouri  was 
solid  for  Bates.  The  first  glimmer  of  comfort  the  Seward 
men  had  had  for  some  time  came  when  Michigan  gave  him  her 
12  votes.  Their  cheering  was  drowned  when  the  next  State 
was  called,  and  Illinois  added  22  to  the  Lincoln  column. 
As  the  list  tailed  off,  Wisconsin,  California,  Minnesota,  and 
Kansas  voted  solidly  for  Seward,  and  the  hopes  of  his  friends 
revived.  The  count  showed  465  votes,  with  Seward  and 
Lincoln  leading;  the  former  having  173/^,  the  latter  102, 
and  the  rest  divided  between  ten  candidates.  .  .  . 

Everybody  watched  with  intensest  interest  the  changes 


Slavery  Extension  and  Sectional  Feeling         441 

on  the  second  ballot.     Vermont  led  off  with  the  transfer  of  The 
her  solid  vote  to  Lincoln,  to  the  great  disappointment  of  the  ^j"1*1 
New  Yorkers,  and  when  the  six  New  England  States  had 
been  called,  Lincoln  was  found  to  be  leading  with  36  to 
Seward's  33.     Presently  Pennsylvania  carried  out  the  ar- 
rangement made  the  night  before,  and  put  48  votes  to  the 
Lincoln  column.     A  gain  of  a  vote  or  two  here  and  there 
helped  swell  the  total,  so  that  in  the  summing  up  Lincoln 
was  only  3/-6  votes   behind  Seward  who  lacked  49  of   a 
majority. 

While  the  third  ballot  was  in  progress  there  was  a  great  The  third 
deal  of  hurrying  back  and  forth,  swift  consultations,  pulling 
and  hauling,  and  hubbub  generally.  But  the  demonstra- 
tions were  not  so  noisy,  loud,  and  prolonged  as  in  the  earlier 
stages  of  the  proceedings.  The  excitement  was  too  intense, 
the  nervous  strain  too  severe,  to  relieve  itself  in  noise.  The 
break  in  New  England  continued,  Lincoln  having  now  42 
to  Seward's  31.  There  was  no  change  of  blocks  of  votes  on 
this  call,  but  a  gradual  crumbling  away  of  support  from  the 
scattering  candidates  and  a  drawing  toward  Lincoln.  Sew- 
urd  was  ahead  once,  when  New  York  with  70  blotted  out 
the  Lincoln  lead  of  11  in  New  England,  but  the  next  mo- 
ment Pennsylvania  plumped  52  for  Lincoln  and  presently 
the  Western  States  pushed  him  far  to  the  front,  a  sure 
winner.  .  .  . 

The  last  call — the  District  of  Columbia— had  hardly  been  Nomina- 
answered,  when  from  half-a-dozen  seats  came  the  report,  Lincoln. 
"  Lincoln  231 M;  he  lacks  a  vote  and  a  half."  Ohio  had  still 
a  reserve  of  15  votes  that  had  been  given  to  Chase,  and 
Missouri  18  that  had  gone  for  Bates.  In  an  instant  t IM  it- 
was  a  scramble  to  get  in  on  the  winner.  The  stuttering 
Cartter  was  ahead.  As  soon  as  he  could  be  heard,  he  changed 
four  votes  from  Chase  to  Lincoln.  Everybody  was  on  his 
feet  and  everybody  apparently  shrieking  a  change  of  votes, 
none  of  which,  except  Ohio's,  was  ever  recorded.  Every- 
body? no,  not  everybody.  In  the  New  York  seats  evt?ryb< ><  ly 
sat  dumb.  Michigan  made  no  stir,  and  only  a  part  of  the 


442  Readings  in  American  History 

Massachusetts  delegation  contributed  to  the  din — oases  of 
silence  in  a  Sahara  of  sound. 

Scene  in  I  thought  I  had  heard  noise  and  seen  wild  excitement  be- 

vcntion"  f°re>  but  this  was  the  grand  climacteric.  On  the  platform 
near  me  Henry  S.  Lane  was  executing  a  war-dance  with  some 
other  dignified  delegate  as  partner;  the  Indiana  men  gen- 
erally were  smashing  hats  and  hugging  each  other;  the 
Illinois  men  did  everything  except  stand  on  their  heads; 
hands  were  flying  wildly  in  the  air,  everybody's  mouth  was 
open,  and  bedlam  seemed  loose.  The  din  of  it  was  terrific. 
Seen  from  the  stage  it  seemed  to  be  twenty  thousand  mouths 
in  full  blast,  as  if  that  startling  figure  of  La  Guerre  on  the 
Arc  de  Triomphe  had  been  kindled  into  life  and  repeated 
twenty  thousandfold  poured  out  upon  this  arena.  I  have 
seen  conventions  carried  off  their  feet  before  and  since,  but 
never  anything  like  that.  I  was  so  overcome  with  the  spec- 
tacle that  the  contagion  of  it  took  no  hold.  I  could  not 
shout,  I  simply  caught  my  breath  and  stared  at  it.  It  seemed 
as  if  it  never  would  stop.  Over  the  desk  of  the  reading  clerk 
was  a  skylight,  and  men  stationed  there  had  reported  to  the 
packed  masses  in  the  street  from  the  edge  of  the  roof  the 
results  of  the  balloting.  On  the  roof  there  was  also  a  loaded 
cannon  ready  to  convey  the  news  when  the  nomination  was 
reached.  The  four  Ohio  changes  had  hardly  been  recorded 
when  it  belched  its  fire.  The  cry,  "Lincoln  is  nominated," 
went  over  the  roof  into  the  streets  and  the  streets  went  wild. 
So,  when  the  inside  tempest  lulled  an  instant,  the  roar  from 
the  outside  came  in  like  an  echo  and  the  storm  was  renewed; 
the  waves  of  noise  rolled  back  and  forth  till  from  sheer  weari- 
ness the  shouters  sank  into  their  seats. 

There  was  something  almost  painful  in  the  stillness  which 
fell,  when  the  chairman  at  this  point  recalled  order  with  a 
stroke  of  the  gavel,  and  looking  to  the  New  York  delegation, 
where  all  eyes  followed  him,  said:  "The  gentleman  from 
New  York."  In  a  few  well  chosen  words  listened  to  with 
profoundest  attention,  Mr.  Evarts,  on  behalf  of  the  New 
York  delegation,  accepted  the  result  and  moved  that  the 


Slavery  Extension  and  Sectional  Feeling         443 

nomination  be  made  unanimous.  It  was  seconded  by  John 
A.  Andrew,  Carl  Schurz,  and  Austin  Blair,  of  Michigan,  in 
speeches  that  contained  more  sadness  than  exultation,  and 
was  passed,  to  be  followed  by  another  tumultuous  outbreak. 
So  Abraham  Lincoln  was  nominated,  and  Christendom, 
without  knowing  it,  had  entered  behind  the  curtain  of  a 
new  epoch  and  into  the  dawning  of  a  new  day. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 
SECESSION   AND   CIVIL   WAR 

86.    ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  AND  SECESSION,  1860 

As  the  time  for  the  Presidential  election  of  1860  approached,  the 
declaration  became  wide-spread  throughout  the  Southern  States  that 
secession  would  follow  in  case  Abraham  Lincoln  was  elected.  Alex- 
ander H.  Stephens  was  opposed  to  such  action,  at  the  time,  for  the 
cause  specified,  and  set  forth  his  views  in  a  speech,  given  extempo- 
raneously, before  the  Georgia  Legislature,  November  14,  1860.  It 
was  published  in  the  leading  newspapers  of  the  country,  and  was 
interpreted  at  the  North  to  mean  that  he  would  stand  by  the  Union. 
When  the  State  Convention  of  Georgia  passed  the  ordinance  of 
secession,  January  19,  1861,  Stephens  regarded  it  as  expressing  the 
will  of  the  people  which  it  was  his  duty  to  obey. —  (Alexander  H. 
Stephens,  A  Constitutional  View  of  the  Late  War  between  the 
States,  II,  279  passim.  Philadelphia,  1868.) 

Fellow  Citizens: — I  appear  before  you  to-night,  at  the 
request  of  members  of  the  Legislature  and  others,  to  speak 
of  matters  of  the  deepest  interest  that  can  possibly  concern 
us  all  of  an  earthly  character.  There  is  nothing — no  ques- 
tion or  subject  connected  with  this  life — that  concerns  a 
free  people  so  intimately  as  that  of  the  government  under 
which  they  live.  We  are  now,  indeed,  surrounded  by  evils. 
Never,  since  I  entered  upon  the  public  stage,  has  the  coun- 
try been  so  environed  with  difficulties  and  dangers  that 
threatened  the  public  peace,  and  the  very  existence  of 
society,  as  now.  I  do  not  now  appear  before  you  at  my 
own  instance.  It  is  not  to  gratify  a  desire  of  my  own  that 
I  am  here.  Had  I  consulted  my  own  ease  and  pleasure  I 
should  not  be  before  you;  but  believing  that  it  is  the  duty 
of  every  good  citizen  to  give  his  counsels  and  views  whenever 

444 


Secession  and  Civil  War  445 

the  country  is  in  danger,  as  to  the  best  policy  to  he  pursued, 
I  am  here.  For  these  reasons,  and  these  only,  do  I  bespeak 
a  calm,  patient  and  attentive  hearing. 

My  object  is  not  to  stir  up  strife,  but  to  allay  it;  not  to 
appeal  to  your  passions,  but  to  your  reason.  .  .  . 

Let  us,  therefore,  reason  together.  It  is  not  my  purpose 
to  say  aught  to  wound  the  feelings  of  any  individual  who 
may  be  present;  and  if,  in  the  ardency  with  which  I  shall  ex- 
press my  opinions,  I  shall  say  anything  which  may  be  deemed 
too  strong,  let  it  be  set  down  to  the  zeal  with  which  I  advocate 
my  own  convictions.  There  is  with  me  no  intention  to  irri- 
tate or  offend. 

The  first  question  that  presents  itself  is,  shall  the  people  The  South 
of  the  South  secede  from  the  Union  in  consequence  of  the  Lincoln's 
election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  to  the  Presidency  of  the  United  election. 
States?  My  countrymen,  I  tell  you  frankly,  candidly  and 
earnestly,  that  I  do  not  think  that  they  ought.  In  my  judg- 
ment the  election  of  no  man,  constitutionally  chosen  to  that 
high  office,  is  sufficient  cause  for  any  State  to  separate  from 
the  Union.  It  ought  to  stand  by  and  aid  still  in  maintaining 
the  Constitution  and  the  country.  To  make  a  point  of 
resistance  to  the  government,  to  withdraw  from  it  because 
a  man  has  been  constitutionally  elected,  puts  us  in  the  wrong. 
We  are  pledged  to  maintain  the  Constitution.  Many  of  us 
haye  sworn  to  support  it.  Can  we,  therefore,  for  the  mere 
election  of  a  man  to  the  Presidency,  and  that  too  in  accord- 
ance with  the  prescribed  forms  of  the  Constitution,  make  a 
point  of  resistance  to  the  government  without  becoming  the 
breakers  of  that  sacred  instrument  ourselves — withdraw  our- 
selves from  it?  Would  we  not  be  in  the  wrong?  Whatever 
fate  is  to  befall  this  country,  let  it  never  lie  laid  to  the  charge 
of  the  people  of  the  South,  and  especially  to  the  people  of 
Georgia,  that  we  were  untrue  to  our  national  engagements. 
Let  the  fault  and  the  wrong  rest  upon  others.  If  all  our 
hopes  are  to  be  blasted,  if  the  Republic  is  to  go  down,  let 
us  be  found  to  the  last  moment  standing  on  the  deck,  with 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  waving  over  our  heads. 


446  Readings  in  American  History 

Let  the  fanatics  of  the  North  break  the  Constitution,  if  such 
is  their  fell  purpose.  Let  the  responsibility  be  upon  them. 
I  shall  speak  presently  more  of  their  acts;  but  let  not  the 
South — let  us  not  be  the  ones  to  commit  the  aggression.  We 
went  into  the  election  with  this  people.  The  result  was 
different  from  what  we  wished;  but  the  election  has  been 
constitutionally  held.  Were  we  to  make  a  point  of  resistance 
to  the  Government  and  go  out  of  the  Union  on  that  account, 
the  record  would  be  made  up  hereafter  against  us. 

But  it  is  said  Mr.  Lincoln's  policy  and  principles  are  against 
the  Constitution,  and  that  if  he  carries  them  out  it  will  be 
destructive  of  our  rights.  Let  us  not  anticipate  a  threatened 
evil.  If  he  violates  the  Constitution,  then  will  come  our 
time  to  act.  Do  not  let  us  break  it  because,  forsooth,  he 
may.  If  he  does,  that  is  the  time  for  us  to  act.  I  think  it 
would  be  injudicious  and  unwise  to  do  this  sooner.  I  do 
not  anticipate  that  Mr.  Lincoln  will  do  anything,  to  jeopard 
our  safety  or  security,  whatever  may  be  his  spirit  to  do 
it;  for  he  is  bound  by  the  Constitutional  checks  which  are 
thrown  around  him,  which  at  this  time  render  him  powerless 
to  do  any  great  mischief.  This  shows  the  wisdom  of  our 
system.  The  President  of  the  United  States  is  no  Emperor, 
no  Dictator — he  is  clothed  with  no  absolute  power.  He 
can  do  nothing,  unless  he  is  backed  by  power  in  Congress. 
The  House  of  Representatives  is  largely  in  a  majority  against 
him.  .  .  . 

In  the  Senate  he  will  also  be  powerless.  There  will  be  a 
majority  of  four  against  him.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  Why,  then,  I  say,  should  we  disrupt  the  ties  of  this 
Union  when  his  hands  are  tied,  when  he  can  do  nothing 
against  us?  ... 

My  honorable  friend  who  addressed  you  last  night  (Mr. 
Toombs),  and  to  whom  I  listened  with  the  profoundest  at- 
tention, asks  if  we  would  submit  to  Black  Republican  rule? 
I  say  to  you  and  to  him,  as  a  Georgian,  I  never  would  submit 
to  any  Black  Republican  aggression  upon  our  constitutional 
rights. 


Secession  and  Civil  War  447 

I  will  never  consent  myself,  as  much  as  I  admire  this 
Union  for  the  glories  of  the  past,  or  the  blessings  of  the  pres- 
ent— as  much  as  it  has  done  for  the  people  of  all  these  States 
— as  much  as  it  has  done  for  civilization — as  much  as  the 
hopes  of  this  world  hang  upon  it,  I  would  never  submit  to 
aggression  upon  my  rights  to  maintain  it  longer;  and  if  they 
cannot  be  maintained  in  the  Union,  standing  on  the  Georgia 
platform,  where  I  have  stood  from  the  time  of  its  adoption, 
I  would  be  in  favor  of  disrupting  every  tie  which  binds  the 
States  together.  .  .  . 

My  countrymen,  I  am  not  of  those  who  believe  this  Union  National 

has  been  a  curse  up  to  this  time.  .      .  Nor  will  I  undertake  gove™' . 

merit  not 

to  say  that  this  government  of  our  fathers  is  perfect.     There  perfect, 
is  nothing  perfect  in  this  world  of  a  human  origin — nothing 
connected  with  human  nature,  from  man  himself  to  any  of 
his  works.  .  .  . 

And  it  is  so  in  our  government. 

But  that  this  government  of  our  fathers,  with  all  its  de- 
fects, comes  nearer  the  objects  of  all  good  governments  than 
any  other  on  the  face  of  the  earth  is  my  settled  conviction. 
Contrast  it  now  with  any  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  .  .  . 

The  next  evil  which  my  friend  complained  of,  was  the  Thetaria 
tariff.  Well,  let  us  look  at  that  for  a  moment.  About  the 
time  I  commenced  noticing  public  matters,  this  question  was 
agitating  the  country  almost  as  fearfully  as  the  slave  question 
now  is.  In  1832,  when  I  was  in  college,  South  Carolina  was 
ready  to  nullify  or  secede  from  the  Union  on  this  account. 
And  what  have  we  seen?  The  tariff  no  longer  distracts  the 
public  counsels.  Reason  has  triumphed!  The  present  tariff 
was  voted  for  by  Massachusetts  and  South  Carolina.  The 
lion  and  the  lamb  lay  down  together — every  man  in  the 
Senate  and  House  from  Massachusetts  and  South  Carolina, 
I  think,  voted  for  it,  as  did  my  honorable  friend  himself. 
And  if  it  be  true,  to  use  the  figure  of  speech  of  my  honorable 
friend,  that  every  man  in  the  North  that  works  in  iron,  and 
brass  and  wood,  has  his  muscle  strengthened  by  the  pro- 
tection of  the  government,  that  stimulant  was  given  by  hia 


448  Headings  in  American  History 

vote,  and  I  believe  every  other  Southern  man.  So  we  ought 
not  to  complain  of  that. 

Mr.  Toombs.     That  tariff  lessened  the  duties. 

Mr.  Stephens.  Yes,  and  Massachusetts,  with  unanimity 
voted  with  the  South  to  lessen  them,  and  they  were  made 
just  as  low  as  Southern  men  asked  them  to  be,  and  that 
is  the  rate  they  are  now  at.  If  reason  and  argument, 
with  experience,  produced  such  changes  in  the  sentiments 
of  Massachusetts  from  1832  to  1857,  on  the  subject  of  the 
tariff,  may  not  like  changes  be  effected  there  by  the  same 
means — reason  and  argument,  and  appeals  to  patriotism  on 
the  present  vexed  question?  And  who  can  say  that  by  1875 
or  1890  Massachusetts  may  not  vote  with  South  Carolina  and 
Georgia  upon  all  those  questions  that  now  distract  the  coun- 
try and  threaten  its  peace  and  existence.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  Have  we  not  at  the  South,  as  well  as  the  North, 
grown  great,  prosperous,  and  happy  under  its  operations? 
Has  any  part  of  the  world  ever  shown  such  rapid  progress 
in  the  development  of  wealth,  and  all  the  material  resources 
of  national  power  and  greatness,  as  the  Southern  States  have 
under  the  General  Government,  notwithstanding  all  its  de- 
fects? 

Mr.  Toombs.     In  spite  of  it! 

Mr.  Stephens.  My  honorable  friend  says  we  have,  in  spite 
of  the  General  Government;  and  without  it  I  suppose  he  thinks 
we  might  have  done  as  well,  or  better  than  we  have  done. 
This  grand  result  is  in  spite  of  the  Government!  That  may 
be,  and  it  may  not  be;  but  the  great  fact  that  we  have  grown 
great  and  powerful  under  the  Government,  as  it  exists — there 
is  no  conjecture  or  speculation  about  that;  it  stands  out 
bold,  high,  and  prominent,  like  your  stone  mountain,  to 
which  the  gentleman  alluded.  .  .  . 

It  may  be  that  we  are  all  that  we  are  in  "spite  of  the  Gen- 
eral Government,"  but  it  may  be  that  without  it  we  should 
have  been  far  different  from  what  we  are  now.  It  is  true, 
there  is  no  equal  part  of  the  earth  with  natural  resources 
superior,  perhaps,  to  ours.  That  portion  of  this  country 


Secession  and  Civil  War  449 

known  as  the  Southern  States,  stretching  from  the  Chesa- 
peake to  the  Rio  Grande,  is  fully  equal  to  the  picture  drawn 
by  the  honorable  and  eloquent  Senator,  last  night,  in  all 
natural  capacities.  But  how  many  ages,  centuries,  passed 
before  these  capacities  were  developed  to  reach  this  advanced 
stage  of  civilization?  .  .  . 

It  was  only  under  our  Institutions  as  they  are,  that  they 
were  developed.  Their  development  is  the  result  of  the 
enterprise  of  our  people  under  operations  of  the  Government 
and  Institutions  under  which  we  have  lived.  Even  our 
people,  without  these,  never  would  have  done  it.  The  or- 
ganization of  society  has  much  to  do  with  the  development 
of  the  natural  resources  of  any  country  or  any  land.  .  .  J* 
Look  at  Greece!  There  is  the  same  fertile  soil,  the  same 
blue  sky,  the  same  inlets  and  harbors,  the  same  Aegean, 
the  same  Olympus — there  is  the  same  land  where  Homer 
sang,  where  Pericles  spoke — it  is,  in  nature,  the  same  old 
Greece;  but  it  is  "living  Greece  no  more!" 

Descendants  of  the  same  people  inhabit  the  country;  yet 
what  is  the  reason  of  this  mighty  difference?  In  the  midst 
of  present  degradation  we  see  the  glorious  fragments  of  ancient 
works  of  art — temples  with  ornaments  and  inscriptions  that 
excite  wonder  and  admiration — the  remains  of  a  once  high 
order  of  civilization,  which  have  outlived  the  language  they 
spoke — upon  them  all,  Ichabod  is  written — their  glory  has 
departed.  Why  is  this  so?  I  answer,  their  institutions  have 
been  destroyed.  .  .  .  The  same  may  be  said  of  Italy.  Where 
is  Rome,  once  the  mistress  of  the  world?  .  .  .  Why  have  not 
the  people  of  that  Heaven-favored  clime  the  spirit  that  ani- 
mated their  fathers?  ...  It  is  the  destruction  of  her  insti- 
tutions that  has  caused  it;  and  my  countrymen,— if  we 
shall,  in  an  evil  hour,  rashly  pull  down  and  destroy  those 
Institutions,  which  the  patriotic  hand  of  our  Fathers  labored 
so  long  and  so  hard  to  build  up,  and  which  have  done  so 
much  for  us,  and  for  the  world;  who  can  venture  the  pre- 
diction that  similar  results  will  not  ensue?  Let  us  avoid 
them  if  we  can.  I  trust  the  spirit  is  amongst  us  that  will 


450  Readings  in  American  History 

enable  us  to  do  it.  Let  us  not  rashly  try  the  experiment  of 
change,  of  pulling  down  and  destroying;  for,  as  in  Greece 
and  Italy,  and  the  South  American  Republics,  and  in  every 
other  place,  whenever  our  liberty  is  once  lost,  it  may  never 
be  restored  to  us  again.  .  .  . 

I  know  that  there  are  friends — whose  patriotism  I  do  not 
intend  to  question — who  think  this  Union  a  curse — and  that 
we  would  be  better  off  without  it.  I  do  not  so  think,  if  we 
can  bring  about  a  correction  of  those  evils  which  threaten 
— and  I  am  not  without  hope  that  this  may  yet  be  done. 
This  appeal  to  go  out,  with  all  the  provisions  for  good  that 
accompany  it,  I  look  upon  it  as  a  great  and  I  fear  a  fatal 
temptation. 

When  I  look  around  and  see  our  prosperity  in  everything, 
agriculture,  commerce,  art,  science,  and  every  department 
of  education,  physical  and  mental,  as  well  as  moral  advance- 
ment, and  our  colleges,  I  think,  in  the  face  of  such  an  ex- 
hibition, if  we  can,  without  the  loss  of  power,  or  any  essential 
right  or  interest,  remain  in  the  Union,  it  is  our  duty  to  our- 
selves and  to  posterity  to — let  us  not  too  readily  yield  to 
this  temptation — do  so.  Our  first  parents,  the  great  pro- 
genitors of  the  human  race,  were  not  without  a  like  tempta- 
tion when  in  the  garden  of  Eden.  They  were  led  to  believe 
that  their  condition  would  be  bettered — that  their  eyes 
would  be  opened —  .  .  . 

I  look  upon  this  country  with  our  Institutions  as  the  Eden 
of  ^e  worj(j)  tne  Paradise  of  the  Universe.  It  may  be  that 
out  of  it  we  may  become  greater  and  more  prosperous,  but 
I  am  candid  and  sincere  in  telling  you  that  I  fear  if  we 
yield  to  passion,  and  without  sufficient  cause  shall  take  that 
step,  that  instead  of  becoming  greater  or  more  peaceful, 
prosperous  arid  happy — instead  of  becoming  Gods,  we  will 
become  demons,  and  at  no  distant  day  commence  cutting 
one  another's  throats.  This  is  my  apprehension.  Let  us, 
therefore,  whatever  we  do,  meet  these  difficulties,  great  as 
they  are,  like  wise  and  sensible  men,  and  consider  them  in 
the  light  of  all  the  consequences  which  may  attend  our  action. 


Secession  and  Civil  War  451 

Let  us  see  first,  clearly,  where  the  path  of  duty  leads,  and  then 
we  may  not  fear  to  tread  therein.  .  .  . 

Now  upon  another  point,  and  that  the  most  difficult,  and 
deserving  your  most  serious  consideration,  I  will  speak. 
That  is,  the  course  which  this  State  should  pursue  toward 
those  Northern  States  which,  by  their  legislative  acts,  have 
attempted  to  nullify  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  .  .  . 

Northern  States,  on  entering  into  the  Federal  compact,  The 
pledged  themselves  to  surrender  such  fugitives;  and  it  is  f^v 
in  disregard  of  their  obligations  that  they  have  passed  laws 
which  even  tend  to  hinder  or  obstruct  the  fulfilment  of  that 
obligation.  They  have  violated  their  plighted  faith.  What 
ought  we  to  do  in  view  of  this?  That  is  the  question.  What 
is  to  be  done?  By  the  law  of  nations,  you  would  have  a 
right  to  demand  the  carrying  out  of  this  article  of  agreement, 
and  I  do  not  see  that  it  should  be  otherwise  with  respect 
to  the  States  of  this  Union;  and  in  case  it  be  not  done, 
we  would  by  these  principles,  have  the  right  to  commit 
acts  of  reprisal  on  these  faithless  Governments,  and  seize 
upon  their  property,  or  that  of  their  citizens,  wherever 
found.  The  States  of  this  Union  stand  upon  the  same  foot- 
ing with  foreign  nations  in  this  respect.  .  .  . 

Let  us,  therefore,  not  act  hastily  in  this  matter.  Let  your 
Committee  on  the  State  of  the  Republic  make  out  a  bill  of 
grievances;  let  it  be  sent  by  the  Governor  to  those  faithless 
States;  and  if  reason  and  argument  shall  be  tried  in  vain — 
if  all  shall  fail  to  induce  them  to  return  to  their  Constitu- 
tional obligations,  I  would  be  for  retaliatory  measures,  such 
as  the  Governor  has  suggested  to  you.  This  mode  of  re- 
sistance in  the  Union  is  in  our  power. 

Now,  then,  my  recommendation  to  you  would  be  this: 
in  view  of  all  these  questions  of  difficulty,  let  a  convention 
of  the  people  of  Georgia  be  called,  to  which  they  may  be  all 
referred.  Let  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  speak.  ...  I 
have  no  hesitancy  in  saying  that  the  Legislature  is  not  the 
proper  body  to  sever  our  Federal  relations,  if  that  necessity  . 
should  arise.  .  .  . 


Headings  in  American  History 


The  peo- 
ple to 
decide. 


Confer- 
ence with 
other 
States. 


You  must  refer  this  question  to  the  people,  and  you  must 
wait  to  hear  from  the  men  at  the  cross-roads  and  even  the 
groceries;  for  the  people  in  this  country,  whether  at  the 
cross-roads  or  the  groceries,  whether  in  cottages  or  palaces, 
are  all  equal,  and  they  are  the  sovereigns  of  this  country. 
Sovereignty  is  not  in  the  Legislature.  We  the  People  are 
Sovereign !  I  am  one  of  them,  and  have  a  right  to  be  heard ; 
and  so  has  every  other  citizen  of  the  State.  .  .  .  Our  Con- 
stitutions State  and  Federal  came  from  the  people.  They 
made  both  and  they  alone  can  rightfully  unmake  either.  .  .  . 

Should  Georgia  determine  to  go  out  of  the  Union,  I  speak 
for  one,  though  my  views  might  not  agree  with  them,  what- 
ever the  result  may  be,  I  shall  bow  to  the  will  of  her  people. 
Their  cause  is  my  cause,  and  their  destiny  is  my  destiny; 
and  I  trust  this  will  be  the  ultimate  course  of  all.  The 
greatest  curse  that  can  befall  a  free  people,  is  civil  war.  .  .  . 

Before  making  reprisals,  we  should  exhaust  every  means  of 
bringing  about  a  peaceful  settlement  of  the  controversy.  .  .  . 

At  least,  let  these  offending  and  derelict  States  know  what 
your  grievances  are,  and  if  they  refuse,  as  I  said,  to  give  us 
our  rights  under  the  Constitution,  I  should  be  willing,  as  a 
last  resort,  to  sever  the  ties  of  our  Union  with  them. 

My  own  opinion  is,  that  if  this  course  be  pursued,  and  they 
are  informed  of  the  consequences  of  refusal,  these  States 
will  recede,  will  repeal  their  nullifying  acts;  but  if  they 
should  not;  then  let  the  consequences  be  with  them,  and  the 
responsibility  of  the  consequences  rest  upon  them.  .  .  . 

I  am  for  exhausting  all  that  patriotism  demands,  before 
taking  the  last  step.  I  would  invite,  therefore,  South  Caro- 
lina to  a  conference.  I  would  ask  the  same  of  all  the  other 
Southern  States,  so  that  if  the  evil  has  got  beyond  our  con- 
trol, which  God  in  his  mercy  grant  may  not  be  the  case,  we 
may  not  be  divided  among  ourselves;  but  if  possible,  secure 
the  united  co-operation  of  all  the  Southern  States,  and  then, 
in  the  face  of  the  civilized  world,  we  may  justify  our  action, 
and,  with  the  wrong  all  on  the  other  side,  we  can  appeal  to 
the  God  of  Battles,  if  it  comes  to  that,  to  aid  us  in  our  cause. 


'  Secession  and  Civil  War  453 

But  do  nothing,  in  which  any  portion  of  our  people,  may 
charge  you  with  rash  or  hasty  action.  It  is  certainly  a  matter 
of  great  importance,  to  tear  this  Government  asunder.  You 
were  not  sent  here  for  that  purpose.  I  would  wish  the  whole 
South  to  be  united,  if  this  is  to  be  done;  and  I  believe  if 
we  pursue  the  policy  which  I  have  indicated,  this  can  be 
effected.  .  .  . 

My  position,  then,  in  conclusion  is  for  the  maintenance 
of  the  honor,  the  rights,  the  equality,  the  security,  and  the 
glory  of  my  native  State  in  the  Union,  if  possible;  but  if 
these  cannot  be  maintained  in  the  Union,  then  I  am  for  their 
maintenance,  at  all  hazards,  out  of  it.  Next  to  the  honor 
and  glory  of  Georgia,  the  land  of  my  birth,  I  hold  the  honor 
and  glory  of  our  common  country.  .  .  . 


87.    SCENES  AT  THE  OPENING  OF  THE  WAR 

The  following  letters  by  a  correspondent  to  the  London  Times 
give  a  good  picture  of  the  North  and  of  the  South  at  the  beginning 
of  the  war. 

New  York,  April  19,  1861. 

The  great  civil  war  that  everybody  has  regarded  as  an  Opening 
improbability  is  now  fairly  inaugurated, — blood  has  been 
shed,  sectional  animosities  have  been  aroused, — Virginia  has 
seceded,  or  will  do  so  soon  in  the  van  of  the  Border  Slave 
States,— there  is  every  probability  that  Kentucky,  Tennes- 
see, Arkansas,  and  North  Carolina  will  follow,— Maryland 
is  trembling  poised  between  her  allegiance  to  the  stars  and 
stripes  and  her  sympathy  for  slavery,  and  everything  now 
promises  a  war  between  the  consolidated  Slave  States  and 
the  American  Government— a  war  for  the  extension  of  African 
Slavery  and  the  annihilation  of  Constitutional  Government 
except  as  subservient  to  that  institution.  .  .  . 

Within    the  week  Fort  Sumter  has  been  evacuated,  H     Fort^ 
garrison  transferred  to  New  York,  its  very  existence  forgotten 
in  the  rapidity  of  the  march  of  events.     A  little  contest 


454 


Readings  in  American  History 


Lincoln 
calls  for 
troops. 


the  harbor  of  Charleston  has  grown  into  a  great  civil  war. 
The  effect  of  the  news  in  New  York  of  the  attack  upon  the 
fort  is  as  unexpected  as  it  is  overwhelming.  I  confess  that 
I  was  not  prepared  for  it;  for,  knowing  the  demoralization 
of  the  party  leaders, — political  demoralization,  I  mean,  not 
personal  or  moral — I  did  not  suppose  that  the  popular  heart 
was  beating  so  strong  for  the  national  flag  and  the  national 
Government.  So  it  is,  however;  and  the  result  has  taken 
everybody  by  surprise. 

The  proclamation  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  announcing  a  state  of 
war,  and  calling  upon  the  remaining  States  to  contribute 
their  quotas  towards  the  defence  of  the  flag  and  the  recovery 
of  the  forts,  has  aroused  the  national  pride  and  touched  the 
national  heart  in  every  Northern  State,  while  with  an  equal 
rapidity,  it  has  carried  the  Southern  Border  States  towards 
the  rebels.  From  the  moment  the  blow  was  struck  all  party 
differences  vanished  here  and  so  strong  was  the  public  indig- 
nation against  the  rebels  that  it  became  dangerous  for  a 
man  to  avow  Southern  sympathies.  The  feeling  had  begun 
to  show  itself  before  my  last  letter.  But  on  the  following 
day  the  manifestation  was  much  more  enthusiastic.  Then 
the  first  troops  from  the  East  arrived  on  their  way  to  Wash- 
ington, and  it  was  also  known  that  the  7th  regiment,  the 
pride  and  the  pet  of  New  York,  whose  ranks  are  made  up 
of  the  sons  of  her  first  merchants,  leading  lawyers,  and  best 
New  York,  statesmen,  was  to  be  the  first  called  from  this  town  to  the 
defence  of  the  capital.  It  was  a  bright  sunshiny  April  day, 
with  one  of  those  clear  crystal  American  atmospheres  that 
every  one  who  has  ever  been  in  America  will  remember. 
The  town  had  broken  out  into  an  eruption  of  the  star- 
spangled  banner.  It  floated  from  every  hotel,  from  every 
bank,  from  every  insurance  office.  It  was  draped  in  festoons 
across  the  streets,  the  shipping  in  the  harbor  was  alive  with 
the  gaiety  of  its  colors,  it  was  carried  in  miniature  on  the 
headstall  or  saddle  of  every  omnibus  horse  and  drayhorse 
in  the  crowded  Broadway,  and  its  colors  were  seen  on  the 
rosettes  of  the  private  carriages.  Without  seeing  it,  it  is, 


Intense 
excite- 
ment in 


Secession  and  Civil  War  455 

I  fear,  impossible  to  conceive  how  the  loyalty  of  this  people 
to  their  flag  had  suddenly  and  spontaneously  gushed  out.  .  .  . 

To-day  we  have  had  a  scene  of  excitement  and  enthusiasm 
surpassing  anything  I  have  ever  seen  even  in  excitable  New 
York.  Even  the  wonderful  demonstration  in  honor  of  the 
Prince  of  Wales  was  nothing  to  it.  The  7th  regiment  was 
to  leave  for  Washington  at  6.  It  was  announced  that  they 
would  leave  their  armory  at  about  4  and  march  to  the  ferry 
through  Broadway. 

About  noon  we  received  despatches  from  Baltimore  that  a 
fight  was  going  on  there — that  the  Massachusetts  troops  that 
had  left  here  the  day  before  had  been  attacked  in  their  passage 
through  that  town,  and  were  fighting  their  way  to  the  Wash- 
ington railway  station.  You  can  conceive  how  such  news 
struck  into  the  hearts  of  fathers,  mothers,  sisters,  brothers, 
and  friends,  about  taking  leave  of  such  near  relatives,  to 
meet,  perhaps,  the  same  or  a  more  desperate  resistance. 
You  can  conceive,  too,  how  the  public  heart  would  beat. 
I  had  taken  a  room  at  the  Metropolitan  Hotel  from  which 
to  see  the  troops,  that  being  the  highest  point  on  Broadway 
and  commanding  the  streets  for  the  whole  two  miles  through 
which  they  were  to  march.  Long  before  they  appeared  every 
omnibus  and  carriage  was  turned  out,  and  the  handsome 
street  itself  blocked  full  with  a  living,  surging  mass  of  men, 
unlike  the  demonstration  for  the  Prince  of  Wales,  when  a 
large  part  of  the  crowd  were  women.  To-day  the  mothers 
and  sisters  were  in  the  houses  along  the  line  of  the  march, 
every  window  of  which  was  filled,  and  even  the  housetops 
covered.  Near  me  there  was  a  lady,  a  widow,  whose  only 
son  was  in  the  ranks  as  a  private.  Though  the  tear  could  not 
be  repressed,  she  cheerfully  sent  him  out  with  a  "  God  bless 
you! "  Few  houses  that  had  not  one  or  more  near  relative  or 
friend  like  this.  Before  the  regiment  appeared  I  thought  it 
would  be  impossible  for  them  to  force  their  way  through 
the  crowd;  but  as  they  came  up  it  made  way  for  them,  with 
vociferous,  enthusiastic  cheers,  crowding,  however,  and  press- 
ing into  the  ranks  as  the  men  came  along  to  a  lively  quick 


450 


Headings  in  American  History 


step,  marching  with  an  elastic  spring  that  would  remind  you 
more  of  Paris  than  of  London.  As  they  came  opposite  the 
hotel  where  I  was  a  scene  ensued  that  beggars  all  descrip- 
tion. Major  Anderson*  stepped  upon  the  balcony  over  the 
magnificent  marble  shop  of  Messrs.  Ball  and  Black,  and  un- 
covered as  the  men  marched  by.  Such  enthusiasm  I  have 
never  seen.  As  each  platoon  came  up  it  broke  ranks  for  a 
moment,  waving  hats  and  even  muskets,  cheering  the  sol- 
dier who  has  become  for  the  moment  the  representative  of 
loyalty  and  fidelity;  then,  closing  up,  passed  on.  .  .  . 

Nor  is  this  only  a  momentary  excitement  of  a  fickle  popu- 
lace, that  finds  no  response  in  the  educated  classes.  I  have 
but  a  few  minutes  left  before  the  mail  closes — enough,  how- 
ever, to  call  attention  to  the  meeting  of  the  merchants  of 
New  York  held  yesterday,  while  the  people  were  bidding 
their  sons  farewell  on  their  way  to  the  war.  The  meeting 
was  enthusiastic  and  unanimous  in  the  determination  to 
support  the  Government  at  all  hazards.  It  embraced  promi- 
nently every  shade  of  political  opinion — men  who  have  hith- 
erto sympathized  with  the  South.  When  they  offer  money, 
when  they  urge  upon  the  Government  warlike  measures, 
when  they  call  for  blockades,  you  may  depend  upon  it  that 
they  are  in  earnest.  They  felt  that  this  contest  has  been 
forced  upon  them  by  the  rebels  and  they  will  meet  the  issue 
like  men.  .  .  . 

New  York,  April  24. 

I  now  resume  the  history  of  this  remarkable  northern 
revolution  in  popular  sentiment — or,  rather  let  me  do  it 
justice  by  calling  it  this  outbreak  of  repressed  feeling.  It  is 
quite  impossible  in  any  language  within  my  power  to  convey 
an  adequate  idea  of  this  great  national  uprising  in  defence 
of  the  country  and  its  institutions,  to  rescue  the  land  from 
anarchy  at  home  and  aggression  from  abroad,  to  prevent 
its  disintegration  and  decay.  Macaulay  has  tried  to  paint 
the  national  arming  of  England  when  the  signal  was  given 
*  Former  commander  at  Fort  Sumter. 


Secession  and  Civil  H'ar  457 

that  the  Armada  was  approaching;  hut,  spirited  as  it  is, 
the  words  are  cold  and  dead  compared  with  the  fervour 
which  animates  all  classes  in  the  North  to  maintain  the  in- 
tegrity of  the  country.  And  do  not  entertain  the  idea  that 
this  spirit  may  be  checked  by  reverses  or  chilled  by  want  of 
immediate  success;  believe  me,  it  is  not  so.  If  the  reverses 
come  at  Washington  which  there  is  reason  to  fear  may  come, 
the  spirit  that  is  now  aroused  will  be  only  quickened  and 
deepened  by  them;  and  that  nothing  can  resist  this  spirit 
in  the  end,  that  it  must  be  as  triumphant  as  it  is  just,  that 
Maryland,  Virginia  and  whatever  other  State  opposes  itself 
to  the  Government  will  be  inevitably  overcome  and  order 
restored,  no  one  here  doubts. 

I  left  off  with  the  evening  of  Friday  the  20th,  when  we 
had  just  received  the  news  of  the  attack  upon  the  Massa- 
chusetts troops  by  the  Baltimore  mob.     It  is  only  three 
days  since  then,  and  yet  we  seem  to  have  moved  generations. 
New  York,  which  but  a  week  ago  was  a  quiet  commercial 
town  has  become  a  great  camp,  where  everybody  is  full  of 
military  ardour  and  enthusiasm.     Business  is  entirely  sus-  Business 
pended,  past  differences  are  healed, — all  are  now  ready  for  8USPended- 
the  defence  of  the  Union.  .  .  . 

The  West,  too,  is  moving  actively,  but  with  what  results 
we  are  not  yet  able  to  say,  all  attention  here  being  engrossed 
upon  the  threatened  attack  upon  the  capital,  and  the  excit- 
ing scenes  in  the  city  of  New  York.  .  .  .  Early  in  the  morn- 
ing a  Massachusetts  regiment  arrived,  and  was  hurried  on 
towards  Philadelphia  amid  the  cheers  of  the  excited  crowd. 
None  seemed  disposed  to  attend  to  any  business  except  his 
country's.  The  ensigns  that  the  day  before  waved  from  the 
flagstaffs  of  the  principal  buildings  seemed  in  the  night  to 
have  blossomed  out  into  thousands  of  smaller  star  spangled 
banners,  hanging  from  the  windows  and  doors  of  almost  every 
house  and  shop  in  the  town.  Nearly  every  man  wore  a 
Union  badge  of  the  red,  white,  and  blue  of  the  flag  upon  his 
breast.  Most  of  the  ladies  as  well  wore  cravats  or  lu. 
of  the  same  loyal  colors.  While  the  shops  and  the  count- 


458 


Readings  in  American  History 


Attitude 

of 

churches. 


ing  rooms  were  deserted,  the  corners  of  the  streets  and  the 
neighborhood  of  the  newspaper  offices  were  crowded  with 
people,  anxious  for  the  latest  news  from  the  South,  for  there 
were  rumors,  which  were  confirmed  later  in  the  day,  that 
the  railway  bridges  between  here  and  Baltimore  were  burned 
and  communication  with  the  capital  cut  off.  .  .  . 

Sunday  morning  opened  as  beautiful,  soft,  balmy  an  April 
day  as  the  sun  ever  shone  upon,  with  the  marching  of  a 
Massachusetts  regiment  down  the  Fifth  Avenue  while  the 
good  citizens  were  on  their  way  to  church.  .  .  .  The  scenes 
in  the  churches  are  also  described  as  animated  and  touching. 
The  ministers  incited  their  congregation  to  vigour  in  the 
prosecution  of  a  righteous  war  for  the  defence  of  their  coun- 
try and  the  perpetuation  of  its  institutions.  In  some  churches 
the  pulpit  was  draped  with  the  national  flag,  and  in  others 
the  "Star-spangled  Banner"  was  played  upon  the  organ,  the 
congregation  rising  and  standing  as  it  was  done. 

New  York,  April  27. 

Nor  are  the  civilians,  and  especially  the  women,  less  busy. 
Under  the  direction  of  some  of  the  leading  surgeons  of  New 
York  the  medical  and  surgical  department,  which  has  been 
sadly  neglected  with  the  troops  that  have  already  left,  and 
the  hospital  department,  are  being  rapidly  systematized. 
The  organizations  for  local  charity  connected  with  the  various 
churches  have  also  taken  up  the  matter  vigorously,  preparing 
clothes  for  the  troops,  and,  what  is  equally  important,  band- 
ages, lint,  medicines,  and  other  things  connected  with  the 
hospital  department.  The  ladies  daily  meet  in  the  vestries 
of  the  several  churches  and  give  their  whole  time  up  to  this 
patriotic  work.  .  .  .  All  feel  that  it  is  a  war  for  national 
existence,  and  are  ready  to  sacrifice  everything  rather  than 
have  the  stars  and  stripes  blotted  out. 


Charleston,  S.  C.  April  21. 
Scenes  in          fa  ^e  present  moment  Charleston  is  like  a  place  in  the 

Charles-  • \  *, 

ton.  neighbourhood  of  a  camp  where  military  and  volunteer  tai- 


Work  of 

the 

women. 


Secession  and  Civil  War  459 

lors  are  at  work  trying  experiments  in  uniforms,  and  send- 
ing in  their  animated  models  for  inspection. 

There  is  an  endless  variety — often  of  ugliness — in  dress 
and  equipment  and  nomenclature  among  these  companies. 
The  head-dress  is  generally,  however,  a  smart  cap  like  the 
French  kepi;  the  tunic  is  of  different  cuts,  colors,  facings, 
and  materials, — green  with  gray  and  yellow,  gray  with  orange 
and  black  and  white,  blue  with  white  and  yellow  facings, 
roan,  brown,  burnt  sienna,  and  olive, — jackets,  frocks,  tunics, 
blouses,  cloth,  linen,  tweed,  flannel.  The  officers  are  gen- 
erally in  blue  frocks  and  brass  buttons,  with  red  sashes,  the 
rank  being  indicated  by  gold  lace  parallelograms  on  the 
shoulder  straps,  which  are  like  those  in  use  in  the  Russian 
army.  The  arms  of  the  men  seem  tolerably  well  kept  and 
in  good  order.  Many,  however,  still  shoulder  "White  Bess" 
— the  old  smooth-bore  musket  with  unbrowned  barrel. 

Montgomery,  May  8. 

I  am  on  difficult  ground,  the  land  is  on  fire,  the  earth  is  scenes  at 
shaking  with  the  tramp  of  armed  men,  and  the  very  air  is  {£pltaj. 
hot  with  passion. 

It  is  impossible  to  know  what  is  going  on  in  the  North, 
and  it  is  almost  the  same  to  learn  what  is  doing  in  the  South 
out  of  eyeshot.  The  telegraphic  communications  are  now 
broken,  so  are  the  mail  routes.  Events  hurry  on  with  tre- 
mendous activity,  and  even  the  lightning  lags  behind  them. 
The  people  of  the  South  at  last  are  aware  that  the  "  Yankees  " 
are  preparing  to  support  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
and  that  the  secession  can  only  be  maintained  by  victory  in 
the  field.  .  .  .  The  fact  is  there  are  even  in  the  compact  and 
united  South  men  of  moderate  and  men  of  extreme  views, 
and  the  general  tone  of  the  whole  is  regulated  by  the  pre- 
ponderance of  one  or  other  at  the  moment.  .  .  .  But  the 
Confederates  are  preparing  for  the  conflict,  and  when  they 
have  organized  their  forces,  they  will  make,  I  am  satisfied,  a 
very  resolute  advance  all  along  the  line.  They  are  at  pres- 
ent strong  enough,  they  suppose,  in  their  domestic  resources, 


460 


Readings  in  American  History 


Southern 
determina- 
tion. 


Hopes  of 
South- 
erners. 


and  in  the  difficulties  presented  to  the  advance  of  a  hostile 
force  by  the  nature  of  the  country,  to  bid  defiance  to  invasion, 
or,  at  all  events,  to  inflict  a  very  severe  chastisement  on  the 
invaders,  and  their  excited  manner  of  speech  so  acts  upon 
their  minds  that  they  begin  to  think  they  can  defy,  not 
merely  the  United  States,  but  the  world.  Thus  it  is  that 
they  declare  they  never  can  be  conquered,  that  they  will 
die  to  a  man,  woman  and  child  first,  and  that  if  ,50,000  or 
any  number  of  thousands  of  Black  Republicans  get  100  miles 
into  Virginia,  not  one  man  of  them  shall  ever  get  out  alive. 
Behind  all  this  talk,  however,  there  is  immense  energy, 
great  resolution,  and  fixed  principles  of  action.  .  .  .  They 
firmly  believe  the  war  will  not  last  a  year,  and  that  1862 
will  behold  a  victorious,  compact  slave-holding  confederate 
Power  of  15  States  under  a  Strong  Government,  prepared  to 
hold  its  own  against  the  world,  or  that  portion  of  it  which 
may  attack  it.  I  now  but  repeat  the  sentiments  and  expec- 
tations of  those  around  me.  They  believe  in  the  irresistible 
power  of  cotton,  in  the  natural  alliance  between  manufac- 
turing England  and  France  and  the  cotton-producing  Slave 
States,  in  the  force  of  their  simple  tariff,  and  in  the  interests 
which  arise  out  of  a  system  of  free  trade,  which,  however,  by 
a  rigorous  legislation  they  will  interdict  to  their  neighbours 
in  the  Free  States,  and  only  open  for  the  benefit  of  their 
foreign  customers.  Commercially,  and  politically  and  mili- 
tarily they  have  made  up  their  minds,  and  never  was  there 
siich  confidence  exhibited  by  any  people  in  the  future  as  they 
have,  or  pretend  to  have,  in  their  destiny.  .  .  . 

The  Southerners  are  firmly  convinced  that  they  have 
"kept  the  North  going"  by  the  prices  they  have  paid  for 
the  protected  articles  of  their  manufacture,  and  they  hold 
out  to  Sheffield,  to  Manchester,  to  Leeds,  to  Wolverhampton, 
to  Paris,  to  Lyons,  to  Bordeaux,  to  all  the  centres  of  English 
manufacturing  life,  as  of  French  taste  and  luxury,  the  tempt- 
ing baits  of  new  and  eager  and  hungry  markets.  If  their 
facts  and  statistics  are  accurate  there  can  be  no  doubt  of 
the  justice  of  their  deductions  on  many  points;  but  they  can 


Secession  and  Civil  War  Hi) 

scarcely  be  correct  in  assuming  that  they  will  bring  the  United 
States  to  destruction  by  cutting  off  from  Lowell  the  600,000 
bales  of  cotton  which  she  usually  consumes.  One  great  fact, 
however,  is  unquestionable — the  Government  has  in  its  hands 
the  souls,  the  wealth,  and  the  hearts  of  the  people.  They  sacrifice* 
will  give  anything— money,  labour,  life  itself,— to  carry  out 
their  theories.  "Sir,"  said  an  ex-governor  of  this  State  to 
me  to-day,  "Sooner  than  submit  to  the  North  we  will  all 
become  subject  to  Great  Britain  again."  The  same  gentle- 
man is  one  of  many  who  have  given  to  the  Government  a 
targe  portion  of  their  cotton  crop  every  year  as  a  free-will 
offering.  In  this  instance^his  gift  is  one  of  500  bales  of  cotton, 
or  5,000£  per  annum,  and  the  papers  teem  with  accounts  of 
similar  "patriotism"  and  devotion.  The  ladies  are  making 
sand  bags,  cartridges,  and  uniforms,  and,  if  possible,  they 
are  more  fierce  than  the  men.  The  time  for  mediation  is  War  in- 
past,  if  it  ever  were  at  hand  or  present  at  all,  and  it  is  scarcely  evitable- 
possible  now  to  prevent  the  processes  of  phlebotomization 
which  are  supposed  to  secure  peace  and  repose.  .  .  .  The 
Rev.  Gentleman  prayed  that  the  Almighty  might  be  pleased 
to  inflict  on  the  arms  of  the  United  States  such  a  defeat  that 
it  might  be  the  example  of  signal  punishment  forever, — that 
the  gallant  young  soldiers  who  were  fighting  for  their  country 
might  not  suffer  from  exposure  to  the  weather  or  from  the 
bullets  of  their  enemies;  and  that  the  base  mercenaries  who 
were  fighting  on  the  other  side  might  come  to  sure  and  swift 
destruction.  .  .  . 

88.    THE  BATTLE  OF  GETTYSBURG 

Frank  Aretas  Haskell,  the  writer  of  the  following  description  of 
the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  was  graduated  from  Dartmouth  College, 
with  distinguished  honors,  in  the  class  of  1854.  That  year  he  came 
to  Madison,  Wisconsin,  where  he  began  the  practice  of  law.  In 
June,  1861,  he  entered  the  Union  army  as  first  lieutenant  in  com- 
pany "I"  of  the  Sixth  Wisconsin  Volunteer  Infantry  of  the  Iron 
Brigade.*  He  was  adjutant  of  his  regiment  until  April  14,  1862, 

*  The  Iron  Brigade  was  originally  composed  of  the  Second.  Sixth,  and 
Seventh  Wisconsin  and  the  Nineteenth  Indiana.  The  Twenty-fourth 


4G2 


Readings  in  American  History 


when  he  was  made  aide-de-camp  to  General  John  Gibbon,  who  then 
took  command  of  the  Iron  Brigade.  While  serving  with  this 
brigade,  Lieutenant  Haskell  took  part  in  the  most  important  battles 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac:  viz.,  Second  Bull  Run,  South  Moun- 
tain, Antietam,  Fredericksburg,  Chancellorsville,  and  Gettysburg. 
In  his  report  on  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  General  Gibbon  wrote: 
"There  was  a  young  man  on  my  staff  who  had  been  in  every  battle 
with  me  and  who  did  more  than  any  other  one  man  to  repulse 
Pickett's  assault  at  Gettysburg  and  he  did  the  part  of  a  general 
there." 

On  February  9,  1864,  he  was  promoted  to  the  office  of  colonel 
of  the  Thirty-sixth  Wisconsin.  June  3  he  led  his  command  in  the 
charge  at  Cold  Harbor.  General  Hancock,  writing  of  this  event, 
said:  "At  Cold  Harbor  the  Colonel  of  the  Thirty-sixth  Wisconsin, 
as  gallant  a  soldier  as  ever  lived,  fell  dead  on  the  field." 

The  account  of  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  from  which  the  extracts 
are  taken,  was  sent  by  Lieutenant  Haskell  to  his  brother  shortly 
after  that  battle  and  was  not  intended  for  publication. — (Frank 
Aretas  Haskell,  The  Battle  of  Gettysburg.  Wisconsin  History 
Commission:  reprints,  No.  1  (1908),  66  passim.) 

After  evening  came  on  and,  from  reports  received,  all  was 
known  to  be  going  satisfactorily  upon  the  right,  General 
Meade  summoned  his  corps  commanders  to  his  headquarters 
for  consultation.*  A  consultation  is  held  upon  matters  of 
vast  moment  to  the  country,  and  that  poor  little  farmhouse 
is  honored  with  more  distinguished  guests  than  it  ever  had 
before,  or  than  it  will  ever  have  again,  probably. 

Do  you  expect  to  see  a  degree  of  ceremony,  and  severe 
military  aspect,  characterize  this  meeting,  in  accordance  with 
strict  military  rules,  and  commensurate  with  the  moment  of 
the  matters  of  their  deliberation?  Name  it  "Major  General 
Meade,  Commander  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  with  his 
Corps  Generals,  holding  a  Council  of  War,  upon  the  field  of 
Gettysburg,"  and  it  would  sound  pretty  well, — and  that  was 
what  it  was;  and  you  might  make  a  picture  of  it  and  hang  it 
up  by  the  side  of  "  Napoleon  and  his  Marshals,"  and  "  Wash- 
ington and  his  Generals,"  maybe,  at  some  future  time.  But 

Michigan  was  added  to  it  in  1862.     The  heaviest  loss  of  life  by  brigades 
in  the  Union  army  fell  to  this  brigade. 
*  July  2. 


Secession  and  Civil  War  463 

for  the  artist  to  draw  his  picture  from,  I  will  tell  how 
this  council  appeared.  Meade,  Sedgwick,  Slocum,  Howard, 
Hancock,  Sykes,  Newton,  Pleasanton — commander  of  the 
cavalry — and  Gibbon,  were  the  Generals  present.  Meade  is 
a  tall  spare  man,  with  full  beard,  which  with  his  hair,  orig- 
inally brown,  is  quite  thickly  sprinkled  with  gray — has  a 
Romanish  face,  very  large  nose,  and  a  white,  large  forehead, 
prominent  and  wide  over  the  eyes,  which  are  full  and  large, 
and  quick  in  their  movements,  and  he  wears  spectacles. 
His  fibres  are  all  of  the  long  and  sinewy  kind.  His  habitual 
personal  appearance  is  quite  careless,  and  it  would  be  rather 
difficult  to  make  him  look  well  dressed.  ...  I  suppose 
Howard  is  about  thirty-five  and  Meade  about  forty-five 
years  of  age;  the  rest  are  between  these  ages,  but  not  many 
under  forty.  As  they  come  to  the  council  now,  there  is  the 
appearance  of  fatigue  about  them,  which  is  not  customary, 
but  is  only  due  to  the  hard  labors  of  the  past  few  days. 
They  all  wear  clothes  of  dark  blue,  some  have  top  boots  and 
some  not,  and  except  the  two-starred  straps  upon  the  shoul- 
ders of  all  save  Gibbon,  who  has  but  one  star,  there  was 
scarcely  a  piece  of  regulation  uniform  about  them  all.  They 
wore  their  swords  of  various  patterns,  but  no  sashes,  the  army 
hat,  but  with  the  crown  pinched  into  all  sorts  of  shapes  and 
the  rim  slouched  down  and  shorn  of  all  its  ornaments  but 
the  gilt  band — except  Sykes  who  wore  a  blue  cap,  and  Pleas- 
anton with  his  straw  hat  with  broad  black  band.  Then  the 
mean  little  room  where  they  met, — its  only  furniture  con- 
sisted of  a  large,  wide  bed  in  one  corner,  a  small  pine  table 
in  the  center,  upon  which  was  a  wooden  pail  of  water,  with 
a  tin  cup  for  drinking,  and  a  candle,  stuck  to  the  table  by 
putting  the  end  in  tallow  melted  down  from  the  wick,  and 
five  or  six  straight-backed  rush-bottomed  chairs.  The  Gen- 
erals came  in — some  sat,  some  kept  walking  or  standing, 
two  lounged  upon  the  bed,  some  were  constantly  smoking 
cigars.  And  thus  disposed,  they  deliberated  whether  the 
army  should  fall  back  from  its  present  position  to  one  in 
the  rear  which  it  was  said  was  stronger,  should  attack  the 


404  Readings  in  American  History 

enemy  on  the  morrow,  wherever  he  could  be  found,  or  should 
stand  there  upon  the  horse-shoe  crest,  still  on  the  defensive, 
and  await  the  further  movements  of  the  enemy. 

The  latter  proposition  was  unanimously  agreed  to.  ... 
After  some  two  hours  the  council  dissolved,  and  the  officers 
went  their  several  ways.  .  .  . 

What  sound  was  that?  *  There  was  no  mistaking  it. 
The  distinct  sharp  sound  of  one  of  the  enemy's  guns,  square 
over  to  the  front,  caused  us  to  open  our  eyes  and  turn  them 
in  that  direction,  when  we  saw  directly  above  the  crest  the 
smoke  of  the  bursting  shell  and  heard  its  noise.  In  an  in- 
stant, before  a  word  was  spoken,  as  if  that  were  the  signal 
gun  for  general  work,  loud,  startling,  booming,  the  report  of 
gun  after  gun  in  rapid  succession  smote  our  ears  and  their 
shells  plunged  down  and  exploded  all  around  us.  We  sprang 
to  our  feet.  In  briefest  time  the  whole  Rebel  line  to  the 
West  was  pouring  out  its  thunder  and  its  iron  upon  our 
devoted  crest.  The  wildest  confusion  for  a  few  moments 
obtained  sway  among  us.  The  shells  came  bursting  all 
about.  The  servants  ran  terror-stricken  for  dear  life  and 
disappeared.  The  horses,  hitched  to  the  trees  or  held  by  the 
slack  hands  of  orderlies,  neighed  out  in  fright  and  broke 
away  and  plunged  riderless  through  the  fields.  The  Gen- 
eral at  the  first  had  snatched  his  sword,  and  started  on  foot 
for  the  front.  .  .  .  How  the  long  streams  of  fire  spout  from 
the  guns,  how  the  rifled  shells  hiss,  how  the  smoke  deepens 
and  rolls.  But  where  is  the  infantry?  Has  it  vanished  in 
smoke?  Is  this  a  nightmare  or  a  juggler's  trick?  All  too 
real.  The  men  of  the  infantry  have  seized  their  arms,  and 
behind  their  works,  behind  every  rock,  in  every  ditch,  wherever 
there  is  any  shelter,  they  hug  the  ground,  silent,  quiet,  un- 
terrified,  little  harmed.  The  enemy's  guns  now  in  action 
are  in  position  at  their  front  of  the  woods  along  the  second 
ridge  that  I  have  before  mentioned  and  towards  their  right, 
behind  a  small  crest  in  the  open  field,  where  we  saw  the  flags 
this  morning.  Their  line  is  some  two  miles  long,  concave 
*  One  o'clock  r.  M. 


Secession  and  Civil  War  405 

on  the  side  towards  us,  and  their  range  is  from  one  thousand 
to  eighteen  hundred  yards.  A  hundred  and  twenty-five 
Rebel  guns,  we  estimate,  are  now  active,  firing  twenty-four 
pound,  twenty,  twelve  and  ten-pound  projectiles,  solid  shot 
and  shells,  spherical,  conical,  spiral.  The  enemy's  fire  is 
chiefly  concentrated  upon  the  position  of  the  Second  Corps. 
From  the  Cemetery  to  Round  Top,  with  over  a  hundred  guns, 
and  to  all  parts  of  the  enemy's  line,  our  batteries  reply,  of 
twenty  and  ten-pound  Parrotts,  ten-pound  rifled  ordnance, 
and  twelve-pound  Napoleons,  using  projectiles  as  various  in 
shape  and  name  as  those  of  the  enemy.  ...  All  was  going 
on  satisfactorily.  We  had  nothing  to  do,  therefore,  but  to 
be  observers  of  the  grand  spectacle  of  battle.  .  .  .  Who  can 
describe  such  a  conflict  as  is  raging  around  us?  To  say  that 
it  was  like  a  summer  storm,  with  the  crash  of  thunder,  the 
glare  of  lightning,  the  shrieking  of  the  wind,  and  the  clatter 
of  hailstones  would  be  weak.  The  thunder  and  lightning 
of  these  two  hundred  and  fifty  guns  and  their  shells,  whose 
smoke  darkens  the  sky,  are  incessant,  all  pervading,  in  the 
air  above  our  heads,  on  the  ground  at  our  feet,  remote,  near, 
deafening,  ear-piercing,  astounding;  and  these  hailstones 
are  massy  iron,  charged  with  exploding  fire.  And  there  is 
little  of  human  interest  in  a  storm;  it  is  an  absorbing  ele- 
ment of  this.  You  may  see  flame  and  smoke,  and  hurrying 
men,  and  human  passion  at  a  great  conflagration;  but  they 
are  all  earthly  and  nothing  more.  These  guns  are  great 
infuriate  demons,  not  of  the  earth,  whose  mouths  blaze  with 
smoky  tongues  of  living  fire,  and  whose  murky  breath, 
sulphur-laden,  rolls  around  them  and  along  the  ground,  the 
smoke  of  Hades.  These  grimy  men,  rushing,  shouting,  their 
souls  in  frenzy,  plying  the  dusky  globes  and  the  igniting 
spark,  are  in  their  league,  and  but  their  willing  ministers. 
We  thought  that  at  the  Second  Bull  Run,  at  the  Antietam 
and  at  Fredericksburg  on  the  llth  of  December,  we  had 
heard  heavy  cannonading;  they  were  but  holiday  salute 
compared  with  this.  Besides  the  great  ceaseless  roar  of  the 
guns,  which  was  but  the  background  of  the  others,  a  million 


466  Readings  in  American  History 

various  minor  sounds  engaged  the  ear.  The  projectiles 
shriek  long  and  sharp.  They  hiss,  they  scream,  they  growl, 
they  sputter;  all  sounds  of  life  and  rage;  and  each  has  its 
different  note,  and  all  are  discordant.  Was  ever  such  a 
chorus  of  sound  before?  We  note  the  effect  of  the  enemies' 
fire  among  the  batteries  and  along  the  crest.  WTe  see  the 
solid  shot  strike  axle,  or  pole,  or  wheel,  and  the  tough  iron 
and  heart  of  oak  snap  and  fly  like  straws.  The  great  oaks 
there  by  Woodruff's  guns  heave  down  their  massy  branches 
with  a  crash,  as  if  the  lightning  smote  them.  The  shells 
swoop  down  among  the  battery  horses  standing  there  apart. 
.  .  .  Arid  these  shot  and  shells  have  no  respect  for  men  either. 
We  see  the  poor  fellows  hobbling  back  from  the  crest,  or 
unable  to  do  so,  pale  and  weak,  lying  on  the  ground  with  the 
mangled  stump  of  an  arm  or  leg,  dripping  their  life-blood 
away;  or  with  a  cheek  torn  open,  or  a  shoulder  mashed. 
And  many,  alas!  hear  not  the  roar  as  they  stretch  upon  the 
ground  with  upturned  faces  and  open  eyes,  though  a  shell 
should  burst  at  their  very  ears.  We  saw  them  but  a  moment 
since  there  among  the  flame,  with  brawny  arms  and  muscles 
of  iron  wielding  the  rammer  and  pushing  home  the  cannon's 
plethoric  load.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  Only  a  few  yards  off  a  shell  exploded  over  an  open 
limber  box  in  Cushing's  battery,  and  at  the  same  instant, 
another  shell  over  a  neighboring  box.  In  both  the  boxes 
the  ammunition  blew  up  with  an  explosion  that  shook  the 
ground,  throwing  fire  and  splinters  and  shells  far  into  the 
air  and  all  around,  and  destroying  several  men.  We  watched 
the  shells  bursting  in  the  air,  as  they  came  hissing  in  all 
directions.  .  .  .  We  saw  the  missiles  tear  and  plow  the 
ground.  All  in  the  rear  of  the  crest  for  a  thousand  yards, 
as  well  as  among  the  batteries,  was  the  field  of  their  blind 
fury.  .  .  .  The  percussion  shells  would  strike,  and  thunder, 
and  scatter  the  earth  with  their  whistling  fragments;  the 
Whitworth  bolts  would  pound  or  ricochet,  and  bowl  far  away 
sputtering,  with  the  sound  of  a  mass  of  hot  iron  plunged  in 
water;  and  the  great  solid  shot  would  smite  the  unresisting 


Secession  and  Civil  War  467 

ground  with  a  sounding  "thud,"  .  .  .  Such  were  some  of 
the  sights  and  sounds  of  this  great  battle  of  iron  missiles. 
.  *  .  An  hour  has  droned  its  flight  since  first  the  war  began. 
There  is  no  sign  of  weariness  or  abatement  on  either  side. 
So  long  it  seemed,  that  the  din  and  crashing  around  began  to 
appear  the  normal  condition  of  nature  there,  and  fighting 
man's  element.  The  General  proposed  to  go  among  the  men 
and  over  to  the  front  of  the  batteries,  so  at  about  two  o'clock 
he  and  I  started.  We  went  along  the  lines  of  the  infantry 
as  they  lay  there  flat  upon  the  earth,  a  little  to  the  front  of 
the  batteries.  They  were  suffering  little,  and  were  quiet 
and  cool,  .  .  .  To  the  question  asked  the  men,  "What  do 
you  think  of  this?"  the  replies  would  be,  "O,  this  is  bully," 
"We  are  getting  to  like  it,"  "O,  we  don't  mind  this."  And 
so  they  lay  under  the  heaviest  cannonade  that  ever  shook 
the  continent,  and  among  them  a  thousand  more  jokes  than 
heads  were  cracked.  .  .  . 

Our  infantry  was  still  unshaken,  and  in  all  the  cannonade 
suffered  very  little.  The  batteries  had  been  handled  much 
more  severely,  .  .  .  Guns  had  been  dismounted.  A  great 
many  caissons,  limbers  and  carriages  had  been  destroyed, 
and  usually  from  ten  to  twenty-five  men  to  each  battery 
had  been  struck,  at  least  along  our  part  of  the  crest.  Alto- 
gether the  fire  of  the  enemy  had  injured  us  much,  both  in 
the  modes  that  I  have  stated,  and  also  by  exhausting  our 
ammunition  and  fouling  our  guns,  so  as  to  render  our  batteries 
unfit  for  further  immediate  use.  The  scenes  that  met  our 
eyes  on  all  hands  among  the  batteries  were  fearful.  All 
things  must  end,  and  the  great  cannonade  was  no  exception 
to  the  general  law  of  earth.  In  the  number  of  guns  active 
at  one  time,  and  in  the  duration  and  rapidity  of  their  fire, 
this  artillery  engagement,  up  to  this  time,  must  stand  alone 
and  pre-eminent  in  this  war.  .  .  .  Two  hundred  and  fifty 
guns,  at  least,  rapidly  fired  for  two  mortal  hours.  .  .  . 

At  three  o'clock  almost  precisely  the  last  shot  hummed, 
and  bounded  and  fell,  and  the  cannonade  was  over.  The 
purpose  of  General  Lee  in  all  this  fire  of  his  guns— we  know 


468  Reading  ft  in  American  History 

it  now,  we  did  not  at  the  time  so  well — was  to  disable  our 
artillery  and  break  up  our  infantry  upon  the  position  of  the 
Second  Corps,  so  as  to  render  them  less  an  impediment  to 
the  sweep  of  his  own  brigades  and  divisions  over  our  crest 
and  through  our  lines.  .  .  .  The  artillery  fight  over,  men 
began  to  breathe  more  freely,  and  to  ask,  What  next,  I 
wonder?  The  battery  men  were  among  their  guns,  some 
leaning  to  rest  and  wipe  the  sweat  from  their  sooty  faces, 
some  were  handling  ammunition  boxes  and  replenishing 
those  that  were  empty.  Some  batteries  from  the  artillery 
reserve  were  moving  up  to  take  the  places  of  the  disabled 
ones;  the  smoke  was  clearing  from  the  crests.  There  was  a 
pause  between  acts,  with  the  curtain  down,  soon  to  rise  upon 
the  great  final  act,  and  catastrophe  of  Gettysburg.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  "General,  they  say  the  enemy's  infantry  is  advanc- 
ing." We  sprang  into  our  saddles,  a  score  of  bounds  brought 
us  upon  the  all-seeing  crest.  To  say  that  men  grew  pale 
and  held  their  breath  at  what  we  and  they  there  saw  would 
not  be  true.  Might  not  six  thousand  men  be  brave  and  with- 
out shade  of  fear,  and  yet,  before  a  hostile  eighteen  thousand, 
armed,  and  not  five  minutes'  inarch  away,  turn  ashy  white? 
None  on  that  crest  now  need  be  told  that  the  enemy  is  ad- 
vancing. Every  eye  could  see  his  legions,  an  overwhelming 
resistless  tide  of  an  ocean  of  armed  men  sweeping  upon  us! 
Regiment  after  regiment  and  brigade  after  brigade  move 
from  the  woods  and  rapidly  take  their  places  in  the  lines 
forming  the  assault.  Pickett's  proud  division,  with  some 
additional  troops,  hold  their  right;  Pettigrew's  (Worth's) 
their  left.  .  .  .  More  than  half  a  mile  their  front  extends; 
more  than  a  thousand  yards  the  dull  gray  masses  deploy, 
man  touching  man,  rank  pressing  rank,  and  line  supporting 
line.  The  red  flags  wave,  their  horsemen  gallop  up  and  down ; 
the  arms  of  eighteen  thousand  men,  barrel  and  bayonet, 
gleam  in  the  sun,  a  sloping  forest  of  flashing  steel.  Right 
on  they  move,  as  with  one  soul,  in  perfect  order,  without 
impediment  of  ditch,  or  wall  or  stream,  over  ridge  and  slope, 
through  orchard  and  meadow,  and  cornfield,  magnificent, 


Secession  and  Civil  War  469 

grim,  irresistible.  All  was  orderly  and  still  upon  our  crest; 
no  noise  and  no  confusion.  .  .  .  The  click  of  the  locks  as 
each  man  raised  the  hammer  to  feel  with  his  fingers  that  the 
cap  was  on  the  nipple;  the  sharp  jar  as  a  musket  touched  a 
stone  upon  the  wall  when  thrust  in  aiming  over  it,  and  the 
clicking  of  the  iron  axles  as  the  guns  were  rolled  up  by  hand 
a  little  further  to  the  front,  were  quite  all  the  sounds  that 
could  be  heard.  Cap-boxes  were  slid  around  to  the  front 
of  the  body;  cartridge  boxes  opened,  officers  opened  their 
pistol-holsters.  Such  preparations,  little  more  was  needed. . . . 
All  our  available  guns  are  now  active,  and  from  the  fire 
of  shells,  as  the  range  grows  shorter  and  shorter,  they  change 
to  shrapnel,  and  from  shrapnel  to  canister;  but  in  spite  of 
shells,  and  shrapnel  and  canister,  without  wavering  or  halt, 
the  hardy  lines  of  the  enemy  continue  to  move  on.  The 
Rebel  guns  make  no  reply  to  ours,  and  no  charging  shout 
rings  out  to-day,  as  is  the  Rebel  wont;  but  the  courage  of 
these  silent  men  amid  our  shots  seems  not  to  need  the  stimulus 
of  other  noise.  .  .  .  And  so  across  all  that  broad  open 
ground  they  have  come,  nearer  and  nearer,  nearly  half  the 
way,  with  our  guns  bellowing  in  their  faces,  until  now  a 
hundred  yards,  no  more,  divide  our  ready  left  from  their  ad- 
vancing right.  The  eager  men  there  are  impatient  to  begin. 
Let  them.  First  Harrow's  breastworks  flame;  then  Hall's; 
then  Webb's.  As  if  our  bullets  were  the  fire  coals  that 
touched  off  their  muskets,  the  enemy  in  front  halts,  and  his 
countless  level  barrels  blaze  back  upon  us.  The  Second 
Division  is  struggling  in  battle.  The  rattling  storm  soon 
spreads  to  the  right  and  the  blue  trefoils  are  vicing  with  the 
white.  All  along  each  hostile  front,  a  thousand  yards,  with 
narrowest  space  between,  the  volleys  blaze  and  roll;  .  .  . 
When  the  Rebel  infantry  had  opened  fire  our  batteries  soon 
became  silent,  and  this  without  their  fault,  for  they  were 
foul  by  long  previous  use.  They  were  the  targets  of  the  con- 
centrated Rebel  bullets,  and  some  of  them  had  expended  all 
their  canister.  But  they  were  not  silent  before  Rhorty  was 
killed,  Woodruff  had  fallen  mortally  wounded,  and  Gushing, 


470  Readings  in  American  History 

firing  almost  his  last  canister,  had  dropped  dead  among  his 
guns  shot  through  the  head  by  a  bullet.  The  conflict  is  left 
to  the  infantry  alone.  .  .  .  Webb's  men  are  falling  fast,  and 
he  is  among  them  to  direct  and  encourage;  but,  however 
well  they  may  now  do,  with  that  walled  enemy  in  front, 
with  more  than  a  dozen  flags  to  Webb's  three,  it  soon  be- 
comes apparent  that  in  not  many  minutes  they  will  be 
overpowered,  or  that  there  will  be  none  alive  for  the  enemy 
to  overpower.  Webb  has  but  three  regiments,  all  small, 
the  69th,  71st,  and  72d  Pennsylvania — the  106th  Penn- 
sylvania, except  two  companies,  is  not  here  to-day — and  he 
must  have  speedy  assistance,  or  this  crest  will  be  lost.  Oh, 
where  is  Gibbon?  Where  is  Hancock? — some  general — 
anybody  with  power  and  the  will  to  support  that  wasting, 
melting  line?  No  general  came  and  no  succor!  .  .  .  Not  a 
moment  must  be  lost.  Colonel  Hall  I  found  just  in  rear  of 
his  line,  sword  in  hand,  cool,  vigilant,  noting  all  that  passed 
and  directing  the  battle  of  his  brigade,  .  .  .  "How  is  it 
going?"  Colonel  Hall  asked  me,  as  I  rode  up.  "WTell,  but 
Webb  is  hotly  pressed  and  must  have  support,  or  he  will  be 
overpowered.  "Can  you  assist  him?"  "Yes."  "You  can- 
not be  too  quick."  "I  will  move  my  brigade  at  once." 
"Good."  .  .  .  The  regiments  marched  by  the  right  flank. 
Col.  Hall  superintended  the  movement  in  person.  Col. 
Devereux  coolly  commanded  the  19th  Massachusetts.  His 
major,  Rice,  had  already  been  wounded  and  carried  off. 
Lieut.  Col.  Macy,  of  the  20th  Massachusetts,  had  just  had 
his  left  hand  shot  off,  and  so  Capt.  Abbott  gallantly  led  over 
this  fine  regiment.  The  42d  New  York  followed  their  excel- 
lent Colonel  Mallon.  Lieut.  Col.  Steele,  7th  Michigan,  had 
just  been  killed,  and  his  regiment,  and  the  handful  of  the 
59th  New  York  followed  their  colors.  ...  I  did  not  stop  to 
see  all  this  movement  of  Hall's,  but  from  him  I  went  at  once 
further  to  the  left,  to  the  1st  brigade.  General  Harrow  I 
did  not  see,  but  his  fighting  men  would  answer  my  purpose 
as  well.  The  19th  Maine,  the  15th  Massachusetts,  the  32d 
New  York  and  the  shattered  old  thunderbolt,  the  1st  Minne- 


Secession  and  Civil  War  471 

sota, — poor  Farrell  was  dying  then  upon  the  ground  whore 
he  had  fallen,— all  the  men  that  I  could  find  I  took  over  to 
the  right  at  the  double  quick.  .  .  .  The  men  saw,  and  as 
they  swept  to  their  places  by  the  side  of  Hall  and  opened 
fire,  they  roared,  and  this  in  a  manner  that  said  more  plainly 
than  words — for  the  deaf  could  have  seen  it  in  their  faces 
and  the  blind  could  have  heard  it  in  their  voices— the  crest 
is  safe!  ...  By  reason  of  the  disorganization  incidental  in 
Webb's  brigade  to  his  men's  having  broken  and  fallen  back, 
as  mentioned,  in  the  two  other  brigades  to  their  rapid  and 
difficult  change  of  position  under  fire,  and  in  all  the  division 
in  part  to  severe  and  continuous  battle,  formation  of  com- 
panies and  regiments  in  regular  ranks  is  lost;  but  commands, 
companies,  regiments  and  brigades  are  blended  and  intermixed 
— an  irregular  extended  mass.  .  .  .  The  twelve  flags  of  the 
regiments  wave  defiantly  at  intervals  along  the  front;  at 
the  stone  wall,  at  unequal  distances  from  ours  of  forty,  fifty, 
or  sixty  yards,  stream  nearly  double  this  number  of  the  battle 
flags  of  the  enemy.  These  changes  accomplished  on  either 
side,  and  the  concentration  complete,  although  no  cessation 
or  abatement  in  the  general  din  of  conflict  since  the  commence- 
ment had  at  any  time  been  appreciable,  now  it  was  as  if  a 
new  battle,  deadlier,  stormier  than  before,  had  sprung  from 
the  body  of  the  old —  .  .  .  The  jostling,  swaying  lines  on 
either  side  boil,  and  roar,  and  dash  their  flamy  spray,  two 
hostile  billows  of  a  fiery  ocean.  ...  No  threats  or  expostula- 
tion now,  only  example  and  encouragement.  .  .  .  Individu- 
ality is  drowned  in  a  sea  of  clamor,  and  timid  men,  breathing 
the  breath  of  the  multitude,  are  brave.  .  .  .  The  men  do 
not  cheer  or  shout;  they  growl,  and  over  that  uneasy  sea, 
heard  with  the  roar  of  musketry,  sweeps  the  muttered  thun- 
der of  a  storm  of  growls.  .  .  .  My  "Forward  to  the  wall" 
is  answered  by  the  Rebel  counter-command,  "Steady,  men!" 
and  the  wave  swings  back.  Again  it  surges,  and  again  it 
sinks.  These  men  of  Pennsylvania,  on  the  soil  of  their  own 
homesteads,  the  first  and  only  to  flee  the  wall,  must  be  the 
first  to  storm  it.  .  The  color  sergeant  of  the  72d  Penn- 


472  Readings  in  American  History 

sylvania,  grasping  the  stump  of  the  severed  lance  in  both 
his  hands,  waved  the  flag  above  his  head  and  rushed  towards 
the  wall.  .  .  .  The  line  springs — the  erest  of  the  solid  ground 
with  a  great  roar,  heaves  forward  its  maddened  load,  men, 
arms,  smoke,  fire,  a  fighting  mass.  It  rolls  to  the  wall — 
flash  meets  flash;  the  wall  is  crossed — a  moment  ensues  of 
thrusts,  yells,  blows,  shots,  and  undistinguishable  conflict, 
followed  by  a  shout  universal  that  makes  the  welkin  ring 
again,  and  the  last  and  bloodiest  fight  of  the  great  battle  of 
Gettysburg  is  ended  and  won.  .  .  .  Near  me,  saddest  sight 
of  the  many  of  such  a  field  and  not  in  keeping  with  all 
this  noise,  were  mingled  the  thick  dead  of  Maine  and 
Minnesota,  and  Michigan  and  Massachusetts,  and  the  Empire 
and  Keystone  States.  .  .  .  Where  the  long  lines  of  the 
enemy's  thousands  so  proudly  advanced,  see  how  thick  the 
silent  men  of  gray  are  scattered.  .  .  .  Four  thousand,  not 
wounded  are  prisoners  of  war.  .  .  .  Some  yield  submissively 
with  good  grace,  some  with  grim,  dogged  aspect,  showing 
that  but  for  the  other  alternative  they  could  not  submit  to 
this.  .  .  .  Small  arms,  more  thousands  than  we  can  count, 
are  in  our  hands,  scattered  over  the  field.  And  those  defiant 
battle-flags,  some  inscribed  with  "  First  Manassas,"  the 
numerous  battles  of  the  Peninsula,  "Second  Manassas," 
"South  Mountain,"  " Sharpsburg,"  (our  Antietam),  "Fred- 
ericksburg,"  "  Chancellorsville,"  and  many  more  names,  our 
men  have,  and  are  showing  about,  .  .  . 

Such  was  really  the  closing  scene  of  the  grand  drama  of 
Gettysburg. 

GETTYSBURG   FIFTY   YEARS    LATER 

From  July  1  to  July  4,  1913,  there  took  place  on  the  battle-field 
of  Gettysburg  a  reunion  of  those  who  had  worn  the  blue  and  the 
gray — the  survivors  of  that  dreadful  ordeal.  It  was  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  gatherings  in  the  history  of  the  world.  An  eye-witness 
described  one  of  the  scenes  as  follows:  "On  the  following  afternoon 
the  survivor's  of  Pickett's  men  and  of  the  Philadelphia  Brigade, 


Secession  and  Civil  War  473 

which  received  them  at  the  meeting  fifty  years  before,  assembled 
at  the  wall  at  the  Bloody  Angle.  The  latter  bore  aloft  the  white 
trefoil  which  they  had  carried  forward  at  that  point  a  half -century 
before,  amid  shouts  of  'Hurrah  for  the  white  trefoil.'  Its  hues  were 
dim  now,  however.  On  the  other  side  of  the  wall,  directly  opposite, 
Pickett's  men  carried  a  dingy  Confederate  flag,  one  of  those  which 
had  been  borne  across  the  fields  in  the  famous  charge.  The  sur- 
vivors of  the  Philadelphia  Brigade  advanced  to  the  wall  on  one  side, 
while  the  thin  line  of  Pickett's  men  approached  through  the  long 
grass  on  the  other.  The  two  flags  were  crossed,  and  then  a  third 
was  added,  a  silken  banner,  the  Stars  and  Stripes.  With  hands 
stretched  across  the  stone  fence,  the  former  foemen  greeted  each 
other  in  the  hot  sun,  while  some  one  began  singing:  'My  Country, 
'tis  of  thee.'  "  * 

In  his  address  on  July  4,  President  Woodrow  Wilson  spoke  as 
follows: 

But  fifty  years  have  gone  by  since  then,  and  I  crave  the 
privilege  of  speaking  to  you  of  what  those  fifty  years  have 
meant. 

What  have  they  meant?  They  have  meant  peace  and 
union  and  vigor,  and  the  maturity  and  might  of  a  great 
nation.  We  have  found  one  another  again  as  brothers  and 
comrades  in  arms,  enemies  no  longer,  generous  friends  rather, 
our  battles  long  past,  the  quarrel  forgotten — except  that  we 
shall  not  forget  the  manly  devotion  of  the  men  then  arrayed 
against  one  another,  now  grasping  hands  and  smiling  into 
each  other's  eyes.  .  .  . 

But  do  we  deem  the  nation  complete  and  finished?  These 
venerable  men  crowding  here  to  this  famous  field  have  set 
us  a  great  example  of  devotion  and  utter  sacrifice.  .  .  . 

Here  is  the  nation  God  has  builded  by  our  hands.  What 
shall  we  do  with  it?  The  day  of  our  country's  life  has  but 
broadened  into  morning.  Do  not  put  uniforms  by.  Put 
the  harness  of  the  present  on.  Lift  your  eyes  to  the  great 
tracts  of  life  yet  to  be  conquered  in  the  interest  of  righteous 
peace,  of  that  prosperity  which  lies  in  a  people's  hearts  and 
outlasts  all  wars  and  errors  of  men.  Come  let  us  be  com- 
*  For  the  complete  account  see  The  Outlook,  July  19.  1913. 


474  Readings  in  American  History 

rades  together  or  soldiers  yet  to  serve  our  fellow-men  in 
quiet  counsel  where  the  blare  of  trumpets  is  neither  heard 
nor  heeded  and  where  the  things  are  done  which  make  blessed 
the  nations  of  the  world  in  peace  and  righteousness  and  love. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 
THE  CIVIL  WAR 

89.     ATTITUDE  OF  THE  ENGLISH  TOWARD  THE  CIVIL  WAR 

As  the  war  progressed  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  especially  the 
manufacturers,  desired  a  cessation  of  hostilities.  Many  of  the  leaders 
in  the  House  of  Commons  asserted  that  the  South  should  be  allowed 
to  go  out  of  the  Union  peaceably.  The  following  extracts  are  from 
the  London  Times  of  July  3,  1862,  and  later  dates. 

The  present  state  of  the  campaign  in  America  has  been  Diaorgan- 
expected  by  every  reasonable  observer  on  this  side  the 
ocean.  The  event  may  prove  to  the  Northern  people  that 
the  English  are  not  such  prejudiced  judges  and  such  ignorant 
commentators  as  has  been  asserted  at  Washington.  Ever 
since  the  beginning  of  this  unhappy  conflict  the  crowning 
victory  which  was  to  restore  the  South  to  Federal  supremacy 
has  always  been  dancing  like  a  Will-o'-the-Wisp  before  the 
eyes  of  the  Northerners.  It  has  led  them  through  a  bound- 
less waste  of  blood  and  money,  it  has  caused  them  to  stir 
up  hatreds  which  a  century  perhaps  will  hardly  appease, 
and  it  now  glimmers  before  them  as  deceptively  as  ever, 
while  they  are  sinking  slowly  but  surely  into  the  slough  of 
national  disorganization  and  bankruptcy.  .  .  . 

All  the  power  of  the  Federal  Government  has  been  put  Large 
forth;    a  debt  which  no  man  accurately  knows,  but  which  ^' 
all  suspect  to  be  vastly  greater  than  admitted  by  the  Govern-  traded, 
ment,  has  been  contracted;    men  have  been  raised  by  tin- 
hundred  thousand;    Europe  has  been  put  under  contribu- 
tion to  furnish  arms  and  stores  and  all  the  apparatus  of  con- 
quest; four  main  armies  have  advanced  into  the  Confederate 

475 


476 


Readings  in  American  History 


British 
views  on 
the  mag- 
nitude of 
the  war. 


Protest 
against 
the  war. 


territory;  half-a-dozen  expeditions  have  fastened  themselves 
on  the  coast;  and  yet  the  South  remains  unconquered.  It 
is  demonstrated  that  the  Federals  can  only  effect  their  pur- 
pose by  a  campaign  far  more  gigantic  and  by  an  expenditure 
far  more  lavish  than  that  of  the  past  twelvemonth.  .  .  . 

This  state  of  affairs  must  cause  deep  reflection  among 
men  of  every  class  both  in  England  and  America.  Happily, 
the  people  of  this  country,  with  the  exception  of  an  insig- 
nificant minority,  have  long  formed  their  opinion  of  the  war. 
They  can  see  that  if  the  South  is  to  be  subjugated  and  held 
by  force  of  arms,  this  consummation  must  be  preceded  by 
the  most  savage  and  relentless  contest  in  the  history  of  man- 
kind, and  followed  by  a  political  condition  to  which  even 
war  might  be  considered  preferable.  To  impress  this  on 
the  mind  of  the  Northern  people  has  been  the  object  of  the 
English  press  from  the  beginning,  and  the  unanimity  of 
English  opinion  may  at  length  produce  some  effect.  We 
have  been  right  and  the  North  has  been  wrong  in  so  many 
things  that  our  opinion  is,  at  any  rate,  entitled  to  considera- 
tion. We  would,  then,  once  more  raise  our  voice  against 
the  indefinite  prosecution  of  this  horrible  war.  While  the 
scorching  sun  is  filling  the  camps  with  fever  and  cholera, 
while  the  youth  and  strengtli  of  the  country  are  being  hur- 
ried to  the  common  frontier  in  preparation  for  a  new  feast 
of  blood  in  the  autumn,  while  the  North  is  burdening  itself 
with  a  debt  concerning  which  even  its  rulers  fear  to  speak 
plainly,  and  while  the  great  staples  of  the  South  are  being 
given  to  the  flames,  we  would  ask  the  Federals,  with  whom 
the  whole  matter  really  rests,  where  is  their  conscience, 
where  is  their  common  humanity,  or  their  boasted  worldly 
prudence?  They  are  in  arms  to  enforce  on  men  of  their  own 
blood  submission  to  a  rule  which  the  latter  detest.  Although 
for  months  after  Secession  the  most  eminent  men  among 
them,  including  the  late  President  and  the  present  Secretary 
of  State,  declared  that  the  subjugation  of  one  part  of  the 
Union  by  another  was  a  scandal  not  to  be  thought  of,  and 
that  separation,  though  deplorable,  could  never  be  opposed 


The  Civil  War  477 

by  arms,  yet  the  North  now  talks  of  conquest,  and  confisca- 
tion, and  military  colonies  with  all  the  readiness  of  an  Aus- 
trian commandant.     What  becomes  of  the  famous  Declara- 
tion of  Independence?    What  becomes  of  the  theory  that 
government  derives  its  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  gov- 
erned, if  the  populations  of  seven  or  eight  great  States,  which, 
rich  and  poor,  bond  and  free,  white  and  black,  are  proved  by 
events  to  be  all  of  one  mind,  are  now  to  be  invaded,  conquered, 
and  kept  down  by  a  standing  army  in  the  name  of  Republican 
freedom?     These  things  must  at  last  become  apparent  to 
the  American  people.     They  are  not  so  unlike  the  rest  of 
mankind,  so  unlike  their  former  selves,  as  to  dispute  what  is 
clear  to  the  whole  world.     That  the  South,  if  it  wishes  to  South 
go,  should  be  allowed  to  depart  peaceably  is  the  only  policy  ^uowed^ 
which  is  agreeable  to  justice  and  wisdom.     Unless  the  North  to  go 
can  learn  to  see  this,  it  must  bring  evils  untold  on  itself,   F 
on  us,  and  on  every  European  people.  .   .   . 


(The  London  Times,  July  19,  1862.) 

The  interests  of  the  North  and  of  the  South  were  dia-  Contrary 
metrically  opposite.  The  South  was  purely  an  agricultural  ^V 
people,  and  its  interest  was  perfect  free  trade.  The  sup-  south, 
posed  interests  of  the  North  were  in  the  direction  of  protec- 
tion. As  the  population  of  the  North  increased  those  States 
began  to  obtain  an  ascendancy  in  Congress,  and  then  for 
the  first  time  in  1824  a  protective  tariff  was  introduced.  In 
1828  that  tariff  was  rendered  more  stringent.  As  far  back 
as  1833  South  Carolina  protested  against  the  tariff,  and  gave 
notice  of  her  intention  to  withdraw  from  the  Union.  She 
was  induced  to  remain  upon  a  promise  that  the  tariff  should 
be  relaxed;  but  that  promise  was  not  kept,  and  in  1846  it 
was  made  still  heavier.  In  addition  to  that  the  Morrill 
tariff  has  since  increased  the  duties  upon  imports  to  an  enor- 
mous extent.  The  exports  from  the  United  States  in  I860 
amounted  to  $350,000,000,  of  which  no  less  than  $250,000,000 


478 


Readings  in  American  History 


represented  the  produce  of  the  South.  If  it  were  true  that 
exports  must  be  paid  for  by  imports  the  South  must  either 
directly  or  indirectly  be  bearing  an  undue  proportion  of  the 
taxation  levied  by  the  Federal  Government.  But  the  people 
of  the  South  also  complained  that  the  increasing  taxation 
was  not  levied  for  the  purposes  laid  down  in  the  constitu- 
tion, but  for  the  purpose  of  encouraging  the  ironmasters  of 
Pennsylvania  and  the  manufacturers  of  New  England.  The 
evil  consequences  of  that  taxation  was  felt  by  them  in  two 
ways,  because,  while  they  were  called  upon  to  bear  an  undue 
proportion  of  taxation,  they  were  also  obliged  to  pay  an  in- 
creased price  for  articles  which  they  required  from  the 
North  and  which  they  could  obtain  cheaper  and  better  in 
England.  The  real  causes  of  the  present  disruption  were 
taxation  without  representation  and  taxation  levied  not  for 
the  purposes  of  all  the  States,  but  for  the  benefit  of  particular 
States.  A  very  large  proportion  of  the  cotton  grown  in  the 
Southern  States  found  its  way  to  this  country,  and  the  stop- 
page of  the  supply  has  created  intense  suffering  here.  At 
Blackburn  there  were  about  15,000  persons  receiving  relief, 
at  Preston  close  upon  12,000  and  about  17,000  claimants 
upon  the  Relief  Fund.*  The  English  people  were  patient 
and  bore  their  trials  quietly,  but  their  patience  and  endur- 
ance must  not  be  tried  too  far.  . 


90. 


PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  SECOND  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS, 
MARCH  4,  1865 

(J.  D.  Richardson,  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents, 
1789-1897,  VI,  276,  277.  Washington,  1896.) 

Fellow-Countrymen:  At  this  second  appearing  to  take  the 
oath  of  the  Presidential  office  there  is  less  occasion  for  an 
extended  address  than  there  was  at  the  first.  Then  a  state- 

*"  Millions  are  at  present  suffering  from  a  scarcity  of  cotton  and  it 
must  be  had." — London  Times,  July  2,  1862. 

It  was  estimated  that  1,500,000  persons  were  at  the  time  engaged  in 
the  cotton  factories.  These  together  with  their  dependants  numbered 
5,000,000  persons. 


The  Civil  War  470 

ment  somewhat  in  detail  of  a  course  to  be  pursued  seemed 
fitting  and  proper.  Now,  at  the  expiration  of  four  years, 
during  which  public  declarations  have  been  constantly 
called  forth  on  every  point  and  phase  of  the  great  contest 
which  still  absorbs  the  attention  and  engrosses  the  energies 
of  the  nation,  little  that  is  new  could  be  presented.  The 
progress  of  our  arms,  upon  which  all  else  chiefly  depends, 
is  as  well  known  to  the  public  as  to  myself,  and  it  is,  I  trust, 
reasonably  satisfactory  and  encouraging  to  all.  With  high 
hope  for  the  future,  no  prediction  in  regard  to  it  is  ventured. 

On  the  occasion  corresponding  to  this  four  years  ago  all 
thoughts  were  anxiously  directed  to  an  impending  civil  war. 
All  dreaded  it,  all  sought  to  avert  it.  While  the  inaugural 
address  was  being  delivered  from  this  place,  devoted  alto- 
gether to  saving  the  Union  without  war,  insurgent  agents 
were  in  the  city  seeking  to  destroy  it  without  war — seeking 
to  dissolve  the  Union  and  divide  effects  by  negotiation. 
Both  parties  deprecated  war,  but  one  of  them  would  make 
war  rather  than  let  the  nation  survive,  and  the  other  would 
accept  war  rather  than  let  it  perish,  and  the  war  came. 

One  eighth  of  the  whole  population  were  colored  slaves, 
not  distributed  generally  over  the  Union,  but  localized  in  the 
southern  part  of  it.  These  slaves  constituted  a  peculiar 
and  powerful  interest.  All  knew  that  this  interest  was 
somehow  the  cause  of  the  war.  To  strengthen,  extend  and 
perpetuate  this  interest  was  the  object  for  which  the  insur- 
gents would  rend  the  Union  even  by  war,  while  the  Govern- 
ment claimed  no  right  to  do  more  than  to  restrict  the  terri- 
torial enlargement  of  it.  Neither  party  expected  for  the 
war  the  magnitude  or  duration  which  it  has  already  attained. 
Neither  anticipated  that  the  cause  of  the  conflict  might  cease 
with  or  even  before  the  conflict  itself  should  cease.  Each 
looked  for  an  easier  triumph,  and  a  result  less  fundamental 
and  astounding.  Both  read  the  same  bible  and  pray  to  the 
same  God,  and  each  invokes  His  aid  against  the  other, 
may  seem  strange  that  any  men  should  dare  to  ask  a  just 
God's  assistance  in  wringing  their  bread  from  the  sweat  of 


480  Readings  in  American  History 

other  men's  faces,  but  let  us  judge  not  that  we  be  not  judged. 
The  prayers  of  both  could  not  be  answered.  That  of  neither 
has  been  answered  fully.  The  Almighty  has  his  own  pur- 
poses. "Woe  unto  the  world  because  of  offenses;  for  it 
must  needs  be  that  offenses  come,  but  woe  to  that  man  by 
whom  the  offense  cometh."  If  we  shall  suppose  that  Ameri- 
can slavery  is  one  of  those  offenses  which,  in  the  providence 
of  God,  must  needs  come,  but  which,  having  continued 
through  His  appointed  time,  He  now  wills  to  remove,  and 
that  He  gives  to  both  North  and  South  this  terrible  war  as 
the  woe  due  to  those  by  whom  the  offense  came,  shall  we 
discern  therein  any  departure  from  those  divine  attributes 
which  the  believers  in  a  living  God  always  ascribe  to  Him? 
Fondly  do  we  hope,  fervently  do  we  pray,  that  this  mighty 
scourge  of  war  may  speedily  pass  away.  Yet,  if  God  wills 
that  it  continue  until  all  the  wealth  piled  by  the  bondsman's 
two  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  unrequited  toil  shall  be  sunk, 
and  until  every  drop  of  blood  drawn  with  the  lash  shall  be 
paid  by  another  drawn  with  the  sword,  as  was  said  three 
thousand  years  ago,  so  still  it  must  be  said  "the  judgments 
of  the  Lord  are  true  and  righteous  altogether." 

With  malice  toward  none,  with  charity  for  all,  with  firm- 
ness in  the  right  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the  right,  let  us  strive 
on  to  finish  the  work  we  are  in,  to  bind  up  the  nation's 
wounds,  to  care  for  him  who  shall  have  borne  the  battle 
and  for  his  widow  and  his  orphan,  to  do  all  which  may 
achieve  and  cherish  a  just  and  lasting  peace  among  ourselves 
and  with  all  nations. 

91.    SCENE  AT  APPOMATTOX,  1865 

General  John  B.  Gordon  entered  the  Confederate  army  as  cap- 
tain of  infantry  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war.  He  rose  to  the  rank  of 
lieutenant-general,  and  commanded  a  wing  of  General  Lee's  army 
at  Appomattox  Court  House.  In  1873  he  was  elected  to  the  United 
States  Senate  from  Georgia,  but  resigned  his  seat  when  in  the  midst 
of  his  second  term.  He  was  elected  governor  of  Georgia  in  1886. 
— (General  John  B.  Gordon,  Reminiscences  of  the  Civil  War,  443 
passim.  Charles  Scribner's  Sons,  New  York,  1903.) 


The  Civil  War  481 

General    Longstreet's   forces   and    mine   at   Appomattox,   Physical 
numbered,  together,  less  than  8000  men;    but  every  man  ^0"-°° 
able  to  bear  arms  was  still  resolute  and  ready  for  battle,   federates. 
There  were  present  three  times  that  many  enrolled  Confed-  1865> 
crates;   but  two  thirds  of  them  were  so  enfeebled  by  hunger, 
so  wasted  by  sickness,  and  so  footsore  from  constant  march- 
ing that  it  was  difficult  for  them  to  keep  up  with  the  army. 
They  were  wholly  unfit  for  duty.     It  is  important  to  note 
this  fact  as  explaining  the  great  difference  in  the  number  of 
those  who  fought  and  those  who  were  to  be  fed.     At  the 
final  meeting  between  General  Lee  and  General  Grant  rations 
were  ordered  by  General  Grant  for  25,000  Confederates. 

Marked  consideration  and  courtesy  were  exhibited  at  Cour- 
Appomattox  by  the  victorious  Federals,  from  the  command-  J^^n 
ing  generals  to  the  privates  in  the  ranks.  General  Meade,  former 
who  had  known  General  Lee  in  the  old  army,  paid,  after  the 
surrender,  an  unofficial  visit  to  the  Confederate  chieftain. 
After  cordial  salutations,  General  Lee  said  playfully  to  his 
former  comrade  in  arms  that  years  were  telling  upon  him. 
General  Meade,  who  had  fought  Lee  at  Gettysburg  and  in 
many  subsequent  battles,  made  the  strikingly  gracious  and 
magnanimous  answer:  "not  years,  but  General  Lee  himself 
has  made  me  gray."  .  .  .  One  of  the  knightliest  soldiers  of 
the  Federal  army,  General  Joshua  L.  Chamberlain  of  Maine, 
who  afterward  served  with  distinction  as  governor  of  his 
State,  called  his  troops  into  line,  and  as  my  men  marched 
in  front  of  them,  the  veterans  in  blue  gave  a  soldierly  salute 
to  those  vanquished  heroes — a  token  of  respect  from  Ameri- 
cans to  Americans,  a  final  and  fitting  tribute  from  Northern 
to  Southern  chivalry.  .  .  . 

During  these  last  scenes  at  Appomattox  some  of  the  Con-  Appre- 
federates  were  so  depressed  in  spirit,  so  filled  with  appre-  0fOen"* 
hensions  as  to  the  policy  to  be  adopted  by  the  civil  authori- 
ties  in  Washington,  that  the  future  seemed  to  them  shrouded 
in  gloom.     They  knew  that  burnt  homes  and  fenceless  farms, 
poverty  and  ashes,  would  greet  them  on  their  return  from 
the  war.     Even  if  the  administration  at  Washington  should 


482  Readings  in  American  History 

be  friendly,  they  did  not  believe  that  the  Southern  States 
could  recover  in  half  a  century  from  the  chaotic  condition 
in  which  the  war  had  left  them.  The  situation  was  enough 
to  daunt  the  most  hopeful  and  appall  the  stoutest  hearts. 
"What  are  we  to  do?  How  are  we  to  begin  life  again?" 
they  asked.  "Every  dollar  of  our  circulating  medium  has 
been  rendered  worthless.  Our  banks  and  rich  men  have  no 
money.  The  commodities  and  personal  property  which  for- 
merly gave  us  credit  have  been  destroyed.  The  Northern 
banks  and  money-lenders  will  not  take  as  security  our  lands, 
denuded  of  houses,  and  without  animals  and  implements 
for  their  cultivation.  The  railroads  are  torn  up  or  the 
tracks  are  worn  out.  The  negroes  are  freed  and  may  refuse 
to  work.  Besides,  what  assurance  can  we  have  of  law  and 
order  and  the  safety  of  our  families  with  four  million  slaves 
suddenly  emancipated  in  the  midst  of  us  and  the  restraints 
to  which  they  have  been  accustomed  entirely  removed?  " 

To  many  intelligent  soldiers  and  some  of  the  officers  the 
conditions  were  so  discouraging,  the  gloom  so  impenetrable, 
that  they  seriously  discussed  the  advisability  of  leaving  the 
country  and  beginning  life  anew  in  some  other  land. 

While  recognizing  the  dire  extremity  which  confronted  us, 
I  was  inclined  to  take  a  more  hopeful  view  of  the  future.  I 
therefore  spoke  to  the  Southern  soldiers  on  the  field  at  Appo- 
mattox,  in  order  to  check  as  best  I  could  their  disposition  to 
leave  the  country,  and  to  counteract,  if  possible,  the  paralyz- 
ing effect  of  the  overwhelming  discouragements  which  met 
them  on  every  side. 

As  we  reached  the  designated  point,  the  arms  were  stacked 
and  the  battle  flags  were  folded.  Those  sad  and  suffering 
men,  many  of  them  weeping  as  they  saw  the  old  banners 
laid  upon  the  stacked  guns  like  trappings  on  the  coffin  of 
their  dead  hopes,  at  once  gathered  in  compact  mass  around 
me.  Sitting  on  my  horse  in  the  midst  of  them,  I  spoke  to 
them  for  the  last  time  as  their  commander.  In  all  my  past 
life  I  had  never  undertaken  to  speak  where  my  own  emotions 
were  so  literally  overwhelming.  I  counselled  such  course  of 


The  Cinl  War  483 

action  as  I  believed  most  conducive  to  the  welfare  of  the 
South  and  of  the  whole  country.  I  told  them  of  my  own 
grief  which  almost  stifled  utterance,  and  that  I  realized  most 
keenly  the  sorrow  that  was  breaking  their  hearts,  and  ap- 
preciated fully  the  countless  and  stupendous  barriers  across 
the  paths  they  were  to  tread. 

Reminding  them  of  the  benign  Southern  climate,  of  the 
fertility  of  their  lands,  of  the  vastly  increased  demand  for 
the  South's  great  staple  and  the  high  prices  paid  for  it,  I 
offered  these  facts  as  legitimate  bases  of  hope  and  encourage- 
ment. I  said  to  them  that  through  the  rifts  in  the  clouds 
then  above  us  I  could  see  the  hand  of  the  Almighty  God 
stretched  out  to  help  us  in  the  impending  battle  with  adver- 
sity; that  He  would  guide  us  in  the  gloom,  and  bless  every 
manly  effort  to  bring  back  to  desolated  homes  the  sunshine 
and  comforts  of  former  years.  I  told  them  the  principles 
for  which  they  had  so  grandly  fought  and  uncomplainingly 
suffered  were  not  lost, — could  not  be  lost, — for  they  were  the 
principles  on  which  the  Fathers  had  built  the  Republic,  and 
that  the  very  throne  of  Jehovah  was  pledged  that  truth 
should  triumph  and  Liberty  live.  As  to  the  thought  of 
their  leaving  the  country,  that  must  be  abandoned.  It  was 
their  duty  as  patriots  to  remain  and  work  for  the  recuperation 
of  our  stricken  section  with  the  same  courage,  energy,  and 
devotion  with  which  they  had  fought  for  her  in  war.  I 
urged  them  to  enter  cheerfully  and  hopefully  upon  the  tasks 
imposed  by  the  fortunes  of  war,  obeying  the  laws,  and  giving, 
as  I  knew  they  would,  the  same  loyal  support  to  the  general 
Government  which  they  had  yielded  to  the  Confederacy. 
I  closed  with  a  prophecy  that  passion  would  speedily  die, 
and  that  the  brave  and  magnanimous  soldiers  of  the  Union 
army,  when  disbanded  and  scattered  among  the  people, 
would  become  promoters  of  sectional  peace  and  fraternity. 

That  prophecy  would  have  been  speedily  fulfilled  but  for  Effector 
the  calamitous  fate  that  befell  the  country  in  the  death  of  JtaJjj^ 
President  Lincoln;  and  even  in  spite  of  that  great  misfortune, 
we  should  have  much  sooner  reached  the  era  of  good-will 


484 


Readings  in  American  History 


and  sectional  concord  if  the  spirit  of  the  soldiers  who  did  the 
fighting  had  animated  the  civilians  who  did  the  talking.  .  .  . 

General  Gibbon,  General  Griffin,  and  General  Merritt 
were  appointed  by  General  Grant  to  meet  Generals  Pen- 
dleton,  Longstreet,  and  myself,  appointed  by  General  Lee. 
The  special  duty  which  devolved  on  these  six  officers  was  the 
discussion  and  drafting  of  all  details  to  carry  out  the  formal 
surrender,  according  to  the  general  terms  agreed  upon  by 
the  commanders-in-chief.  In  all  our  intercourse  with  those 
three  Union  officers  I  can  recall  no  expression  or  word 
that  could  possibly  wound  the  sensibility  of  a  Confederate. 
Rejoiced  as  they  naturally  were  at  the  termination  of  the 
long  and  costly  struggle,  and  at  the  ultimate  triumph  of  the 
Union  cause,  they  scrupulously  avoided  allusions  to  battles 
in  which  the  Federal  armies  had  been  victors,  and  endeavored 
rather  to  direct  conversation  to  engagements  in  which  the 
Union  forces  had  been  vanquished.  Indeed,  Confederate 
officers  generally  observed  and  commented  upon  this  spirit, 
which  at  that  time  seemed  to  actuate  the  privates  as  well  as 
the  officers  of  the  victorious  army.  .  .  . 

A  great  Frenchman  pronounced  the  French  Revolution 
an  "about-face  of  the  universe."  The  meeting  of  Lee  and 
Grant  at  Appomattox  was  the  momentous  epoch  of  the  cen- 
tury. It  marked  greater  changes,  uprooted  a  grander  and 
nobler  civilization,  and,  in  the  emancipation  of  one  race 
and  the  impoverishment  of  another,  it  involved  vaster  con- 
sequences than  had  ever  followed  the  fall  of  a  dynasty  or 
the  wreck  of  an  empire.  It  will  stand  in  history  as  the 
Brook  Kedron  over  which  the  Southern  people  passed  to 
their  Gethsemane;  where  every  landscape  was  marred  by 
ruins;  where  every  breath  of  air  was  a  lament  and  home  a 
house  of  mourning. 

The  magnanimity  exhibited  at  Appomattox  justifies  me 
in  recording  here  my  conviction  that,  had  it  been  possible 
for  General  Grant  and  his  soldiers  to  foresee  the  bloody  sweat 
which  through  ten  successive  years  was  wrung  from  Southern 
brows,  the  Union  army  would  then  and  there  have  resolved 


The  Civil  War  485 

to  combat  all  unfriendly  legislation.  Or,  later,  if  Booth's 
bullet  had  not  terminated  the  life  filled  with  "charity  to  all 
and  malice  toward  none,"  President  Lincoln's  benign  pur- 
poses, seconded  by  the  great-hearted  among  our  Northern 
countrymen,  would  have  saved  the  South  from  those  cari- 
catures of  government  which  cursed  and  crushed  her. 

In  looking  back  now  over  that  valley  of  death — period  of 
reconstruction, — its  waste  and  its  woe,  it  is  hard  to  realize 
that  the  worn  and  impoverished  Confederates  were  able  to 
go  through  it.  The  risen  South  of  to-day  is  a  memorial  of 
the  same  patience,  endurance,  and  valor  which  immortal- 
ized the  four  years'  struggle  for  Southern  independence. 

All  accounts  agree  that  when  the  two  great  commanders 
met  in  the  little  brick  house  at  Appomattox,  they  presented 
a  contrast  that  was  unique  and  strikingly  picturesque.  A 
stranger,  unacquainted  with  the  situation,  would  have  se- 
lected Lee  for  the  conqueror  and  Grant  for  the  vanquished 
hero.  Prompted  by  a  sincere  respect  for  the  illustrious 
Federal  chieftain,  General  Lee  was  dressed  in  his  best  uni- 
form, and  appeared  at  the  place  of  conference  in  faultless 
military  attire.  General  Grant,  on  the  other  hand,  had  re- 
ceived, while  on  his  lines  among  his  soldiers,  General  Lee's 
reply  to  his  last  note.  Without  returning  to  headquarters 
for  his  dress  uniform,  the  Union  commander  rode  at  once  to 
the  point  of  meeting,  wearing  his  fatigue  suit,  his  cavalry 
boots  begrimed  with  Virginia  mud,  and  his  plain  blue  over- 
coat concealing  all  insignia  of  rank.  I  never  heard  General 
Grant  say  so,  but  his  characteristic  modesty  and  magna- 
nimity, with  which  I  became  familiar  in  after  years,  lead  me 
to  believe  that  consideration  for  General  Lee  prompted  this 
absence  of  ostentation.  .  .  . 

General  Grant's  own  declaration,  made  many  years  after 
the  war,  that  he  felt  "sad  and  depressed"  as  he  rode  to  meet 
General  Lee  in  the  little  village  of  Appomattox,  is  entirely 
consistent  with  every  account  given  of  his  bearing  at  the 
surrender. 

It  was  reported  at  the  time,  and  has  since  been  confirmed 


486  Readings  in  American  History 

by  Union  officers  who  were  present,  that  he  positively  re- 
fused to  permit  the  Union  artillery  to  fire  a  salute  in  cele- 
bration of  the  victory  over  their  own  countrymen.  The 
exhibitions  of  General  Grant's  magnanimity  which  I  observed 
during  my  personal  intercourse  with  him  immediately  after 
the  war,  later  while  he  was  President,  and  when  he  became 
a  private  citizen,  are  all  consistent  with  the  spirit  manifested 
by  him  at  the  surrender  of  Lee's  army.  In  his  "Memoirs" 
he  has  given  a  quietus  to  that  widely  circulated  romance  that 
he  returned  to  Lee  his  proffered  sword.  I  do  not  doubt  that 
he  would  have  done  so;  but  there  was  no  occasion  for  Lee's 
offering  it,  because  in  the  terms  agreed  upon  it  was  stipulated 
that  the  Confederate  officers  should  retain  their  side-arms. . 


92.     CHARACTER  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

(London  Punch,  in  which  the  following  poem  was  first  printed, 
had  been  particularly  severe  in  its  criticisms  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  The 
poem  was  written  at  the  time  of  his  death.) 

You  lay  a  wreath  on  murdered  Lincoln's  bier! 

You,  who  with  mocking  pencil  wont  to  trace, 
Broad  for  the  self-complacent  British  sneer, 

His  length  of  shambling  limb,  his  furrowed  face, 

His  gaunt,  gnarled  hands,  his  unkempt  bristling  hair, 
His  garb  uncouth,  his  bearing  ill  at  ease, 

His  lack  of  all  we  prize  as  debonair, 

Of  power  or  will  to  shine,  of  art  to  please! 

You,  whose  smart  pen  backed  up  the  pencil's  laugh, 
Judging  each  step,  as  though  the  way  were  plain; 

Reckless,  so  it  could  point  its  paragraph 
Of  chief's  perplexity,  or  people's  pain! 

Beside  this  corpse,  that  bears  for  winding-sheet 
The  stars  and  stripes  he  lived  to  rear  anew, 


The  Civil  War  487 

Between  the  mourners  at  his  head  and  feet, 
Say,  scurril-jester,  is  there  room  for  yon? 

Yes,  he  had  lived  to  shame  me  from  my  sneer — 
To  lame  my  pencil,  and  to  confute  my  pen — 

To  make  me  own  this  hind  of  princes  peer, 
This  rail-splitter,  a  true-born  king  of  men. 

My  shallow  judgment  I  had  learnt  to  rue, 
Noting  how  to  occasion's  height  he  rose; 

How  his  quaint  wit  made  home-truth  seem  more  true; 
How,  iron-like,  his  temper  grew  by  blows; 

How  humble,  yet  how  hopeful,  he  could  be; 

How  in  good  fortune  and  in  ill  the  same; 
Nor  bitter  in  success,  nor  boastful  he, 

Thirsty  for  gold,  nor  feverish  for  fame. 

He  went  about  his  work — such  work  as  few 
Ever  had  laid  on  head,  and  heart,  and  hand — 

As  one  who  knows  where  there's  a  task  to  do; 

Man's  honest  will  must  Heaven's  good  grace  command; 

Who  trusts  the  strength  will  with  the  burden  grow, 
That  God  makes  instruments  to  work  his  will, 

If  but  that  will  we  can  arrive  to  know, 

Nor  tamper  with  the  weights  of  good  and  ill. 

So  he  went  forth  to  battle,  on  the  side 

That  he  felt  clear  was  liberty's  and  Right's, 

As  in  his  peasant  boyhood  he  had  plied 

His  warfare  with  rude  nature's  thwarting  mights; — 

The  uncleared  forest,  the  unbroken  soil, 

The  iron  bark  that  turns  the  lumberer's  axe, 

The  rapid,  that  o'erbears  the  boatman's  toil, 
The  prairie,  hiding  the  mazed  wanderer's  tracks, 


488  Readings  in  American  Hisinry 

The  ambushed  Indian,  and  the  prowling  bear, — 
Such  were  the  needs  that  helped  his  youth  to  train; 

Rough  culture — but  such  trees  large  fruit  may  bear, 
Tf  but  their  stocks  be  of  right  girth  and  grain. 

So  he  grew  up,  a  destined  work  to  do, 

And  lived  to  do  it:  four  long-suffering  years' 

Ill-fate,  ill-feeling,  ill-report,  lived  through, 
And  then  he  heard  the  hisses  change  to  cheers, 

The  taunts  to  tribute,  the  abuse  to  praise, 

And  took  both  with  the  same  unwavering  mood; 

Till,  as  he  came  on  light,  from  darkling  days, 

And  seemed  to  touch  the  goal  from  where  he  stood, 

• 

A  felon  hand,  between  the  goal  and  him, 

Reached  from  behind  his  back,  a  trigger  prest — 

And  those  perplexed  and  patient  eyes  were  dim, 
Those  gaunt,  long-laboring  limbs  were  laid  to  rest! 

The  words  of  mercy  were  upon  his  lips, 
Forgiveness  in  his  heart  and  on  his  pen, 

When  this  vile  murderer  brought  swift  eclipse 
To  thoughts  of  peace  on  earth,  good  will  to  men. 

The  old  world  and  the  new,  from  sea  to  sea, 
Utter  one  voice  of  sympathy  and  shame! 

Sore  heart,  so  stopped  when  it  at  last  beat  high; 
Sad  life,  cut  short  just  as  its  triumph  came. 


CHAPTER  XXV 
RECONSTRUCTION 

93.     AN  APPEAL  TO  THE  SOUTH,  1865 

Benjamin  F.  Perry  was  a  leader  in  the  Union  party  of  South  Caro- 
lina, and  was  opposed  to  nullification  and  civil  war,  but  cast  his  lot 
with  the  South.  He  was  appointed  provisional  governor  of  the  State 
by  President  Johnson.  The  occasion  of  the  speech  was  a  public 
meeting  at  Greenville,  South  Carolina,  July  3,  1865. — (B.  F.  Perry, 
Reminiscences  of  Public  Men,  with  Speeches  and  Addresses,  second 
series,  229  passim.  Greenville,  S.  C.,  1881.) 

MR.  CHAIRMAN  :  This  public  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Effect*  of 
Greenville  is  one  of  deep  humiliation  and  sorrow.  A  cruel  ^^^  the 
and  bloody  war  has  swept  over  the  Southern  States.  One 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  of  our  bravest  and  most  gallant 
men  have  fallen  on  the  fields  of  battle!  The  land  is  filled 
with  mourning  widows  and  orphans!  There  is  scarcely  a 
house  in  which  there  has  not  been  weeping  for  some  one 
lost.  Three  thousand  millions  of  dollars  have  been  spent 
by  the  Southern  States  in  carrying  on  this  war!  And  now 
we  are  called  upon  to  give  up  four  millions  of  slaves,  worth 
two  thousand  millions  of  dollars.  Moreover,  our  country 
has  been  ravaged  and  desolated!  Our  cities,  towns,  and 
villages  are  smouldering  ruins!  Conquering  armies  occupy 
the  country.  The  Confederacy  has  fallen,  and  we  have 
been  deprived  of  all  civil  government  and  political  rights! 
We  have  neither  law  nor  order.  There  is  no  protection  for 
life,  liberty  or  property.  Everywhere  there  is  demoraliza- 
tion, rapine  and  murder!  Hunger  and  starvation  are  upon 
us!  And  now  we  meet  as  a  disgraced  and  subjugated  people 

489 


490  Readings  in  American  History 

to  petition  the  conquerors  to  restore  our  lost  rights!  Such 
are  the  bitter  fruits  of  Secession! 

How  different,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  tone,  spirit,  and  char- 
acter, was  that  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Greenville  just  five 
years  ago,  in  this  same  building  which  inaugurated  this  most 
fatal,  bloody  and  disastrous  revolution!  Then  all  was  joy, 
hope,  excitement  and  confidence.  Seated  in  my  law  office 
looking  towards  this  court  house,  I  saw  a  crowd  of  persons 
rushing  in,  composed  of  college  boys,  and  their  professors, 
merchants,  mechanics,  doctors,  lawyers,  and  idlers  from  the 
hotel,  with  a  sprinkling  of  farmers  and  planters.  Soon  I 
heard  the  public  speaking  commence,  and  the  air  was  rent 
with  the  wild  and  rapturous  applause  of  the  excited  audience. 
The  more  extravagant  the  denunciators  of  the  Union,  the 
louder  were  the  shouts  of  applause!  My  mind  was  then 
filled  with  the  worst  forebodings  as  to  the  future.  I  thought 
I  foresaw  all  the  evils  which  have  since  befallen  our  beloved 
country.  But  my  political  influence  was  gone,  and  my 
voice  was  powerless  to  stay  the  angry  and  excited  feelings 
of  my  fellow  citizens. 

We  were  at  that  time,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  most  prosperous, 
free  and  happy  people  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  The  sun 
had  never  shone  on  an  empire  or  nation  whose  future  was 
more  bright  and  glorious.  But  the  public  mind  had,  unfor- 
tunately, been  prepared,  in  the  Southern  States,  for  thirty 
years  past,  for  an  effort  at  disunion.  The  people  had  been 
induced  to  believe  that  disunion  would  be  a  quiet  blessing, 
and  that  it  might  come  without  war  and  bloodshed!  The 
leading  politicians  of  the  South  were  anxiously  waiting  for 
some  plausible  pretext  for  seceding  from  the  American 
Union.  The  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the 
United  States,  by  a  sectional  party  at  the  North,  was  re- 
garded as  a  favorable  opportunity  for  accomplishing  their 
long  cherished  purpose.  We  were  told  after  this  event  that 
there  was  no  longer  any  safety  in  the  Union  for  slavery  or 
our  constitutional  rights. 

Let  us  now  see,  Mr.  Chairman,  if  there  was  any  truth  in 


Reconstruction  491 

this  assertion.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  elected  in  direct  conformity  Election 
of  the  Federal  Constitution.  He  was  elected  in  consequence  of  Lincoln- 
of  the  political  divisions  and  dissensions  at  the  South.  Had 
the  Southern  States  been  united  on  one  candidate  instead 
of  voting  for  three,  the  result  would  have  been  different. 
Mr.  Lincoln  only  received  a  little  more  than  one-third  of 
the  votes  cast  in  the  Presidential  election.  He  therefore 
went  into  office  with  a  large  majority  of  the  American  people 
opposed  to  his  administration.  There  was  at  that  time  a 
majority  of  twenty-seven  members  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives in  Congress  in  opposition  to  President  Lincoln. 
There  was  a  majority  of  six  members  of  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  opposed  to  him.  And  Sir,  a  majority  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  were  opposed  to  the 
avowed  principles  of  the  Republican  party  which  elected 
Mr.  Lincoln.  .  .  .  The  election  of  President  Lincoln  was, 
then,  no  just  grounds  for  secession.  ...  It  is  said  that  the 
Southern  States  left  the  Union  to  preserve  slavery!  How 
fatal  the  mistake!  Every  one  ought  to  have  known  that 
slavery  was  stronger  in  the  Union  than  it  possibly  could  be 
out  of  the  Union.  Indeed,  the  Union  was  its  only  safety  and  slavery 
protection.  Whilst  in  the  Union  we  had  the  power  of  recap- 
turing  our  fugitive  slaves.  Out  of  the  Union  we  could  have 
no  such  power.  The  whole  civilized  world  was  opposed  to 
us  on  this  question,  and  as  a  slave  power  would  have  looked 
upon  us  with  scornful  jealousy. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  madness  and  folly  of  commencing 
this  revolution  is  now  manifest  to  all.  There  was  fanaticism 
at  the  South  as  well  as  at  the  North.  Politicians  did  all 

.  !  •  f      OI    pOll- 

they  could  in  both  sections  to  stir  up  the  worst  passions  f  udana. 
the  human  heart,  and  make  the  people  forget  they  were 
fellow  citizens  of  one  great  republic.  We  were  told  that  the 
Northern  people  would  not  fight;  that  there  would  be  no 
war;  and  offers  were  made  to  drink  all  the  blood  that  would 
be  shed.  History  should  have  taught  them  that  no  great 
government  like  ours  ever  was  or  ever  could  be  broken  up 
without  war  and  all  its  dire  consequences. 


492 


Readings  in  American  History 


The 

uneven 

contest. 


Majority 
of  people 
not  in 
favor  of 
secession. 


The  war 
not  a  re- 
bellion. 


General 
Lee. 


How  was  it,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  Southern  States 
failed  in  their  rebellion?  It  is  true  that  the  contest  was  a 
most  unequal  one.  Eight  million  persons  fighting  against 
twenty-two  millions!  The  one  having  neither  government, 
army,  navy  or  manufactures;  and  the  other  having  all  these, 
with  an  influx  of  foreigners  and  Southern  negroes  to  increase 
their  strength.  The  Southern  people  are  an  impulsive,  en- 
thusiastic people,  but  they  want  the  energy  and  perseverance 
of  the  North.  I  said  to  my  friends  at  the  beginning  of  the 
war,  that  my  greatest  apprehension  was,  that  our  soldiers 
would  get  tired  of  the  war  and  quit  it.  I  did  not  believe  it 
possible  to  hold  in  subjection  eight  millions  of  people,  scat- 
tered over  such  an  immense  territory  as  composed  the  South- 
ern States,  if  they  were  disposed  to  make  any  and  every 
sacrifice,  as  the  Dutch  Republic  did  in  their  war  of  independ- 
ence. But,  sir,  one  great  cause  of  our  failure  was,  that  the 
heart  of  the  Southern  people  never  was  in  this  revolution! 
There  was  not  a  State,  except  South  Carolina,  in  which  there 
was  a  majority  in  favor  of  secession !  Even  in  South  Carolina, 
there  were  many  districts  in  which  one-half  of  the  voters  did 
not  go  to  the  polls.  .  .  . 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  secession  of  eleven  or  twelve 
sovereign  States,  composing  one-half  of  the  territory  of  the 
United  States,  was  something  more  than  a  rebellion.  It  was 
legitimate  war  between  the  two  sections,  and  they  acted 
towards  each  other  throughout  the  war  as  recognized  bellig- 
erents, and  were  so  treated  and  recognized  by  foreign  nations. 
.  .  .  Surely  a  general  officer  who  has  been  exchanged  while 
this  gigantic  war  was  waging  cannot  now  be  regarded  as  a 
traitor,  tried  and  executed  as  a  traitor.  To  call  such  a  war 
a  rebellion  is  simply  a  misapplication  of  terms.  The  greatest 
and  best  men  of  the  Southern  States  were  most  conscien- 
tiously leading  this  war,  either  in  council  or  on  the  field  of 
battle.  In  all  history  there  is  not  a  more  perfect  model  of 
a  pure  and  great  man  (save  Washington)  than  General  Lee. 
That  he  should  now  be  hung  as  a  traitor,  would  be  an  act 
of  national  infamy  that  would  shock  the  whole  civilized 


Reconstruction  493 

world  and  render  the  name  of  the  United  States  odious  in 
history.  .... 

There  have  been  deeds  of  atrocity  committed  by  the 
United  States  armies,  which  never  can  be  forgotten  in  the 
Southern  States.  But  I  do  entreat  them  to  become  loyal 
citizens  and  respect  the  national  authorities  of  the  Republic.  Loyalty 
Abandon  at  once  and  forever  all  notions  of  Secession,  Nulli- 
fication  and  Disunion,  determine  to  live  and  to  teach  your 
children  to  live,  as  true  American  citizens.  There  will  be 
in  the  future,  if  there  is  not  now,  as  much  of  pride  and 
grandeur  in  the  name  of  "American  citizen"  as  there  once 
was  in  that  of  "Roman  citizen."  The  Republic  is  destined 
to  go  on  increasing  in  national  power  and  greatness  for  cen- 
turies to  come.  As  soon  as  the  ferment  of  the  revolution 
subsides,  we  shall  be  restored  to  all  our  civil  rights,  and  be 
as  free  and  republican  as  we  ever  were.  There  is  no  reason 
why  there  should  be  any  sectional  jealousy  or  ill  feeling  be- 
tween the  North  and  the  South.  They  are  greatly  necessary 
to  each  other.  Their  interests  are  dependent  and  not  rival 
interests,  and  now  that  slavery  is  abolished,  there  will  be 
no  bone  of  contention  between  the  two  sections.  .  .  . 

The  resolutions  which  I  have  had  the  honor  of  submit- 
ting for  the  adoption  of  this  meeting  are  similar  in  purport 
to  those  adopted  at  Charleston,  Columbia  and  elsewhere. 
They  simply  express  our  willingness  to  adopt  the  terms  of 
the  President's  proclamation  and  return  to  our  allegiance. 
We  likewise  ask  for  the  appointment  of  a  provisional  governor 
and  the  restoration  of  the  civil  authorities.  There  is  nothing 
in  these  resolutions  to  which  the  most  sensitive  can  object.  .  . . 

94.    THE  SOUTH  AND  CARPETBAG  RULE,  1873 

James  S.  Pike,  before  the  Civil  War,  was  one  of  the  editorial  writers 
on  the  New  York  Tribune.  He  served  as  United  States  minister 
at  The  Hague  during  the  war.  In  1873  he  went  South  for  the  pur- 
pose of  studying  the  Carpetbag  System  of  government  and  made  a 
special  study  of  conditions  in  South  Carolina.— (James  S.  Pike, 
The  Prostrate  State,  12  passim.  New  York,  1873.) 


494  Readings  in  American  History 

In  the  place  of  this  old  aristocratic  society  stands  the 
rude  form  of  the  most  ignorant  democracy  that  mankind 
ever  saw,  invested  with  the  functions  of  government.  .  .  . 
It  is  barbarism  overwhelming  civilization  by  physical  force. 
It  is  the  slave  rioting  in  the  halls  of  his  master  and  put- 
ting that  master  under  his  feet.  And,  though  it  is  done 
without  malice  and  without  vengeance,  it  is  nevertheless 
none  the  less  completely  done.  Let  us  approach  nearer  and 
take  a  closer  view.  We  will  enter  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives. Here  sit  one  hundred  and  twenty-four  members. 
Of  these,  twenty-three  are  white  men,  representing  the  re- 
mains of  the  old  civilization.  These  are  good-looking,  sub- 
stantial citizens.  They  are  men  of  weight  and  standing  in 
the  communities  they  represent.  They  are  all  from  the  hill 
country.  The  frosts  of  sixty  and  seventy  winters  whiten 
the  heads  of  some  among  them.  .  .  .  Grouped  in  a  corner 
of  the  commodious  and  well-furnished  chamber,  they  stolidly 
survey  the  noisy  riot  that  goes  on  in  the  great  black  Left 
and  Center,  where  the  business  and  debates  of  the  House 
are  conducted,  and  where  sit  the  strange  and  extraordinary 
guides  of  the  fortunes  of  a  once  proud  and  haughty  State. 
In  this  crucial  trial  of  his  pride,  his  manhood,  his  preju- 
dices, his  spirit,  it  must  be  said  of  the  Southern  Bourbon 
of  the  Legislature  that  he  comports  himself  with  a  dignity, 
a  reserve,  and  a  decorum  that  command  admiration.  .  .  . 
Negro  Deducting  the  twenty-three  members  referred  to,  who 

Won1"1*1"  comprise  the  entire  strength  of  the  opposition,  we  find  one 
hundred  and  one  remaining.  Of  this  one  hundred  and  one, 
ninety-four  are  colored,  and  seven  are  their  white  allies. 
Thus  the  blacks  outnumber  the  whole  body  of  whites  in  the 
House  more  than  three  to  one.  On  the  mere  basis  of  num- 
bers in  the  State  the  injustice  of  this  disproportion  is  mani- 
fest, since  the  black  population  is  relatively  four  to  three 
of  the  whites.  A  just  rectification  of  the  disproportion,  on 
the  basis  of  population  merely,  would  give  fifty-four  whites 
to  seventy  black  members.  And  the  line  of  race  very  nearly 
marks  the  line  of  hostile  politics.  As  things  stand,  the  body 


Reconstruction  495 

is  almost  literally  a  Black  Parliament,  and  it  is  the  only  one 
on  the  face  of  the  earth  which  is  the  representative  of  a  white 
constituency  and  the  professed  exponent  of  an  advanced 
type  of  modern  civilization.  But  the  reader  will  find  almost 
any  portraiture  inadequate  to  give  a  vivid  idea  of  the  body, 
and  enable  him  to  comprehend  the  complete  metamorphosis 
of  the  South  Carolina  Legislature  without  observing  its 
details.  The  Speaker  is  black,  the  Clerk  is  black,  the  door- 
keepers are  black,  the  little  pages  are  black,  the  chairman  of 
the  Ways  and  Means  is  black,  and  the  chaplain  is  coal-black. 
At  some  of  the  desks  sit  colored  men  whose  types  it  would 
be  hard  to  find  outside  of  Congo;  whose  costume,  visages, 
attitudes,  and  expression  only  befit  the  forecastle  of  a  buc- 
caneer. It  must  be  remembered,  also,  that  these  men,  with 
not  more  than  half  a  dozen  exceptions,  have  been  them- 
selves slaves,  and  that  their  ancestors  were  slaves  for  gen- 
erations. .  .  . 

The  Speaker  orders  a  member  whom  he  has  discovered  to  General 
be  particularly  unruly  to  take  his  seat.  The  member  obeys,  d 
and  with  the  same  motion  that  he  sits  down,  throws  his 
feet  onto  his  desk,  hiding  himself  from  the  Speaker  by  the 
soles  of  his  boots.  In  an  instant  he  appears  again  on  the 
floor.  After  a  few  experiences  of  this  sort,  the  Speaker 
threatens,  in  a  laugh,  to  call  "the  gemman"  to  order.  This 
is  considered  a  capital  joke  and  a  guffaw  follows.  The  laugh 
goes  round  and  then  the  peanuts  are  cracked  and  munched 
faster  than  ever;  one  hand  being  employed  in  fortifying  the 
inner  man  with  this  nutriment  of  universal  use,  while  the 
other  enforces  the  views  of  the  orator.  This  laughing  pro- 
pensity of  the  sable  crowd  is  a  great  cause  of  disorder.  They 
laugh  as  hens  cackle — one  begins  and  all  follow. 

But  underneath  all  this  shocking  burlesque  upon  legisla-  Jinwrity 
tive  proceedings,  we  must  not  forget  that  there  is  something  ,^8latu 
very  real  to  this  uncouth  and  untutored  multitude.     It  is 
not  all  sham  nor  all  burlesque.     They  have  a  genuine  interest 
and  a  genuine  earnestness  in  the  business  of  the  assembly 
which  we  are  bound  to  recognize  and  respect  unless  we 


496  Readings  in  American  History 

would  be  accounted  shallow  critics.  They  have  an  earnest 
purpose,  born  of  a  conviction  that  their  position  and  con- 
dition are  not  fully  assured,  which  lends  a  sort  of  dignity 
to  their  proceedings.  The  barbarous,  animated  jargon  in 
which  they  so  often  indulge  is  on  occasion  seen  to  be  so 
transparently  sincere  and  weighty  in  their  own  minds,  that 
sympathy  supplants  disgust.  The  whole  thing  is  a  wonder- 
ful novelty  to  them  as  well  as  to  observers.  Seven  years  ago 
these  men  were  raising  corn  and  cotton  under  the  whip  of 
the  overseer.  To-day  they  are  raising  points  of  order,  and 
questions  of  privilege.  They  find  they  can  raise  one  as  well 
as  the  other.  They  prefer  the  latter.  It  is  easier,  and  better 
paid.  Then  it  is  the  evidence  of  an  accomplished  result. 
It  means  escape  and  defense  from  old  oppressors.  It  means 
liberty.  It  means  the  destruction  of  prison  walls  only  too 
real  to  them.  It  is  the  sunshine  of  their  lives.  It  is  their 
day  of  jubilee.  .  .  . 

For  it  must  be  remembered  that  not  a  dollar  of  it  goes 
for  interest  on  the  State  debt.  The  barter  and  sale  of  the 
offices  in  which  the  finances  of  the  State  are  manipulated, 
which  are  divided  among  the  numerous  small  counties  under 
a  system  offering  unusual  facilities  for  the  business,  go  on 
with  as  much  activity  as  ever.  The  new  Governor  has  the 
reputation  of  spending  $30,000  or  $40,000  a  year  on  a  salary 
of  $3,500,  but  his  financial  operations  are  taken  as  a  matter 
of  course,  and  only  referred  to  with  a  slight  shrug  of  the 
shoulders.  .  .  . 

The  narration  I  have  given  sufficiently  shows  how  things 
have  gone  and  are  going  in  this  State,  but  its  effect  would 
be  much  heightened  if  there  were  time  and  room  for  details. 
Here  is  one:  The  total  amount  of  the  stationery  bill  of  the 
House  for  the  twenty  years  preceding  1861  averaged  $400 
per  annum.  Last  year  it  was  $16,000.  .  .  . 

The  whole  amount  of  the  printing  bills  of  the  State  last 
year,  it  is  computed  (for  everything  here  has  to  be  in  part 
guesswork),  aggregated  the  immense  sum  of  $600,000. 

...  In  regard  to  all  such  shameless  acts  as  this,  and  the 


Reconstruction  497 

refusing  of  charters  to  responsible  persons  to  make  needed 
improvements  in  the  State  because  the  members  are  not 
bribed,  the  respectable  white  men  of  the  Legislature  say 
they  should  blush  with  shame  if  they  felt  that  the  real 
character  of  the  State  was  represented  in  the  body.  But 
as  it  is  they  can  only  plead  that  scoundrelism  is  dominant 
and  that  all  legislation  is  in  the  hands  of  unscrupulous 
knaves  who  belong  in  the  penitentiary.  The  facts  fill  every 
decent  citizen  with  mortification,  but,  outside  the  gang  who 
hold  control,  every  one  claims  exemption  from  all  responsi- 
bility for  the  degradation  into  which  the  State  has  fallen. 

The  only  drawback  to  the  country,  the  only  hindrance  to 
an  immediate  accession  of  population  from  the  best  agri- 
cultural classes  abroad,  is  this  scoundrel  government,  which 
has  so  long  rioted,  and  is  yet  rioting,  in  its  robberies.  There 
seems  to  be  no  way  of  even  checking  their  intolerable  prac- 
tices but  to  flash  the  flambeau  of  an  outside  execration  in 
their  faces.  They  defy  the  indignation  of  the  people  they 
have  ruined,  but  they  are  not  proof  against  the  indignation 
of  the  country  at  large.  It  becomes  a  public  duty. 

"To  lash  the  rascals  naked  through  the  land"  and  aid  this 
prostrate  State  to  recover  possession  of  itself,  retrieve  its 
standing  before  the  world,  and  drag  to  condign  punishment 
the  culprits  who  have  so  long  rioted  in  its  spoils,  and  who  so 
persistently  prey  upon  its  remains.  .  .  . 


CHAPTER  XXVI 

DIPLOMACY,   FINANCE,   AND   POLITICS,    1865-1877 

95.    THE  ALABAMA  CLAIMS 

Prior  to  his  election  to  the  United  States  Senate,  George  F.  Hoar 
served  in  the  House  of  Representatives  and  also  in  the  Senate  of 
Massachusetts.  From  1869  to  1877  he  was  a  member  of  the  United 
States  House  of  Representatives.  He  then  served  two  terms  as 
United  States  Senator.  He  was  also  a  member  of  the  Electoral 
Commission,  1876. — (George  F.  Hoar,  Autobiography  of  Seventy 
Years,  II,  130  passim.  Charles  Scribner's  Sons,  New  York,  1903.) 

A  very  interesting  question  was  settled  during  the  Admin- 
istration of  President  Hayes  as  to  the  disposition  of  the 
$15,500,000  recovered  from  Great  Britain  by  the  award  of 
the  tribunal  of  Geneva  for  the  violation  of  the  obligation  of 
neutrality  during  the  Civil  War.  Great  Britain,  after  what 
we  had  claimed  was  full  notice  of  what  was  going  on,  per- 
mitted certain  war  vessels  to  be  constructed  in  England  for 
the  Confederate  Government.  She  permitted  those  vessels 
to  leave  her  ports  and,  by  a  preconcerted  arrangement,  to 
receive  their  armament,  also  procured  in  Great  Britain. 
She  turned  a  deaf,  an  almost  contemptuous  ear,  to  the  re- 
monstrances of  Mr.  Adams,  our  Minister.  The  Foreign 
Office,  after  a  while,  informed  him  that  they  did  not  wish  to 
receive  any  more  representations  on  that  subject.  But,  as 
the  War  went  on  and  the  naval  and  military  strength  of  the 
United  States  increased  and  became  more  manifest,  Great 
Britain  became  more  careful.  At  last  some  Rebel  rams  were 
built  by  the  Lairds,  ship-builders  of  Liverpool.  Mr.  Adams 

498 


Diplomacy,  Finance,  and  Politics  499 

procured  what  he  deemed  sufficient  evidence  that  they  were 
intended  for  the  Confederate  service,  and  made  a  demand 
on  Lord  Russell,  the  British  Foreign  Minister,  that  they  be 
detained.  To  this  Lord  Russell  replied  that  he  had  submitted 
the  matter  to  the  Law  officers  of  Her  Majesty's  Government, 
and  they  could  see  no  reason  for  interfering.  To  this  Mr. 
Adams  instantly  replied  that  he  received  the  communica- 
tion with  great  regret,  adding,  "It  would  be  superfluous  in 
me  to  point  out  to  your  Lordship  that  this  is  war."  Lord 
Russell  hastily  reconsidered  his  opinion,  and  ordered  the  rams 
to  be  stopped.  ,. 

He  afterwards,  as  appears  in  his  biography  by  Spencer 
Walpole,  admitted  his  error  in  not  interfering  in  the  case  of 
the  vessels  that  had  gone  out  before.  But  the  mischief  was 
done.  The  terror  of  these  Confederate  vessels  had  driven 
our  commerce  from  the  sea,  or  had  compelled  our  merchant 
vessels  to  sail  under  foreign  flags,  and  had  enormously  in- 
creased the  rate  of  insurance  to  those  who  kept  the  sea  under 
our  flag. 

After  the  War  had  ended  a  demand  for  compensation 
was  earnestly  pressed  upon  Great  Britain.  A  demand  was 
made  to  refer  the  claims  to  arbitration,  and  a  treaty  nego- 
tiated for  that  purpose  by  Reverdy  Johnson  under  Andrew 
Johnson's  Administration,  was  rejected  by  the  Senate,  on 
the  ground,  among  other  reasons,  that  the  element  of  chance 
entered  into  the  result. 

Thereafter,  in  General  Grant's  time,  a  Joint  High  Com- 
mission to  deal  with  this  controversy  was  agreed  upon  be- 
tween the  two  countries,  which  sat  in  Washington,  in  1871. 
The  Commissioners  in  behalf  of  the  United  States  were 
Hamilton  Fish,  Secretary  of  State;  Robert  C.  Schenck,  then 
our  Minister  to  England;  Samuel  Nelson,  Judge  of  the  Su- 
preme Court;  Ebenezer  Rockwood  Hoar,  lately  Attorney- 
General,  and  George  H.  Williams,  afterwards  Attorney- 
General.  On  behalf  of  Great  Britain  there  were  Earl  de 
Grey  and  Ripon,  afterwards  Marquis  of  Ripon;  Sir  Stafford 
H.  Northcote,  afterwards  Earl  of  Idlesleigh;  Edward  Thorn- 


500  Readings  in  American  History 

ton,  then  the  British  Minister  here;  John  A.  MacDonald, 
Premier  of  Canada,  and  Montague  Bernard,  Professor  or 
International  Law  at  Oxford.  The  two  countries  could  not, 
in  all  probability,  have  furnished  men  more  competent  for 
such  a  purpose.  They  agreed  upon  a  treaty.  The  rules  by 
which  neutral  governments  were  to  be  held  to  be  bound  for 
the  purposes  of  the  arbitration  were  agreed  on  beforehand 
in  the  Treaty  itself.  They  agreed  to  observe  these  rules 
between  themselves  in  the  future,  and  to  invite  other  mari- 
time powers  to  accede  to  them.  The  Treaty  also  contained 
a  statement  that  Her  Britannic  Majesty  had  "authorized 
her  High  Commissioners  and  Plenipotentiaries  to  express  in 
a  friendly  spirit  the  regret  felt  by  Her  Majesty's  Government 
for  the  escape,  under  whatever  circumstances,  of  the  Alabama 
and  other  vessels  from  British  ports,  and  for  the  depredations 
committed  by  those  vessels."  I  am  not  aware  that  a  like 
apology  has  ever  been  made  by  Great  Britain  during  her 
history  to  any  other  country.  There  was  a  provision,  also, 
for  the  reference  of  some  other  matters  in  dispute  between  the 
two  countries.  One  of  these  related  to  the  fisheries — a  source 
of  irritation  between  this  country  and  the  British  possessions 
north  of  us  ever  since  the  Revolution.  .  .  . 

It  was  agreed  to  submit  the  questions  of  the  claims  grow- 
ing out  of  the  escape  of  the  Rebel  cruisers  to  a  tribunal 
which  was  to  sit  at  Geneva.  Of  this,  one  member  was  to 
be  appointed  by  each  of  the  parties,  and  the  others  by  cer- 
tain designated  foreign  governments.  Our  Commissioner 
was  Charles  Francis  Adams,  who  had  borne  himself  so  wisely 
and  patiently  during  the  period  of  the  Civil  War.  The  Eng- 
lish Commissioner  was  Sir  Alexander  Cockburn,  Lord  Chief 
Justice  of  England.  The  United  States  was  represented  by 
Caleb  Gushing,  William  M.  Evarts  and  Morrison  R.  Waite, 
afterwards  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States,  as  counsel. 

Adams  rarely  betrayed  any  deep  emotion  on  any  public 
occasion,  however  momentous.  But  it  must  have  been  hard 
for  him  to  conceal  the  thrill  of  triumph,  after  the  ignominy 
to  which  he  had  submitted  during  that  long  and  anxious 


Diplomacy,  Finance,  and  Politics  501 

time,  when  he  heard  the  tribunal  pronounce  its  judgment 
condemning  Great  Britain  to  pay  $15,500,000  damages  for 
the  wrong-doing  against  which  he  had  so  earnestly  and  vainly 
protested.  Perhaps  the  feeling  of  his  grandfather  when  he 
signed  the  Treaty  of  Independence  in  1783  might  alone  be 
compared  to  it.  Yet  his  father,  John  Quincy  Adams,  had 
something  of  the  same  feeling  when,  at  the  close  of  a  war 
which  put  an  end  forever  to  the  impressment  of  American 
seamen,  and  made  the  sailor  in  his  ship  as  safe  as  the  farmer 
in  his  dwelling,  he  signed  the  Treaty  which  secured  our 
boundary  and  our  fisheries  as  they  had  been  secured  by  his 
father.  .  .  . 

The  $15,500,000  was  promptly  paid.  Then  came  the 
question  what  to  do  with  it.  There  was  no  doubt  anywhere 
that  the  owners  of  vessels  or  cargoes  that  had  been  cap- 
tured or  destroyed  by  the  cruisers  for  whose  departures  from 
British  ports  Great  Britain  was  in  fault  were  entitled  to 
be  paid.  That,  however,  would  not  consume  the  fund. 
The  fund  had  been  paid  in  gold  coin  by  Great  Britain,  Sep- 
tember 9,  1873,  and  had  been  covered  into  the  Treasury 
the  same  day.  This  sum  was  invested  in  a  registered  bond 
for  the  amount  of  the  five  per  cent,  loan  of  1881,  dated 
September  10,  1873,  inscribed,  "Hamilton  Fish,  Secretary 
of  State,  in  trust.  To  be  held  subject  to  the  future  disposi- 
tion of  Congress,  etc."  This  sum  largely  exceeded  what  was 
necessary  to  make  good  the  principal  of  all  losses  directly 
resulting  from  the  damages  caused  by  the  insurgent  cruisers, 
above  what  had  already  been  reimbursed  from  insurance. 
These  claims  were  popularly  termed  the  "claims  for  direct 
damages.  .  .  . 


502 


Readings  in  American  History 


96.     DISPOSAL  OF  THE  PUBLIC   LANDS  BY  THE  FEDERAL 
GOVERNMENT 

(Thomas  Donaldson,  The  Public  Domain,  House  Miscellaneous 
Documents,  2d  Session,  47th  Congress,  Vol.  XIX,  p.  223  passim.) 


Public 
lands  and 
the  people. 


Public 
lands  and 
political 
platforms. 


HOMESTEAD   LEGISLATION 

The  homestead  bill,  or  the  granting  of  free  homes  from  and 
on  the  public  domain,  became  a  national  question  in  1852. 
The  Free  Soil  Democracy,  at  Pittsburgh,  Pa.,  August  11, 
1852,  in  National  Convention,  nominated  John  P.  Hale,  of 
New  Hampshire,  and  George  W.  Julian,  of  Indiana,  for 
President  and  Vice-President,  and  adopted  the  following  as 
the  12th  plank  or  resolution  in  their  platform: 

That  the  public  lands  of  the  United  States  belong  to  the 
people  and  should  not  be  sold  to  individuals,  nor  granted 
to  corporations,  but  should  be  held  as  a  sacred  trust  for  the 
benefit  of  the  people,  and  should  be  granted  in  limited  quan- 
tities, free  of  cost,  to  landless  settlers. 

Thereafter  it  became  a  national  question  until  its  passage 
in  1862,  and  was  in  the  platforms  of  political  parties.  It  was 
petitioned  for  and  against.  Public  sentiment  was  aroused. 
It  was  a  serious  innovation  and  would  cause  an  almost  en- 
tire change  in  the  settlement  laws.  Instead  of  the  public 
lands  being  sold  for  cash,  for  profit,  or  being  taken,  first, 
under  the  pre-emption  system,  which  eventuated  in  cash 
purchases,  they  were  to  be  given  to  actual  settlers  who  would 
occupy,  improve,  and  cultivate  them  for  a  term  of  years, 
and  then  receive  a  patent  free  of  acreage  charges,  with  fees 
paid  by  the  homesteader  sufficient  to  cover  cost  of  survey 
and  transfer  of  title. 

It  was  the  third  and  most  important  step  in  the  history  of 
the  public  land  system.  Once  adopted,  no  person  could 
estimate  its  moral,  social,  and  political  effects.* 


*  For  the  first  step  dealing  with  the  public  lands,  see  pp.  318-320.     The 
second  step  was  pre-emption.     The  first  act  relating  to  pre-emption  was 


•  Diplomacy,  Finance,  and  Politics  503 

The  public  land  system  for  eighty  years  prior  to  1862  had  Early  his- 
attracted  the  attention  of  the  ablest  men  in  the  Nation.   £jjbj,°f 
The  chairmen  of  committees  in  Congress  charged  with  its  lands, 
care  were  able  and  inquiring  men.     The  third  change  and 
new  system  was  the  result  of  experience  and  investigation 
by  some  of  the  profoundest  men  of  the  age.  .  .  . 

The  rich  and  fertile  lands  of  the  Mississippi  Valley  were 
fast  filling  up  with  settlers.  Agricultural  lands  in  the 
Middle  States,  which,  after  the  year  1824,  were  bought  for 
$1.25  per  acre,  now  sold  at  from  $50  to  $80  per  acre.  Former 
purchasers  of  these  Government  lands  in  the  Middle,  Western, 
and  Southern  States  were  selling  their  early  purchases  for 
this  great  advance,  and  moving  west  to  Iowa,  Wisconsin, 
Minnesota,  and  Missouri,  and  there  again  taking  cheap 
Government  lands  under  the  pre-emption  laws. 

The  western  emigration  caused  a  rush — a  migration  of 
neighborhoods  in  many  localities  of  the  older  Western  States. 
Following  the  sun,  their  pillar  of  fire,  these  State  founders 
moved  westward,  a  resistless  army  of  agents  of  American 
civilization,  and  there  was  a  demand  for  homes  on  the  public 
lands,  and  a  strong  pressure  for  the  enactment  of  a  law  which 
should  confine  locators  to  small  tracts,  and  require  actual 
occupation,  improvement,  and  cultivation. 

A  fierce  political  battle  now  ensued,  beginning  in  1854, 
and  continuing  until  1862,  the  year  of  the  passage  of  the  law. 
The  demand  of  the  settlers  was  incessant  and  constant.  .  .  . 

The  essence  of  the  homestead  law  and  the  amendments 
is  embodied  in  the  conditions  of  actual  settlement,  dwelling 

passed  by  Congress,  March  3,  1801.     This  right  is  denned  by  Donaldson. 
The  Public  Domain,  p.  214,  in  the  following:   "This  pre-emption  or  pref 
erence  right  thus  first  established  was  a  step  toward  abolishing  the  sale 
of   unoffered  land,   and   giving  a  settler   the  first  right  or  preferenc 
against  a  person  desiring  to  purchase  and  hold  for  Investment  c 

"  The  essential  conditions  of  a  pre-emption  are  actual  entry  upon,  residence 
in  a  dwelling,  and  improvement  and  cultivation  of  a  tract  of  I 
several  pre-emption  acts  give  a  preference  to  the  settlers.  thrnitatt 

"  The  pre-emption  system  arose  from  the  necessities  ol  settlers, 
a  series  of  more  than  fifty-seven  years  of  experience  in  attempts  to  * 
otherwise  dispose  of  the  public  lands.     The  early  idea  of  sales  for  revenue 
was  abandoned,  and  a  plan  of  disposition  for  homoe  was  subsl 


504  Readings  in  American  History 

on,  and  cultivation  of  the  soil  embraced  in  an  entry.  It 
gives  for  a  nominal  fee,  equal  to  $34  on  the  Pacific  coast  and 
$26  in  the  other  States,  to  a  settler — a  man  or  woman  over 
the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  head  of  a  family,  or  a  single 
person  above  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States  or  having  declared  an  intention  of  becoming 
such — the  right  to  locate  upon  160  acres  of  unoccupied 
public  land  in  any  of  the  public  land  States  and  Territories 
subject  to  entry  at  a  United  States  land  office,  to  live  upon 
the  same  for  a  period  of  five  years,  and,  upon  proof  of  a  com- 
pliance with  the  law,  to  receive  a  patent  therefor  free  of 
cost  or  charge  for  the  land.  Full  citizenship  is  requisite  to 
obtain  final  title. 

The  present  homestead  law  contains  all  of  the  beneficial 
features  of  the  pre-emption  act  with  the  additions  suggested 
by  experience  and  the  changed  condition  of  national  life. 
The  eighth  section  of  the  act  contains  the  substance  of 
the  pre-emption  act  in  the  matter  of  purchase.  If  the  lo- 
cator desires  to  buy  his  homestead  outright  at  the  end  of  six 
months,  he  can,  upon  due  proof,  pay  for  his  land  at  $1.25  or 
$2.50  per  acre,  as  the  case  may  be,  which  is  called  commuta- 
tion of  a  homestead.  It  contains  one  feature  as  broad  in 
its  terms  and  as  beneficial  in  its  principle  as  the  domain  it 
covers.  It  is  as  follows: 

No  lands  acquired  under  the  provisions  of  this  act  shall, 
in  any  event,  become  liable  to  the  satisfaction  of  any  debt 
or  debts  contracted  prior  to  the  issuing  of  the  patent  therefor. 

The  homestead  act  is  now  the  approved  and  preferred 
method  of  acquiring  title  to  the  public  lands.  It  has  stood 
the  test  of  eighteen  years  (1862  -1880),  and  was  the  outgrowth 
of  a  system  extending  through  nearly  eighty  years,  and  now, 
within  the  circle  of  a  hundred  years  since  the  United  States 
acquired  the  first  of  her  public  lands,  the  homestead  act 
stands  as  the  concentrated  wisdom  of  legislation  for  settle- 
ment of  the  public  lands.  It  protects  the  Government,  it 
fills  the  States  with  homes,  it  builds  up  communities,  and 
lessens  the  chances  of  social  and  civil  disorder  by  giving 


Diplomacy,  Finance,  and  Politics  505 

ownership  of  the  soil,  in  small  tracts,  to  the  occupants  thereof. 
It  was  copied  from  no  other  nation's  system.  It  was  orig- 
inally and  distinctively  American,  and  remains  a  monument 
to  its  originators. 

The  total  number  of  entries  under  this  act  from  May,   Number 
1862,  to  June  30,   1880  was  469,782;    the  area  embraced  ofentri«- 
therein  was  55,667,044  acres.  .  .  . 


GRANTS  AND   RESERVATIONS   FOR   EDUCATION 

For  public  or  common  schools:  Every  sixteenth  section  of  Grant* 
public  land  in  the  States  admitted  prior  to  1848,  and  every 
sixteenth  and  thirty-sixth  section  of  such  land  in  the  States 
and   Territories   since   organized — estimated   at  67,893,919 
acres. 

For  seminaries  or  universities:  The  quantity  of  two  town-  Granui  of 
ships,  or  46,080  acres,  in  each  State  or  Territory  containing 
public  land,  and  in  some  instances,  a  greater  quantity,  for 
the  support  of  seminaries  or  schools  of  a  higher  grade — esti- 
mated at  1,165,520  acres. 

For  agricultural  and  mechanical   colleges:  The  grant  to  Public 
all   the  States  for  agricultural  and  mechanical  colleges,  by  ^fcsu[°r 
act  of  July  2,  1862,  and  its  supplements,  of  30,000  acres,   turai 
for  each  Representative  and  Senator  in  Congress  to  which 
the  State  was  entitled,  of  land  "in  place"  where  the  State 
contained   a  sufficient  quantity  of    public  land  subject  to 
sale  at  ordinary  private  entry  at  the  rate  of  $1.25  per  acre, 
and  of  scrip  representing  an  equal  number  of  acres  where 
the    State  did  not   contain  such  description  of   land,   the 
scrip  to  be  sold  by  the  State  and  located  by  its  assignees 
on  any  such  land  in  other  States   and  Territories,  subject 
to  certain  restrictions.     Land  in  place,  1,770,000  acres;  land 
scrip,  7,830,000  acres;  total,  9,600,000  am-s.     In  all,  78,659,- 
439  acres  for  educational  purposes  under  the  heads  above 
set  out  to  June  30,  1880. 

The  lands  thus  ceded  to  the  several  States  were  disposed 
of  or  are  held  for  disposition,  and  the  proceeds  used  as  per- 


506 


Readings  in  American  History 


Popular 
education 
prior  to 
the  Revo- 
lution. 


manent  endowments  for  common  school  funds.  ...  As  an 
illustration,  the  State  of  Ohio  has  a  permanent  endowment 
for  education  called  the  "  Irreducible  State  Debt,"  the  result 
of  the  sale  of  all  granted  lands  for  education,  of  $4,289,718. 

The  importance  attached  to  education  by  the  founders  of 
the  republic  is  shown  by  the  provisions  they  made  for  its 
permanent  endowment.  Indeed,  in  the  earliest  settlements 
on  this  continent  of  the  Anglo-Americans,  measures  were 
adopted  in  the  course  of  education,  not  only  as  essential  to 
morals,  social  order,  and  individual  happiness,  but  as  neces- 
sary to  new  and  liberal  institutions.  Every  immigrant  ship 
had  its  schoolmaster  on  board,  each  settlement  erected  its 
school-house,  and  the  cultivation  of  the  mind  advanced  with 
the  culture  of  the  soil  from  the  landing  of  the  Mayflower 
through  our  colonial  history. 

Prior  to  the  Revolution,  in  the  different  colonies  the  sub- 
ject of  popular  education  had  attracted  attention,  and  pro- 
vision had  been  made  for  its  practical  realization.  The 
theory  of  general  education  found  no  basis  in  the  aristocratic 
social  constitution  of  the  mother  country,  while  in  the  col- 
onies themselves  were  to  be  found  influences  decidedly  hos- 
tile to  it.  The  injustice  and  persecution,  however,  which 
had  caused  the  immigration  to  this  country,  especially  to 
the  northern  colonies,  wonderfully  neutralized  the  religious 
and  political  prejudices  of  our  forefathers,  and  prepared  them 
to  accept  doctrines  of  very  opposite  tendency.  The  compara- 
tive feebleness  of  aristocratic  prestige  in  the  forests  of  the 
New  World  permitted  the  development  of  the  sentiment  of 
independent  manhood.  The  establishment  of  democracy 
was  followed  by  the  natural  development  of  its  principles, 
especially  in  the  direction  of  popular  education. 


Illinois 
Central 
grant. 


GRANTS  OF  PUBLIC  LANDS  FOR  RAILROADS  FROM  1850  TO  1880 

March  2,  1833,  Congress  authorized  the  State  of  Illinois 
to  divert  the  canal  grant  of  March  2,  1827,  and  to  construct 
a  railroad  with  the  proceeds  of  said  lands.  This  was  the 


Diplomacy,  Finance,  and  Politics  507 

first  congressional  enactment  providing  for  a  land  grant  in 
aid  of  a  railroad,  but  was  not  utilized  by  the  State.  .  .  . 

The  act  of  September  20,  1850,  was  the  first  railroad  act 
of  real  importance,  and  initiated  the  system  of  grants  of 
land  for  railroads  by  Congress  which  prevailed  until  after 
July  1,  1862.  This  grant  gave  the  State  of  Illinois  alternate 
sections  of  land  (even-numbered)  for  six  sections  in  width 
on  either  side  of  the  road  [present  Illinois  Central]  and 
branches,  being  a  grant  of  specific  sections. 

The  second  section  initiated  the  "indemnity"  practice,  or 
the  granting  of  lands  to  the  company  in  lieu  of  lands  within 
the  original  grant  occupied  by  legal  settlers  at  the  time 
of  the  definite  location  of  the  route,  to  be  taken  within  fifteen 
miles  of  the  road,  and  designated  the  method  of  disposition. 
The  third  section  provided  that  lands  of  the  United  States 
within  the  grant  limits  should  not  be  sold  at  less  than  the 
double  minimum  price  ($2.50),  being  an  increase  of  the  price 
of  lands  from  $1.25  to  $2.50  per  acre,  or  from  single  to  double 
minimum.  It  provided  for  a  forfeiture  of  the  grant,  with 
payment  by  the  State  to  the  United  States  for  lands  sold, 
in  case  of  failure  to  construct  within  a  certain  fixed  time. 
Unsold  lands  were  to  revert  to  the  public  domain,  and  pur- 
chasers from  the  State  to  have  good  title.  This  was  pro- 
viding for  default  and  reversion  thereafter. 

The  road  was  to  be  a  public  highway,  to  be  used  by  the 
Government  free  of  toll  or  other  charges,  and  the  mails  were 
to  be  carried  at  prices  to  be  fixed  by  Congress. 

This  act  extended  like  terms  and  conditions  to  the  States 
of  Alabama  and  Mississippi  in  aid  of  the  Mobile  and  Ohio 
road  which  was  to  connect  with  the  Illinois  Central  and 
branches — all  of  which  roads  are  now  established  [1883].  .  .  . 

By  an  act  of  the  Illinois  legislature,  of  date  February  10, 
1851,  the  Illinois  Central  Railroad  Company  was  incor- 
porated as  a  body  politic  and  corporate.  .  .  . 

The  road  received  from  the  State  the  lands  granted  by 
the  National  Government,  viz:  2,595,053  acres.  The  State 
thus  far  [1883]  has  received  in  interest  alone  (the  Illinois 


508 


Readings  in  American  History 


Railroad 

grants, 

1852. 


Grants  in 

other 

States. 


Railroad 
to  the 
Pacific. 


Central  Railroad's  gross  income  being  a  perpetual  source 
of  income  to  the  State)  more  than  $3  per  acre  for  the 
lands.  .  .  .  The  income  from  this  source  in  1879  was  over 
$325,477.38.  .  .  . 

The  Hannibal  and  Saint  Joseph  and  Missouri  Pacific  Rail- 
roads were  the  roads  built  under  the  act  of  June  10,  1852, 
donating  to  the  State  of  Missouri  certain  lands.  This  act 
contained  two  features  in  addition  to  the  main  provisions  of 
the  Illinois  grant,  viz,  a  plan  of  disposition  of  the  lands 
granted,  and  a  clause  directing  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior 
to  offer  at  public  sale,  at  periods,  at  the  double  minimum 
price  ($2.50  per  acre)  the  reserved  Government  sections.  .  .  . 

The  series  of  grants  to  Iowa  and  other  States  in  1856,  and 
the  Minnesota  act  of  1857,  were  in  the  form  and  substance 
of  the  Missouri  grants  of  June  10,  1852,  with  the  change  of 
"odd"  for  "even"  in  the  description  of  the  sections  granted 
to  the  States. 

Prior  to  July  1,  1862,  there  had  been  constant  agitation 
of  the  question  of  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific,  beginning  seriously 
from  about  the  time  of  the  settlement  of  the  northern  bound- 
ary by  the  Webster- Ashburton  treaty  of  1842,  and  the  organi- 
zation of  Washington  Territory.  .  .  . 

After  the  admission  of  the  State  of  California  into  the 
Union,  in  1850,  and  up  to  1862,  a  host  of  measures  were 
proposed  in  Congress  for  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  .  .  . 

The  public  having  by  petition  evidenced  their  opinion  to 
Congress,  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company  was  incor- 
porated by  a  direct  act-  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
July  1,  1862.  They  were  to  build  a  railroad  and  telegraph 
line  from  the  Missouri  River  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  This  was 
a  complete  change  in  the  system  of  land  bounties  to  aid  in 
the  building  of  railroads.  The  grant  was  direct  to  the  cor- 
poration, thus  avoiding  the  established  rule  of  using  a  State 
as  a  trustee  and  agent  of  transfer.  It  had  been  fiercely  con- 
tended prior  to  this  that  Congress  could  not  create  a  cor- 
poration to  do  business  in  a  State  without  the  consent  of  the 
State.  The  company  was  given  right  of  way,  allowances  for 


Diplomacy,  Finance,  and  Politics  509 

shops,  stations,  etc.,  and  in  aid  of  construction  "every  alter- 
nate section  of  public  land"  by  odd  numbers,  unless  previ- 
ously disposed  of,  reserved,  or  mineral  (coal  and  iron  after- 
ward construed  not  to  be  reserved  by  this  term),  to  the  extent 
of  five  alternate  sections  per  mile  on  each  side  of  the  road.  .  .  . 

The  reports  of  construction  of  land-grant  railroads  dur-  Construc- 
ing  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1880,  show  an  aggregate  {^.of 
of  359  miles,  which,  taken  with  those  previously  reported  grant 
(viz,  15,071  miles),  make  a  total  of  15,430  miles  of  such  roads 
distributed  as  follows: 

MILES 

In  Alabama 822 

In  Arkansas 620 

In  California 1,228 

In  Colorado 298 

In  Dakota 

In  Louisiana 152 

In  Michigan 1.005 

In  Minnesota 2,389 

In  Mississippi 

In  Missouri 703 

In  Nebraska 

In  Nevada 

In  Florida 

In  Illinois 

In  Indian  Territory 

In  Iowa MOT 

In  Kansas 1,654 

In  Oregon 

In  Texas  (where  there  are  no  United  States  lands, 

grants  being  made  by  State) 

In  Utah 

In  Washington "~ 

In  Wisconsin 

In  Wyoming 

15,427 


CHAPTER  XXVII 

INDUSTRIAL  AND  SOCIAL  CHANGES,  1866-1886 

97.    STRIKES  AND  LOCKOUTS 

(Third  Annual  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Labor,  Carroll  D. 
Wright,  9  passim.  Washington,  1888.) 

The  industrial  disturbances  which  have  been  so  frequent 
in  this  country  since  1877  really  establish  the  period  as  one 
of  strikes  and  lockouts.  A  strike  occurs  when  the  employes 
of  an  establishment  refuse  to  work  unless  the  management 
complies  with  some  demand.  A  lockout  occurs  when  the 
management  refuses  to  allow  the  employes  to  work  unless 
they  will  work  under  some  condition  dictated  by  the  manage- 
ment. In  effect  strikes  and  lockouts  are  practically  the  same 
thing,  the  disturbances  simply  originating  with  one  side  or 
the  other  in  the  case.  .  .  . 

Commencing  in  1880  with  3,477  [strikes]  the  number 
dropped  in  1881  to  2,928;  to  a  still  lower  point  in  1882,  viz., 
2,105;  while  in  1883  the  number  rose  again  quite  near  to 
that  of  1881,  or  to  2,759.  A  rapid  fall  again  occurred  in 
1884,  the  number  being  2,367,  while  in  1885  the  number  of 
establishments  subjected  to  strikes  was  smaller  than  in  any 
previous  year  named,  except  1882,  it  being,  for  1885,  2,284. 
In  1886  the  number  of  establishments  rose  to  9,861,  while 
in  1887  it  has  dropped  back  to  less  than  5,000.  In  1887  the 
number  for  the  first  six  months  was,  in  round  numbers, 
3,000,  leaving  1862  establishments  subjected  to  strike  dur- 
ing the  latter  half  of  the  present  year.  It  thus  appears  that 

510 


Industrial  and  Social  Changes 


oil 


the  turning  point  was  reached  in  1886,  and  that  it  can  be 
emphatically  stated  that  strikes  are  now  on  the  decline.  .  .  . 

EMPLOYES   INVOLVED   IN   STRIKES  AND   LOCKOUTS 

YEARS  STRIKES 

Employes  Striking  and  Involved 

1881  129,521 

1882  154,671 

1883  149,763 

1884  147,054 

1885  242,705 

1886  499,489 


LOCKOUTS 
Empoyes  Locked  Out 

655 

4,131 

20,512 

18,121 

15,424 

101,980 


Of  the  22,304  establishments  in  which  strikes  occurred, 
the  strikes  in  18,342,  or  82.24  per  cent,  of  the  whole,  were 
ordered  by  labor  organizations,  while  of  the  2,214  establish- 
ments in  which  lockouts  occurred  1,753,  or  79.18  per  cent., 
were  ordered  by  combinations  of  managers. 

Success  followed  the  strikes  occurring  in  10,375  establish- 
ments. The  number  of  persons  striking  and  involved  in  the 
successful  strikes  was  518,583.  In  3,004  establishments  the 
strikes  were  partially  successful,  and  in  these  establishments 
there  were  143,976  persons  involved,  while  the  whole  number 
of  persons  involved  in  the  8,910  establishments  where  the 
strikes  were  failures  was  660,396.  .  .  . 

Strikes  for  an  increase  of  wages  occurred  in  9,439  estab- 
lishments; of  these  the  strikes  in  6,229,  or  65.99  per  cent., 
were  successful,  while  in  796,  or  8.43  per  cent.,  the  strikes 
were  partly  successful,  and  in  2,414  .establishments,  or  25.58 
per  cent.,  the  strikes  for  this  cause  failed. 

In  4,344  establishments  strikes  were  resorted  to  to  secure 
a  reduction  of  the  hours  of  labor;  in  1,055,  or  24.29  per  cent., 
success  was  the  result;  in  966,  or  22.24  per  cent.,  the  strikes 
were  partly  successful;  and  in  2,323,  or  53.47  per  cent.,  the 
strikers  were  defeated.  .  .  . 

The  loss  to  the  strikers  for  the  period  involved  was 
$51,814,723.  The  loss  to  employe's  through  lockouts  for  the 
same  period  was,  $8,157,717,  or  a  total  wage  loss  to  employe's 


Number 
of  success- 
ful strikes. 


Efforts  to 
reduce 
hours  of 
labor. 


MHklTS 

and  fin  - 

pln.N.V 


512  Readings  in  American  History 

of  $59,972,440.  This  loss  occurred  for  both  strikes  and  lock- 
outs in  24,518  establishments,  or  an  average  loss  of  $2,446 
to  each  establishment,  and  of  over  $40  to  each  person  in- 
volved. .  .  . 

Having  presented  a  detailed  account  of  strikes  and  lock- 
outs occurring  during  the  years  1881-1886,  inclusive,  it  can 
not  fail  to  be  of  interest  to  cast  a  glance  toward  the  past, 
in  order  to  discover,  if  possible,  whether  the  phenomena  of 
strikes  and  lockouts  are  novel  in  our  industrial  history,  or 
whether  they  have  had  their  beginnings  in  times  and  under 
conditions  which  have  passed  away;  whether  they  are  the 
result  of  the  recent  powerful  organizations  of  workingmen 
or  whether  they  are  the  outgrowth  of  discontent  and  dissatis- 
faction with  existent  industrial  conditions,  or  the  natural 
result  of  industrial  development.  While  it  may  truly  be 
said  that  the  strike,  as  a  method  pursued  by  workingmen  to 
obtain  the  redress  of  real  or  fancied  grievances,  has  only 
recently  assumed  such  importance  as  to  call  for  an  investi- 
gation by  the  government  of  the  United  States,  yet  it  is 
equally  true  that  the  strike  is  not  a  new  weapon  in  the  hand 
of  the  laborer,  for  isolated  cases  of  strikes  existed  before  the 
dawn  of  the  present  century.  Though  it  is  the  very  gener- 
ally accepted  opinion  that  the  disturbance  in  New  York 
City  in  1803,  known  as  the  "Sailors'  strike,"  was  the  earliest 
example  of  the  strike  known  in  this  country,  this  opinion 
may  be  authoritatively  controverted  by  facts  developed  in 
the  present  investigation,  which  afford  proof  of  a  series  of 
strikes  among  the  boot  and  shoe  makers  of  Philadelphia, 
beginning  in  1796,  and  make  it  reasonably  certain  that  a 
strike  occurred  among  the  bakers  of  New  York  City,  as  early 
as  1741. 

From  these  beginnings  the  practice  of  striking  by  employes 
who  desired  some  concession  regarding  their  wages,  or  were 
otherwise  dissatisfied  with  the  conditions  under  which  they 
worked,  grew  until  in  1835  strikes  had  become  so  numerous 
as  to  call  forth  remonstrant  comments  from  the  public  press, 
the  New  York  Daily  Advertiser,  on  June  6,  observing  that 


Industrial  and  Social  Changes  513 

"strikes  are  all  the  fashion,"  and  that  "it  is  an  excellent 
time  for  the  journeymen  to  come  from  the  country  to  this 
city."  From  this  period  up  to  the  present  time  strikes  have 
been  common,  their  frequency  depending  upon  the  industrial 
conditions  which  prevailed.  .  .  . 

As  early  as  1792  there  was  an  association  of  journeymen 
shoemakers  in  Philadelphia,  and  in  May,  1796  a  strike  or 
"turn-out"  was  ordered  by  this  organization  for  an  increase 
of  wages.  The  strike  was  successful.  .  .  . 

In  November,  1803,  a  strike  occurred  in  New  York  City, 
which  is  commonly  known  as  the  "  Sailors'  strike,"  and  which 
has  been  generally  considered  the  first  strike  in  the  United 
States.  A  number  of  sailors  who  had  been  receiving  S10 
per  month  demanded  an  increase  to  S14.  The  sailors  formed 
in  a  body,  marched  around  the  city,  and  compelled  other 
seamen  who  were  employed  at  the  old  rates  to  leave  their 
ships  and  join  the  strike.  The  strikers  were  pursued  and 
dispersed  by  the  constables,  who  arrested  their  leader,  and 
lodged  him  in  jail — the  strike  terminating  unsuccessfully. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 

POLITICAL   CHANGES   AND   INDUSTRIAL    EXPANSION, 

1880-1890 

98.     CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM,  1883 

January  16,  1883,  Congress  passed  the  "Civil  Service  Law," 
which  in  general  still  governs  the  Federal  service.  This  act,  usually 
known  as  the  Pendleton  bill  since  it  was  introduced  into  the  Senate 
by  Senator  Pendleton,  of  Ohio,  established  the  United  States 
Civil  Service  Commission,  consisting  of  three  members.  Since 
that  time  there  has  been  a  large  extension  of  the  "classified  serv- 
ice," the  name  applied  to  positions  which  are  filled  by  persons 
who  have  passed  the  competitive  examinations.  The  classsified 
offices  reported  June  30,  1910,  numbered  235,000,  and  those  which 
were  unclassified,  or  excepted,  133,000. — (Congressional  Record, 
Vol.  14,  Part  I,  pp.  204  passim,  47th  Congress,  Second  Session, 
December  4,  1882- January  9,  1883.) 

Mr.  Pendleton :  The  necessity  of  a  change  in  the  civil 
administration  of  this  Government  has  been  so  fully  dis- 
cussed in  the  periodicals  and  pamphlets  and  newspapers, 
and  before  the  people,  that  I  feel  indisposed  to  make  any 
further  argument.  This  subject,  in  all  its  ramifications,  was 
submitted  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  at  the  fall 
elections,  and  they  have  spoken  in  no  low  or  uncertain  tone, 
status  of  I  do  not  doubt  that  local  questions  exerted  great  influence 
Service!  m  many  States  upon  the  result;  but  it  is  my  conviction, 
founded  on  the  observation  of  an  active  participation  in 
the  canvass  in  Ohio,  that  dissatisfaction  with  the  methods 
of  administration  adopted  by  the  Republican  party  in  the 
past  few  years  was  the  most  important  single  factor  in  reach- 
ing the  conclusion  that  was  attained.  I  do  not  say  that  the 

514 


Political  Changes  and  Industrial  Expansion       515 

civil  service  of  the  Government  is  wholly  bad.  I  can  not 
honestly  do  so.  I  do  not  say  that  the  men  who  are  employed 
in  it  are  all  corrupt  or  inefficient  or  unworthy.  That  would 
do  very  great  injustice  to  a  great  number  of  faithful,  honest, 
and  intelligent  public  servants.  But  I  do  say  that  the  civil 
service  is  inefficient;  that  it  is  expensive;  that  it  is  extrava- 
gant; that  it  is  in  many  cases  and  in  some  senses  corrupt; 
that  it  has  welded  the  whole  body  of  its  employes  into  a 
great  political  machine;  that  it  has  converted  them  into  an 
army  of  officers  and  men,  veterans  in  political  warfare,  dis- 
ciplined and  trained,  whose  salaries,  whose  time,  whose  ex- 
ertions at  least  twice  within  a  very  short  period  in  the  history 
of  our  country  have  robbed  the  people  of  the  fair  results  of 
Presidential  elections. 

I  repeat,  Mr.  President,  that  the  civil  service  is  inefficient, 
expensive,  and  extravagant,  and  that  it  is  in  many  instances 
corrupt.  Is  it  necessary  for  me  to  prove  facts  which  are  so 
patent  that  even  the  blind  must  see  and  the  deaf  must  hear? 

At  the  last  session  of  Congress,  in  open  Senate,  it  was  The 
stated  and  proven  that  in  the  Treasury  Department  at 
Washington  there  are  3,400  employes,  and  that  of  this  ment 
number  the  employment  of  less  than  1 ,000  is  authorized  by 
law  and  appropriations  made  for  their  payment,  and  that 
more  than  1,700  are  put  on  or  off  the  rolls  of  the  Department 
at  the  will  and  pleasure  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
and  are  paid  not  out  of  appropriations  made  for  that  pur- 
pose but  out  of  various  funds  and  balances  of  appropria- 
tions lapsed  in  the  Treasury  in  one  shape  or  another  which 
are  not  by  law  appropriated  to  the  payment  of  these  employes. 
I  was  amazed.  I  had  never  before  heard  that  such  a  state 
of  affairs  existed.  I  did  not  believe  it  was  possible  until 
my  honorable  colleague  rose  in  his  place  and  admitted  the 
general  truth  of  the  statement  and  defended  the  system  as 
being  necessary  for  the  proper  administration  of  the  Treasury 
Department. 

Mr.  President,  we  see  in  this  statement  whence  comes  that 
immense  body  of  public  officials,  inspectors,  detectives, 


516  Readings  in  American  History 

deputies,  examiners,  from  the  Treasury  Department  who 
have  for  years  past  been  sent  over  the  States  for  the  purpose 
of  managing  Presidential  conventions  and  securing  Presi- 
dential elections  at  the  public  expense. 

I  hold  in  my  hand  a  statement  made  before  the  committee 
which  reported  this  bill,  showing  that  in  one  of  the  divisions 
of  the  Treasury  Department  at  Washington,  where  more 
than  nine  hundred  persons  were  employed,  men  and  women, 
five  hundred  and  more  of  them  were  entirely  useless,  and 
were  discharged  without  in  any  degree  affecting  the  effi- 
ciency of  the  bureau.  I  do  not  intend  to  misstate  any 
fact  to-day  if  I  can  avoid  it,  and  therefore  I  read  from  the 
testimony  taken  before  the  committee.  Every  gentleman 
can  find  it  if  he  has  not  it  already  on  his  table.  The  state- 
ment to  which  I  refer  I  read  from  page  121  of  report  of  com- 
mittee No.  576: 

The  extravagance  of  the  present  system  was  well  shown 
in  the  examination  of  the  Bureau  of  Engraving  and  Printing 
by  a  committee  of  which  I  was  chairman.  Of  a  force  of 
nine  hundred  and  fifty-eight  persons  five  hundred  and  thirty- 
nine  with  annual  salaries  amounting  to  $.390,000,  were  found 
to  be  superfluous  and  were  discharged.  The  committee  re- 
ported that  for  years  the  force  in  some  branches  had  been 
twice  and  even  three  times  as  great  as  the  work  required. 
In  one  division — 

I  beg  Senators  to  listen  to  this — 

In  one  division  a  sort  of  platform  had  been  built  under- 
neath the  iron  roof,  about  seven  feet  above  the  floor,  to  ac- 
commodate the  surplus  counters.  It  appeared  that  the  room 
was  of  ample  size  without  this  contrivance  for  all  the  persons 
really  needed.  In  another  division  were  found  twenty  mes- 
sengers doing  work  which  it  was  found  could  be  done  by  one. 
The  committee  reported  that  the  system  of  patronage  was 
chiefly  responsible  for  the  extravagance  and  irregularities 
which  had  marked  the  administration  of  the  bureau,  and 
declared  that  it  had  cost  the  people  millions  of  dollars  in 
that  branch  of  the  service  alone.  Under  this  system  the 


Political  Changes  and  Industrial  Expansion       o!7 

office  had  been  made  to  subserve  the  purpose  of  an  al ins- 
house  or  asylum. 

In  consequence  of  this  report  the  annual  appropriation 
for  the  Printing  Bureau  was  reduced  from  $800,000  to 
$200,000,  and  out  of  the  first  year's  savings  was  built  the 
fine  building  now  occupied  by  that  bureau.  .  .  . 

Mr.  President,  a  Senator  who  is  now  present  in  the  f  'hamber  clerks 
and  who  will  recognize  the  statement  when  I  make  it,  though  ^|,th, "° 
I  shall  not  indicate  his  name,  told  me  that  the  Secretary  of  ment. 
one  of  the  Departments  of  the  Government  said  to  him,  per- 
haps to  the  Committee  on  Appropriations,  at  the  last  session, 
that  there  were  seventeen  clerks  in  his  Department  for  whom 
he  could  find  no  employment;  that  he  did  need  one  com- 
petent clerk  of  a  higher  grade,  and  if  the  appropriation  were 
made  for  that  one  clerk,  at  the  proper  amount  according  to 
the  gradations  of  the  service  and  the  appropriation  for  the 
seventeen  were  left  out,  he  could,  without  impairing  the 
efficiency  of  his  Department,  leave  those  seventeen  clerks 
off  the  roll;  but  if  the  appropriation  should  be  made  the 
personal,  social,  and  political  pressure  was  so  great  that  he 
would  be  obliged  to  employ  and  pay  them,  though  he  could 
find  no  employment  for  them. 

Need  I  prove,  Mr.  President,  that  which  is  known  to  all   clerks 
men,  that  a  systematic  pressure  has  been  brought  upon  the  j^n^ 
clerks  in  the  Departments  of  the  Government  this  year  to  portions 
extort  from  them  a  portion  of  the  salary  that  is  paid  to  them 
under  a  system  which  the  President  himself  scouts  as  being 
voluntary,  and  that  they  are  led  to  believe  and  fairly  led  to 
believe  that  they  have  bought  and  paid  for  the  offices  which 
they  fairly  hold  and  that  the  good  faith  of  those  who  take 
from  them  a  portion  of  their  salary  is  pledged  to  their  reten- 
tion in  their  positions? 

I  have  said  before  upon  the  floor  of  the  Senate  that  this 
whole  system  demoralizes  everybody  who  is  engaged  in  it. 
It  demoralizes  the  clerks  who  are  appointed.  That  is  in- 
evitable. It  demoralizes  those  who  make  the  appointment. 
That  also  is  inevitable.  And  it  demoralizes  Senators  and 


518  Readings  in  American  History 

Representatives  who  by  the  exercise  of  their  power  as  Senators 
and  Representatives  exert  pressure  upon  the  appointing 
power. 

I  am  disposed  to  speak  with  due  moderation  and  with 
respect  for  every  gentleman  who  sits  in  this  Chamber.  I 
certainly  desire  in  a  statement  like  this  not  to  make  personal 
reflections  upon  anybody ;  but  I  say  that  this  system,  perme- 
ating the  whole  civil  service  of  the  country,  demoralizes 
everybody  connected  with  it,  the  clerks,  the  appointing  power, 
and  those  who  by  their  official  position  and  their  relations 
to  the  executive  administration  of  the  Government  have  the 
influence  necessary  to  put  these  clerks  in  office. 

Mr.  President,  how  can  you  expect  purity,  economy, 
efficiency  to  be  found  anywhere  in  the  service  of  the  Govern- 
ment if  the  report  made  by  this  committee  to  the  Senate 
has  even  the  semblance  of  truth?  If  the  civil  service  of 
the  country  is  to  be  filled  up  with  superfluous  persons,  if 
salaries  are  to  be  increased  in  order  that  assessments  may  be 
paid,  if  members  of  Congress  having  friends  or  partisan  sup- 
porters are  to  be  able  to  make  places  for  them  in  public  em- 
ployment, how  can  you  expect  Senators  and  Representatives 
to  be  economical  and  careful  in  the  administration  of  the 
public  money?  .  .  . 

The  bill  has  for  its  foundation  the  simple  and  single  idea 
that  the  offices  of  the  Government  are  trusts  for  the  people; 
that  the  performance  of  the  duties  of  those  offices  is  to  be 
in  the  interest  of  the  people;  that  there  is  no  excuse  for  the 
being  of  one  office  or  the  paying  of  one  salary  except  that  it 
is  in  the  highest  practicable  degree  necessary  for  the  welfare 
of  the  people;  that  every  superfluous  office-holder  should  be 
cut  off;  that  every  incompetent  office-holder  should  be  dis- 
missed; that  the  employment  of  two  where  one  will  suffice 
is  robbery;  that  salaries  so  large  that  they  can  submit  to 
the  extortion,  the  forced  payment  of  2  or  10  per  cent,  are 
excessive  and  ought  to  be  diminished.  I  am  not  speaking 
of  purely  voluntary  contributions. 

If  it  be  true  that  offices  are  trusts  for  the  people,  then  it  is 


Political  Changes  and  Industrial  Expansion       519 


can  Offices  to 


also  true  that  the  offices  should  be  filled  by  those  who 

perform  and  discharge  the  duties  in  the  best  possible  way.  ^he  mos~ 
Fidelity,  capacity,  honesty,  were  the  tests  established  by  ' 
Mr.  Jefferson  when  he  assumed  the  reins  of  government  in 
1801.  He  said  then,  and  said  truly,  that  these  elements  in 
the  public  offices  of  the  Government  were  necessary  to  an 
honest  civil  service,  and  that  an  honest  civil  service  was 
essential  to  the  purity  and  efficiency  of  administration,  neces- 
sary to  the  preservation  of  republican  institutions. 

Mr.  Jefferson  was  right.  The  experience  of  eighty  years 
has  shown  it.  The  man  best  fitted  should  be  the  man  placed 
in  office,  especially  if  the  appointment  is  made  by  the  serv- 
ants of  the  people.  It  is  as  true  as  truth  can  be  that  fidelity, 
capacity,  honesty,  are  essential  elements  of  fitness,  and  that 
the  man  who  is  most  capable  and  most  faithful  and  most 
honest  is  the  man  who  is  most  fit,  and  he  should  be  appointed 
to  office. 

These  are  truths  that  in  their  statement  will  be  denied 
by  none,  and  yet  the  best  means  of  ascertaining  that  fitness 
has  been  a  vexed  question  with  every  Administration  of 
this  Government  and  with  every  man  who  has  been  charged 
with  the  responsibility  of  its  execution.  We  know  what  is 
the  result.  Pass  examinations  have  been  tried;  honest  en- 
deavors have  been  tried;  a  disposition  to  live  faithfully  up 
to  these  requirements  has  been  tried;  and  yet  we  know, 
and  the  experience  of  to-day  shows  it,  that  they  have  all 
made  a  most  lamentable  failure. 

We  do  know  now  that  so  great  has  been  the  increase  of  omce«to 
the  powers  of  this  Government  and  the  number  of  offices  p 
under  it  that  no  President,  no  Cabinet,  no  heads  of  bureaus, 
can  by  any  possibility  know  the  fitness  of  all  applicants  for  the 
subordinate  offices  of  this  Government.     The  result  has  been, 
and  under  the  existing  system  it  must  always  be,  that  the 
President  and  his  Cabinet  and  those  who  are  charged  with 
the  responsibility  have  remitted  the  question  of  fitness  to 
their  own  partisan  friends,  and  those  partisan  friends  have 
in  their  turn  decided  the  question  of  fitness  in  favor  of  their 


520  Readings  in  American  History 

partisan  friends.  The  Administration  has  need  of  the  sup- 
port of  members  of  Congress  in  carrying  on  its  work.  It 
therefore  remits  to  members  of  Congress  of  its  own  party 
the  questions  of  appointment  to  office  in  the  various  districts. 
These  gentlemen,  in  the  course  of  their  political  life,  naturally 
(I  do  not  find  fault  with  them  for  it)  find  themselves  under 
strain  and  pressure  to  secure  a  nomination  or  a  renomination 
or  election,  and  they  use  the  places  to  reward  those  whose 
friends  and  families  and  connections  and  aids  and  deputies 
will  serve  their  purpose.  .  .  . 

When  I  came  to  the  Senate  I  had  occasion  more  than  ever 
before  to  make  some  investigation  upon  this  subject,  and  I 
found  to  my  surprise  the  extent  to  which  the  demoralization 
of  the  service  had  gone.  I  saw  the  civil  service  debauched 
and  demoralized.  I  saw  offices  distributed  to  incompetent 
and  unworthy  men  as  a  reward  for  the  lowest  of  dirty  par- 
tisan work.  I  saw  many  men  employed  to  do  the  work  of 
one  man.  I  saw  the  money  of  the  people  shamefully  wasted 
to  keep  up  electioneering  funds  by  political  assessments 
on  salaries.  I  saw  the  whole  body  of  the  public  offices  paid 
by  the  people  organized  into  a  compact,  disciplined  corps 
of  electioneerers  obeying  a  master  as  if  they  were  eating 
the  bread  of  his  dependence  and  rendering  him  personal 
service. 

I  believed  then,  and  I  believe  now,  that  the  existing  system 
which,  for  want  of  a  better  name,  I  call  the  "spoils  system," 
must  be  killed  or  it  will  kill  the  Republic.  I  believe  that  it  is 
impossible  to  maintain  free  institutions  in  the  country  upon 
any  basis  of  that  sort.  I  am  no  prophet  of  evil,  I  am  not  a 
pessimist  in  any  sense  of  the  word,  but  I  do  believe  that  if 
the  present  system  goes  on  until  50,000,000  people  shall 
have  grown  into  100,000,000,  and  140,000  officers  shall  have 
grown  into  300,000,  with  their  compensation  in  proportion, 
and  all  shall  depend  upon  the  accession  of  one  party  or  the 
other  to  the  Presidency  and  to  the  executive  functions,  the 
Presidency  of  the  country,  if  it  shall  last  in  name  so  long, 
will  be  put  up  for  sale  to  the  highest  bidder,  even  as  in  Rome 


Political  Changes  and  Industrial  Expansion       521 

the  imperial  crown  was  put  up  to  those  who  could  raise  the 
largest  fund. 

I  beg  gentlemen  to  believe  that  whatever  I  may  have  said 
as  to  the  relations  of  parties  I  do  not  approach  the  question 
of  the  reform  of  the  civil  service  in  any  mere  partisan  spirit. 
It  was  because  I  thought  I  saw  this  danger,  because  I  believed 
that  it  was  imminent,  because  I  believed  then  as  I  do  now 
that  it  is  destructive  of  republicanism  and  will  end  in  the 
downfall  of  republican  government,  that  I  felt  it  my  duty 
to  devote  whatever  ability  I  had  to  the  consideration  of  this 
subject.  It  was  that  which  induced  me  a  year  or  two  ago 
to  introduce  a  bill  which  after  the  best  reflection,  the  best 
study,  the  best  assistance  that  I  could  get  I  did  introduce 
in  the  Senate,  and  which,  in  some  degree  modified,  has  come 
back  from  the  Committee  on  Civil  Service  Reform,  and  is 
now  pending  before  this  body. 

The  purpose  of  this  bill  is  merely  to  secure  the  application   Purpon 
of  the  Jeffersonian  tests,  fidelity,  honesty,  capacity.     The  ^leton 
methods  are  those  which  are  known  and  familiar  to  us  all   wu. 
in  the  various  avocations  of  life — competition,  comparison. 
Perhaps  the  bill  is  imperfect.     If  so,  I  am  sure  I  express  the 
wish  of  every  member  of  the  committee  that  it  may  be  im- 
proved.    There  is  no  pride  of  opinion,  there  is  no  determina- 
tion, if  suggestions  of  value  are  made  not  promptly  to  adopt 
them.     There  is  no  disposition  to  do  aught  except  to  perfect, 
and  in  the  best  possible  way,  this  bill,  the  sole  object  of  which 
is  to  improve  this  great  department  of  our  Government. 

Mr.  President,  it  is  because  I  believe  the  "  spoils  system  " 
to  be  a  great  crime,  because  I  believe  it  to  be  fraught  with 
danger,  because  I  believe  that  the  highest  duty  of  patriot- 
ism is  to  prevent  the  crime  and  to  avoid  the  danger,  that  I 
advocate  this  or  a  better  bill  if  it  can  be  found  for  the  im- 
provement of  the  civil  service.  .  .  . 

Mr.  fJnwley:  Mr.  President,  this  is  "a  bill  to  regulate  and   Evil* of 
improve  the  civil  service  of  the  United  States."     It  is  not  a  "floem. 
new  subject,  nor  is  the  bill  itself  in  its  essential  particulars 
new  to  the  Senate  or  to  the  public.     Something  is  to  be  done 


522 


Readings  in  American  History 


upon  this  subject.  Beyond  all  manner  of  question  there  is 
something  to  be  done.  The  experience  of  this  country  as 
to  the  evils  of  the  existing  system,  the  experience  of  other 
countries  in  the  trial  of  improved  systems  and  aside  from 
any  evils  that  exist  among  us,  the  extraordinary  growth  of 
this  country  render  the  continuance  of  the  present  system 
utterly  impossible.  All  these  things  combined,  with  a 
stronger  and  stronger  manifestation  of  public  sentiment 
from  year  to  year,  show,  as  I  said,  that  something  is  to  be 
done. 

When  our  country  began  with  what  I  may  call  the  present 
system,  which  is  a  lack  of  system,  there  were  350,000  square 
miles  of  territory;  there  are  now  4,000,000  square  miles. 
There  were  3,000,000  of  people;  there  are  now  55,000,000  of 
people,  or  will  be  by  next  June,  and  there  has  been  an  addi- 
tion of  25  States.  In  1801  there  were  906  post-offices;  there 
are  now  44,848.  There  were  69  custom-houses;  there  are 
now  135.  The  revenues  were  less  than  $3,000,000;  now 
they  are.  $400,000,000.  Our  ministers  to  foreign  countries 
were  4;  they  are  now  33.  Our  consuls  were  63;  they  are 
now  728.  A  thousand  men  then  administered  the  Govern- 
ment; it  now  requires  more  than  100,000.  .  .  . 

Removals  Here  are  some  figures  which  have  been  made  familiar 
Presidents,  during  the  discussion  of  this  question.  Washington  made 
only  nine  removals,  and  all  for  cause;  John  Adams  only 
nine,  and  none,  it  would  seem,  by  reason  of  political  cause; 
Jefferson  only  thirty-nine,  and  none  of  them,  as  he  declared, 
for  political  reasons;  Madison  only  five;  Monroe  only  nine; 
John  Quincy  Adams  only  two,  and  all  for  cause.  In  general 
the  Government  was  very  honestly  and  admirably  admin- 
istered. .  .  . 

The  man  who  is  less  efficient  than  his  fellows,  conscious 
that  he  has  less  of  character  or  of  ability,  or  of  both,  than  they, 
is  the  man  who  is  almost  certain  to  have  the  largest  pile  of 
papers  in  support  of  his  position.  And  thereby  it  becomes 
exceedingly  difficult  to  remove  him.  More  persons  are 
needed  for  the  same  labor  than  there  would  be  under  some 


Political  Changes  and  Industrial  Expansion       523 

ideal  system,  I  do  not  say  what.  We  can  imagine  that  if 
they  were  appointed  purely  for  efficiency  and  character  and 
maintained  for  that,  fewer  persons — I  do  not  pretend  to 
say  how  many,  because  no  man  knows;  the  estimates  are 
quite  at  random;  some  say  a  quarter  less,  some  say  a  half — 
would  do  the  work  equally  well. 

Moreover  there  is  unnecessary  expense.  The  salaries  Spoils 
must  be  kept  higher  in  accordance  with  obvious  laws  of  econ-  more™ 
omy,  because  people  will  not  enter  into  an  uncertain  service  costly, 
for  the  price  they  would  be  willing  to  take  if  they  were 
guaranteed  long  continuance,  or  life  service.  A  young  man 
who  comes  here  for  one,  two,  three,  four,  or  five  years  is  very 
hungry  indeed  to  get  his  ten,  twelve,  or  fourteen  hundred 
dollars  a  year.  If  he  had  any  guarantee  of  long  service,  or 
of  service  during  good  behavior  (and  absolutely  no  minute 
longer  than  that),  there  would  be  an  abundance  of  young  men 
of  capacity  willing  to  come  here  and  begin  at  six,  seven, 
eight,  or  nine  hundred  dollars  a  year,  trusting  to  a  well- 
graded  system  for  promotion  to  nine,  ten,  eleven,  or  twelve 
hundred  dollars,  as  they  continued  in  the  service.  Our 
present  system  is  therefore,  in  that  sense,  wasteful  and  ex- 
travagant. 

There  is  another  matter  upon  which  I  need  not  dwell  in  Burdens 
this  audience,  and  that  is  the  torment  of  the  legislative  °ators. 
branch.  Senators  know  this  well.  I  am  happy  to  say  I 
know  a  little  less  of  it  than  some  of  my  neighbors;  but  those 
who  represent  large  States,  especially  if  they  are  within  easy 
reach  of  Washington,  deserve  our  commiseration  and  should 
every  Sunday,  in  the  old  fashion  of  New  England,  ask  for 
the  prayers  of  the  congregation.  Their  desks  are  piled  with 
letters,  from  scores  upon  scores,  and  their  constituents  some- 
times stand  in  their  corridors  in  the  same  proportions.  How 
large  a  share  and  how  painful  a  share  of  our  troubles  and 
anxieties  are  due  to  this  matter  of  office-seeking,  we  all  know 
too  well.  We  are  all  under  the  necessity  of  hearing  innumer- 
able applications  for  office,  of  reading  and  preparing  papers 
that  will  sustain  them,  of  calling  in  person,  and  perhaps  re- 


524  Readings  in  American  History 

peatedly,  to  enforce  applications,  of  writing  innumerable 
letters  in  reference  to  the  matter;  of  re-enforcing  the  support 
that  an  employe  has;  or  of  seeking  to  restore  those  who  are 
discharged  in  times  of  reduction  or  for  an  alleged  or  a  real 
falling  below  the  standard,  or  discharged  perhaps  to  give 
place  to  a  protege  of  some  more  favored  or  more  ardent 
politician. 

We  listen  to  the  appeals  of  the  utterly  destitute.  The 
widow  comes  here  whose  husband  has  been  a  long  time  a 
clerk  or  public  servant  somewhere,  and  it  is  impossible  not 
to  sympathize,  it  is  impossible  not  to  say  that  it  would  be 
reasonable,  if  she  were  well  qualified,  that  she  should  have  a 
clerkship.  She  has  a  dependent  family;  she  has  perhaps 
dependent  relatives.  You  know  there  are  scattered  about 
these  Departments  many  who  are  the  children  of  men  well- 
known  in  the  public  service  of  the  United  States  and  among 
whose  honors  it  was  that  they  went  out  of  that  service  penni- 
less, whose  misfortune  it  was  that  they  left  dependent  rela- 
tives. No  man  can  say,  "  I  will  close  my  eyes  and  shut  my 
ears  to  these  appeals."  He  can  not  do  it.  He  may  put 
himself  upon  the  cold  ground  that  "  it  is  my  duty  to  be  study- 
ing public  measures,  to  be  reading  and  thinking  about  and 
preparing  for  the  great  measures  that  concern  the  whole 
country";  but  he  comes  up  from  his  breakfast  table  and  finds 
his  room  full  of  cases  that  he  must  at  least  hear. 

Nor  is  this  a  matter  that  embarrasses  one  party  alone. 
I  have  known  gentlemen — yes,  I  see  one  now  in  the  Chamber 
not  a  member  of  my  own  party,  whom  I  have  heard  cry 
out  against  the  burden,  the  painful  labor  that  pained  and 
oppressed  him,  and  in  the  vexation  of  the  moment  declare 
that  he  would  leave  this  Hall  and  go  back  to  his  farm  and 
his  happy  home.  There  is  something  wrong  about  all  this. 
This  Government  is  not  running  a  great  charitable  establish- 
ment; and  yet  if  it  is  to  employ  people  in  subordinate  posi- 
tions you  will  say  that  equitably  nobody  has  a  better  claim 
than  a  widow,  or  daughter,  or  sister,  or  brother  of  some 
old-time  public  servant  whose  family  for  many  years  has 


Political  Changes  and  Industrial  Expansion        .">_':> 

been  accustomed  to  the  service  of  the  United  States,  knows 
what  it  is,  and  can  discharge  the  duties  well;  or  better  than 
the  dependent  relative  of  some  faithful  soldier.  .  .  . 

Every  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  will  tell  you  and  every 
Cabinet  officer  in  the  larger  Departments  will  tell  you  that 
for  the  first  few  months  of  an  Administration,  or  the  first 
few  weeks  or  months  of  his  administration  if  it  begins  in  the 
middle  of  a  Presidential  term,  he  is  utterly  overwhelmed 
morning,  noon,  and  night  by  applications  for  office,  even 
down  to  the  messengerships  and  to  the  appointments  among 
the  charwomen.  They  will  not  be  put  off.  They  wait  dur- 
ing his  breakfast;  they  catch  him  when  he  leaves  his  office; 
they  follow  him  until  his  bedtime.  And  this  is  the  American 
Republic  of  55,000,000  of  people,  that  rightly  boasts  of  a 
great,  free,  and  true,  and  wise  government.  We  must  quit. 
We  have  an  excellent  opportunity  to  quit  it  by  adopting  a 
very  simple,  very  plain,  and  general  bill  that  is  proved  to  be 
practical  by  indisputable  experience. 

I  do  not  tell  Senators  that  if  we  do  not  do  this  somebody 
else  will  before  long.  We  know  that  it  has  come  to  be  a  well- 
nigh  universal  demand  of  the  thoughtful  people  of  the  coun- 
try; it  enters  into  nearly  every  political  convention  of  any 
description.  The  demand  is  reiterated  by  every  President. 
President  Grant  tried  it  in  good  faith;  Mr.  Hayes  tried 
it;  Garfield  desired  and  promised  it,  and  President  Arthur 
has  given  us  an  admirable  invitation  to  follow  in  the  right 
path.  .  .  . 


CHAPTER  XXIX 

THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN    WAR,  1898 

99.    PORTO  Rico  UNDER  THE  AMERICAN  FLAG 

Doctor  Lyman  Abbott,  editor  of  the  Outlook,  in  the  year  1909 
visited  Porto  Rico  in  order  to  investigate  conditions  there.  He  con- 
versed with  representative  men  of  various  classes  and  opinions,  law- 
yers, judges,  teachers,  sugar-planters,  coffee-planters,  politicians  of 
both  parties,  with  men  who  were  pro- American  and  others  who  were 
anti-American,  with  Catholics  and  with  Protestants.  It  was  his 
desire  to  get  the  views  of  the  islanders  themselves,  and  as  a  conse- 
quence he  conferred  but  little  with  Americans. — (The  Outlook, 
Vol.  92,  pp.  451-462.  June  26,  1909.  Permission  of  The  Outlook 
Company,  New  York.) 

In  November,  1493,  Columbus  landed  for  water  at  Agui- 
dilla  on  the  western  coast  of  Porto  Rico.  A  monument 
marks  the  spot  where  he  filled  his  water-cans.  A  mile  below, 
in  the  town  subsequently  built  upon  the  shore  of  the  sea, 
the  villagers  continue  to  this  day  to  corne  night  and  morn- 
ing to  this  same  stream  to  fill  their  water-cans.  The  water- 
works of  Aguidilla  in  1909  are  practically  identical  with  those 
of  1493.  The  fact  is  typical.  The  civilization  of  Porto 
Rico,  under  Spanish  domination,  remains  as  nearly  station- 
ary as  it  is  possible  for  civilization  to  remain  in  a  progressive 
world.  Save  for  one  splendid  military  road  across  the  island, 
and  some  fragments  of  incompleted  roads  at  different  points, 
the  only  means  of  access  from  the  interior  to  the  coast,  or 
from  one  interior  town  to  another,  were  trails  traversable 
only  on  horseback,  and  often  so  narrow  and  precipitous  as 
to  be  available  only  for  the  surefooted  and  specially  trained 
ponies  of  the  island.  The  sugar-mills  were  small  and  of 

526 


The  Spanish-American  War  527 

ancient  pattern,  and  the  sugar  cultivation  primitive;  for- 
eign capital  feared  to  invest  where  government  afforded  no 
confident  assurance  against  revolution.  The  so-called  coffee 
plantations  were  fields  of  wild  bushes,  comparative  to  the 
blueberry  lots  in  Maine,  with  a  product  of  two  and  a  half  or 
three  hundred  weight  to  the  acre,  as  against  twice  that 
amount  in  Brazil  and  three  times  that  amount  in  Costa 
Rica.  One  regular  Spanish  steamer  a  month  and  an  occa- 
sional and  irregular  steamer  from  France  or  Germany  sup- 
plied all  the  commercial  facilities  that  were  required. 
Schools  in  the  rural  regions  there  were  none;  they  were  few 
and  inadequate  in  the  large  towns;  I  believe  there  was  not 
a  single  building  erected  specifically  for  school  purposes. 
The  Government,  until  nearly  the  close  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  was  feudal  despotism  in  which  the  people  had  little 
nominal  and  no  effective  part.  The  religion,  that  of  the 
Spanish  Roman  Catholic  Church,  was  ascetic  and  ceremonial. 
Protestant  and  Roman  Catholic  have  united  in  assuring  me 
that  probably  not  over  two  per  cent,  of  the  population  at- 
tended church.  Their  religious  scruples  were  satisfied  by 
annual  or  semi-annual  attendance  on  special  feast  days,  or 
on  the  rare  occasion  of  a  visitation  to  the  town  by  the  Roman 
Catholic  bishop,  when  the  whole  population  turned  out  to 
greet  him,  the  parents  bringing  their  children  for  baptism  or 
confirmation,  or  coming  to  have  a  long-delayed  marriage 
ceremony  pronounced  for  them  after  a  score  of  years  of 
practical  and  entirely  loyal  but  wholly  unconventional 
wedlock. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  the  island,  jogging  along  on 
the  whole  contentedly  under  the  domination  of  the  most 
antiquated  feudal  government  in  Christendom,  when  it  ™cy 
woke  up  one  morning  to  find  itself  suddenly  passed  over  t.. 
the  control  of  the  most  modern  and  the  most  democratic 
of  governments.  How  to  adjust  sixteenth-century  habits 
to  twentieth-century  ideals  is  the  problem  which  it  has  been 
given  America  to  solve.  It  is  a  cause  for  self-gratulation 
that  whatever  mistakes  have  been  made  by  America's  offi- 


Readings  in  American  History 


cial  representatives  here,  they  are  conscientious  and  in- 
telligent, and  are  going  about  the  work  which  has  been 
intrusted  to  them  in  a  very  wise  fashion.  They  are  not 
attempting  to  Americanize  the  island;  to  convert  it  into  a 
Massachusetts,  a  South  Carolina,  or  a  Colorado.  They  are 
giving  to  the  islanders  what  our  ancestors  gave  to  us — just 
laws  justly  administered,  a  free  press,  free  speech,  free 
schools,  and  free  religion — and  are  leaving  the  islanders, 
under  temporary  guidance  and  lessening  restraint,  but  with 
very  considerable  financial  assistance,  to  work  out  their  own 
self-development  as  we  have  worked  out  ours. 

The  Government  may  be  briefly  described,  as  to  its  gen- 
eral features,  in  a  paragraph.  The  chief  executive  of  the 
island  is  a  Governor-General  appointed  by  the  President. 
There  is  an  Executive  Council  of  eleven,  five  of  whom  are 
required  by  law  to  be  Porto  Ricans,  six  of  whom  are  in  fact 
Americans.  These  six  are  also  the  heads  of  the  chief  exec- 
utive departments.  This  body  is  also  the  Senate.  There 
is  a  House  of  Delegates,  elected  by  universal  suffrage,  which 
corresponds  to  our  House  of  Representatives.  There  can 
be  no  legislation  without  the  approval  of  both  these  bodies. 
No  legislation,  therefore,  is  possible  without  the  approval  of 
the  Porto  Ricans,  as  represented  by  their  elected  House  and 
the  approval  of  at  least  one  American  in  the  appointed 
Executive  Council. 

What  have  been  the  results  of  ten  years  of  American  occu- 
pation under  this  system  of  government?  And  what  do 
the  Porto  Ricans  themselves  think  of  these  results?  .  .  . 

That  the  islanders  are  in  a  more  prosperous  condition  than 
they  have  ever  been  under  Spanish  rule  was  the  testimony 
of  every  one  with  whom  I  talked;  there  was  not  a  single 
exception.  .  .  .  The  old-time  sugar-mills  have  been  sup- 
planted by  those  of  newer  and  better  construction,  one  of 
them  being  said  to  be  the  largest  sugar-mill  in  the  world. 
The  one  monthly  Spanish  steamer  has  been  replaced  by 
fourteen  monthly  American  steamers.  In  some  agricultural 
sections  land  has  risen  in  value  from  ten  to  one  hundred 


The  Spanish- American  War  529 

dollars  an  acre;  in  the  vicinity  of  San  Juan  the  increase  has 
been  much  greater;  nowhere  have  land  values  fallen.  Wages 
have  generally  increased.  Roads  have  been  built  in  every 
part  of  the  island,  so  that  now  there  is  no  township  that  has 
not  a  good  automobile  road  to  the  sea,  and  in  a  few  years 
all  the  towns  will  be  similarly  connected  with  each  other. 
Bridges  are  gradually  taking  the  place  of  fords  and  ferries, 
which  rains  not  infrequently  made  unusable.  Wherever  the 
road  has  gone  the  cost  of  transportation  has  been  materially 
decreased,  in  one  specific  instance  from  a  former  charge  of 
a  dollar  a  hundredweight  to  twenty-five  cents  or  less.  Along 
these  roads  civilization  finds  its  way,  so  that  as  one  ob- 
servant resident  informed  me,  a  year  after  a  road  is  opened 
any  one  can  see  the  improvement  in  sanitary  conditions, 
bodily  health,  character  and  quality  of  clothing,  and  large- 
ness and  cheerfulness  of  life.  Every  town  has  its  graded  Education 
school,  with  school  buildings  which  architecturally  might 
well  serve  as  a  suggestion  for  some  of  our  town  school  boards; 
and  rural,  or,  as  we  should  say,  district,  schools  are  being 
rapidly  multiplied  throughout  the  country;  while  provision 
for  teachers  to  carry  on  the  work  of  education  is  made  by  a 
well-housed  and  well-organized  normal  school.  An  army 
surgeon,  Dr.  B.  K.  Ashford,  has  discovered  not  only  the 
cause  of  the  anaemia  which  was  the  scourge  of  the  islanders, 
and  which  previous  authorities  had  erroneously  attributed 
to  insufficient  food,  but  also  a  cure  for  it.  Two  hundred  and  Hygienic 
fifty  thousand  cases  have  been  successfully  treated,  and  under  a 
the  new  law,  if  I  understand  its  terms  aright,  every  munic- 
ipality will  be  provided  with  a  hospital  with  some  means  of 
local  treatment  for  the  sufferers,  and  every  school  will  be 
required  to  give  some  instruction  respecting  sanitary  habits 
necessary  to  stamp  out  this  disease  effectually  and  finally. 
An  engineer  from  the  Rocky  Mountains  has  been  brought  to  irrigation, 
the  island,  and  under  his  supervision,  aided  by  a  corps  of 
American  engineers,  surveys  are  being  conducted  and  plans 
perfected  for  an  American  irrigation  scheme,  which  promises 
to  relieve  the  sugar  lands  on  the  southern  side  of  the  island 


530 


Readings  in  American  History 


Federal 
aid. 


No  anti- 
American 
feeling. 


Desire  for 
self-gov- 
ernment. 


Repub- 
lican 
demands. 


from  the  periodic  droughts  with  which  sugar  cultivation  has 
now  to  contend.  And  the  reader  should  remember,  what  I 
think  the  Porto  Rican  sometimes  forgets,  that  the  expense 
of  building  these  roads,  of  this  medical  service,  of  this  irriga- 
tion plant,  and  for  the  most  part  of  these  schools,  is  paid  out 
of  the  Federal,  not  out  of  the  local  taxes. 

I  had  heard  that  there  was  a  strong  anti-American  feeling 
in  the  island,  but  I  could  not  discover  any  signs  of  it.  Those 
with  whom  I  conversed  either  denied  its  existence  or  attrib- 
uted it  to  others  who  in  turn  denied  it.  ... 

But  there  is  practically  unanimous  feeling  among  all 
classes  in  Porto  Rico  for  self-government.  This  is  not  due 
to  any  sense  of  practical  injustice  suffered  under  the  present 
administration.  I  asked  two  Spanish  judges  their  opinion 
respecting  American  law  and  American  procedure.  They 
both  affirmed  that  the  change  from  Spanish  to  Anglo-Saxon 
criminal  law  had  resulted  in  better  opportunity  for  self- 
defense  to  the  accused  and  greater  expedition  in  trial.  I 
asked  one  prominent  Republican,  "What  can  America  do 
that  she  has  not  done? "  His  prompt  reply  was,  "  Give  us 
American  citizenship."  I  asked  one  of  the  prominent  Unistas 
the  same  question.  In  response  he  laid  no  emphasis  on  citi- 
zenship, but  called  for  a  Senate  elected  by  limited  suffrage, 
not  appointed  by  the  President;  but  he  also  had  no  legisla- 
tion to  suggest  from  such  an  elected  Senate.  .  .  . 

One  American  put  the  Porto  Rican  view  before  me  clearly 
and  tersely  in  a  parable.  "When  I  was  a  boy,"  he  said, 
"I  knew  that  my  father  could  make  a  better  kite  than  I 
could  make  and  could  fly  it  better,  but  I  wanted  to  make  and 
fly  my  own  kite."  It  seemed  to  me  unfortunate  that  there 
was  no  one  to  explain  to  the  Porto  Rican  s  that  they  did  make 
and  fly  their  own  kite;  that  all  that  the  Americans  asked  was 
some  voice  in  determining  how  a  kite  should  be  made  and 
managed,  the  materials  for  which  were  furnished  out  of  the 
Federal  treasury.  .  ,  . 

The  Republicanos  are  eager  for  immediate  citizenship, 
desire  a  continuance  of  the  present  form  of  government. 


The  Spanish-American  War  531 

with  a  large  representation  of  the  Porto  Ricans  in  the  Execu- 
tive Council,  and  look  forward  to  eventual  Statehood.     The  The 
Unistas  are  only  mildly  desirous  of  citizenship,  are  urgent  Vo^lSB- 
for  an  elective  Senate,  and  look  forward  to  autonomy  under 
an  American  Governor-General  in  a  relation  analogous  to 
that  of  Canada  to  Great  Britain.     If  this  describes  correctly 
the  tendencies  of  the  two  parties,  as  I  think  it  does,  I  should 
be  a  Unista  if  I  lived  in  Porto  Rico.  .  .  . 

The  Porto  Rican  planter,  merchant,  or  professional  man   Porto 
is  a  gentleman  of  education,  social  culture,  and  practical  ^^f 
ability.     His  home  is  unpretentious  in  its  exterior,  but  within  class, 
is  furnished  with  every  comfort.     In  social  intercourse  he 
furnishes  an  example  of  old-time  courtesy  from  which  modern 
Americans  might  well  learn  a  lesson.     He  is  a  shrewd  and 
successful  business  man.  .  .  .  These  Porto  Rican  gentlemen 
invariably  live  in  the  towns.     I  do  not  think  we  saw  in  our 
eleven  days  and  two  or  three  hundred  miles  of  automobiling 
anything  that  could  be  called  a  country  residence  of  the 
better  class,  except  possibly  in  the  immediate  suburbs  of 
San  Juan  or  Ponce. 

The  peasant  class  is  uneducated,  ignorant,  superstitious,  The  peas- 
good-natured,  fixed  in  habits  of  life  which  it  is  extremely  antcla88- 
difficult  to  alter,  temperate — I  did  not  see  a  drunken  man  on 
the  island — unsanitary  through  ignorance,  but  neither  ragged 
nor  dirty.     Men,  women,  and  children  are  characteristically 
industrious.  .  .  . 

In  a  land  where  any  man  can  build  an  adequate  house  in  a  Fruitful- 
month,  where  fuel  is  needed  only  for  cooking  and  not  much  of  j^.0' 
it -for  that,  where  meat  is  not  in  great  demand  and  fruit 
can  be  had  for  the  picking,  and  where  tailors'  and  dress- 
makers' bills  are  reduced  to  a  minimum  outside  a  small 
circle  in  the  larger  towns,  fifty  cents  a  day  probably  consti- 
tutes as  comfortable  a  wage  as  does  a  dollar  and  a  half  in 
our  more  exacting  and  inhospitable  climate.  .  .  . 

But  I  cannot  close  this  article  without  expressing  my  ££*£" 
admiration  for  the  Americans  who  have  gone  to  Porto  KK-O  American 
as  representatives  of  the  American  people  to  give  to  the  Porto  I""1* 


532  Readings  in  American  History 

Ricans  just  and  equal  laws,  sanitary  and  economic  advan- 
tages, popular  education,  and  liberty  founded  thereon.  I 
wonder  when  I  see  what  they  have  already  accomplished  in 
so  short  a  time.  I  am  stirred  to  indignation  when  I  read  in 
American  newspapers  political  diatribes  that  accuse  them  and 
the  Nation  which  they  represent  of  imperialistic  spirit  and 
tendencies.  And  I  tender  to  them  my  sincere  admiration 
for  the  courage,  patience  and  ability  with  which  they  are 
carrying  on  the  work  of  educating  a  community  in  the  diffi- 
cult and  unaccustomed  art  of  self-government.  .  .  . 


CHAPTER  XXX 
THE  OPENING   OF  A   NEW   ERA 

100.    THE  DIPLOMACY  OF  JOHN  HAY 

(The  Outlook,  Vol.  73,  p.  271,  February  7,  1913.     With  the  per- 
mission of  the  publishers.) 

In  1898  the  American  Ambassador  to  England  relinquished  John  Hay. 
his  duties  there,  having,  in  the  words  of  one  of  the  greatest  JJ'JJ™'' 
English  statesmen  of  our  day,  accomplished  twice  as  much   Great 
during  two  years  as  had  any  other  American  envoy  during  a  Brltain 
longer  tenure  of  office.     Colonel  John  Hay  left  London  to  ac-  Becomes 
cept  promotion  to  the  Secretaryship  of  State.    The  American-  ^^^ 
Spanish  War  had  just  come  to  an  end.     Our  relations  with 
England  were  scarcely  closer  than  they  are  now  with  Ger- 
many.    Despite  Manila,  our  title  to  position  as  a  world 
power  was  not  yet  conceded  in  Europe.     In  China,  for  in- 
stance, we  played  a  part  far  below  England's.     The  settle- 
ment of  various  and  complicated  issues  after  the  war  con- 
stituted a  difficult  task  for  our  State  Department;   but  the 
settlement  was  made  with  credit. 

In  1899  occurred  the  outbreak  of  the  Boer  War.     To  the   American 
world  one  principal  result  of  that  war  was  secured  by  the 


American  State  Department  in  persuading  England  to  accept  <***  Boer 
a  general  declaration  that  foodstuffs,  though  in  transit  to  an 
enemy's  ports,  were  not  contraband  of  war  unless  there  \\«T«- 
evidence  that  the  food  was  intended  for  the  enemy's  mil- 
itary use.  l"p  to  this  time,  as  it  had  suited  her  convenience, 
England  had  ranged  herself  on  both  sides  of  the  «|iie>ti<m. 
Not  only  were  American  rights  upheld  by  this  decision,  but 

533 


534 


Readings  in  American  History 


in  the  future  the  weakest  country,  though  at  war  with 
England  herself,  the  greatest  sea  power,  may  invoke  justice 
by  this  guarantee  of  good  faith. 

In  the  beginning  of  1900  our  State  Department  won  for 
the  world  that  which  England  had  long  been  trying  to  ob- 
tain from  Russia,  France,  and  Germany — the  open  door  in 
China.  Henceforth,  whether  territorial  integrity  be  pre- 
served or  not,  it  is  agreed  among  the  Powers  trading  with 
China  that  Chinese  ports  shall  remain  open  on  equal  terms 
to  the  commerce  of  all  nations.  The  joint  agreement  of 
the  Powers,  obtained  at  our  instance,  is  justly  regarded  by 
the  American  Government  as  having  all  the  solemnity  of  a 
treaty. 

Later  in  1900  occurred  the  Boxer  Rebellion  in  China.  If 
it  had  not  been  for  American  intervention,  the  chief  result 
to  the  world  of  that  rebellion  would  have  been  the  partition- 
ing of  the  Flowery  Kingdom  among  the  Powers.  As  an 
American  Secretary  of  State  had  insured  Chinese  commercial 
integrity,  so  now  he  sought  to  preserve  territorial  integrity, 
despite  sneers  from  every  chancellery  in  Europe;  the  Chinese 
Government  was  treated  by  us,  during  the  entire  period  of 
Boxer  atrocities  and  the  following  siege  of  Peking,  as  a  real 
government.  The  encouraging  result,  not  only  to  China, 
but  to  all  civilization,  was  apparent  as  soon  as  the  smoke  of 
battle  had  cleared  away.  Our  task  was  by  no  means  accom- 
plished, however.  During  the  international  discussion  which 
followed,  it  was  necessary  for  us  to  protest  against  and  to 
put  an  end  to  the  secret  agreements  which  Russia  was  trying 
to  impose  upon  a  prostrate  people.  Following  this,  in  dis- 
approval of  the  allies'  outrageous  punitive  expeditions,  the 
State  Department  advised  the  Administration  to  withdraw 
from  China  all  United  States  troops,  with  the  exception  of 
the  Legation  guard.  So  little  did  supposedly  intelligent 
European  authorities  understand  this  that  the  London 
"Spectator"  actually  described  our  course  as  "timid  and 
vacillating,"  and  the  "Journal  de  Geneve"  "mourned  the  loss 
to  America  of  her  influence  in  the  concert  of  the  Powers." 


The  Opening  of  a  New  Era  535 

Next,  though  opposed  by  all  the  Allies,  who  were  urging  a  Hay 

policy  of  unwarranted  delay,  the  American  Department  of  ^^cu. 

State  secured  the  evacuation  of  China  on  the  terms  of  the  atlonof 

original  protocol.     Finally,  there  remains  to  the  Department  SJef  aJUe£ 
the  hard  task  of  inducing  tolerate  treatment  in  the  matter 
of  the  Chinese  indemnity. 

The  Department's  other  notable  recent  efforts  have  been  secretary 

in  the  advancement  of  the  cause  of  international  arbitra-  Hay  and 

in  tarna- 
tion, first  at  The  Hague  Congress  and  then  before  The  Hague  tionai 

Tribunal;  the  ratification  of  the  Hay-Pauncefote  Treaty,  ^^ 
supplanting  the  outworn  and  outgrown  Clay  ton-Bui  wer 
Treaty;  the  representation  to  the  Roumanian  Government 
concerning  its  treatment  of  the  Jews;  the  negotiation  of 
reciprocity  treaties  with  Cuba  and  Newfoundland  and  the 
Panama  Canal  treaty  with  Colombia;  finally,  the  Hay- 
Herbert  Treaty  looking  towards  the  settlement  of  the  Alaskan 
question,  the  last  of  the  great  points  of  divergence  between 
America  and  England. 

At  the  dinner  of  the  Ohio  Society  in  New  York  City  the  The  place 
other  evening,  one  of  the  speakers  declared  that  Mr.  Hay's  ^°hl 
name  would  stand  in  history  alongside  Webster's  and  Clay's,  amon* 
in  view  of  services  rendered  to  the  legitimate  enhancement  diplomat*, 
of  American  power  by  an  American  Secretary  of  State.     The 
steadiness  with  which  our  present  Secretary  has  adhered  to 
an  unselfish  policy,  the  candor,  frankness,  straightforwardness, 
above  all,  the  scrupulous  "  squareness,"  of  his  methods,  are 
in  welcome  contrast  to  the  selfishness,  secrecy,  indirection, 
delay,  and,  wherever  possible,  the  harshness  of  other  methods. 
If  America  has  become  a  world  power,  it  is  largely  becauM- 
of  the  success  of  the  new  American  diplomacy,  representing 
not  so  much  material  as  ideal  aims  and  ends.     Humanity 
in  general  is  freer  and  finer  because  such  diplomacy  exists. 


530  Readings  in  American  History 


101.    PRESERVING  THE  WORLD'S  PEACE 

In  response  to  the  resolution  adopted  at  St.  Louis  by  the  Inter- 
parliamentary Union,  President  Roosevelt,  on  October  20,  1904, 
invited  the  nations  which  had  taken  part  in  the  First  Hague  Con- 
ference to  send  delegates  to  another  conference  at  the  same  place. 
During  the  summer  of  1905,  Emperor  Nicholas  II  of  Russia  also  is- 
sued an  invitation  to  fifty-three  nations  to  send  representatives  to 
such  a  conference. 

The  Second  Hague  Conference  met  during  the  summer  of  1907. 
Delegates  from  the  United  States  were  instructed  to  favor  obli- 
gatory arbitration ;  the  establishment  of  a  permanent  court  of  arbi- 
tration; immunity  from  seizure  of  private  property  at  sea;  a  clearer 
definition  of  the  rights  of  neutrals,  and  the  limitation  of  armaments. 
Before  the  end  of  the  year  1908,  one  hundred  and  thirty-five  arbi- 
tration treaties  had  been  concluded.  The  United  States  was  a 
party  to  twelve  of  these  treaties.  Most  of  the  treaties  bind  the 
signatory  powers  to  submit  to  The  Hague  Tribunal  all  differences 
in  so  far  as  they  do  not  affect  "the  independence,  the  honor,  the 
vital  interests,  or  the  exercise  of  sovereignty  of  the  contracting 
countries,  and  provided  it  has  been  impossible  to  obtain  an  amicable 
solution  by  means  of  direct  diplomatic  negotiations  or  by  any  other 
method  of  conciliation." 

The  following  account  of  The  Hague  Tribunal  was  written  by 
Charles  Ray  Dean.— (The  World's  Work,  Vol.  IX,  5928  passim. 
With  the  permission  of  Doubleday  &  Page,  publishers.) 

"The  Nations  have  a  great  need  for  peace."  This  senti- 
ment of  Baron  de  Stael  expressed  in  his  opening  address  as 
president  of  the  first  Peace  Conference  at  the  Hague  has 
become  doubly  true  now;  and  as  evidence  of  the  fact,  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt  has  made  overtures  to  the  governments  of  all 
the  civilized  nations  for  a  Second  Peace  Conference.  This 
action  was  taken  at  the  instance  of  delegates  from  the  parlia- 
ments of  all  the  principal  nations,  and  probably  the  most 
representative  body  that  ever  assembled — the  Interparlia- 
mentary Union.  So  far  as  is  known,  sixteen  governments 
have  signified  their  acceptance.  It  is  hoped,  therefore,  that 
a  conference  of  the  nations  will  soon  be  held  which  will  mark 
a  decided  step  towards  establishing  and  maintaining  peace. 
It  is  probable  that  the  scope  and  jurisdiction  of  the  Permanent 


The  Opening  of  a  New  Era  537 

Tribunal  of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague  will  be  considered,  and 
widened,  so  that  it  may  become  still  more  effective  and  may 
more  fully  accomplish  the  high  object  for  which  it  was  created, 
though  it  has  done  excellent  service  since  its  inception. 

This  Tribunal  is  undoubtedly  the  most  august  tribunal  on  Nature  of 
earth;  for  before  it  the  nations  of  the  world  voluntarily  ' 
come  to  judgment.  Its  judges  are  among  the  most  enlight- 
ened and  distinguished  of  living  jurists  and  statesmen, 
chosen  by  the  heads  of  their  respective  governments  because 
of  their  reputations  for  profound  learning,  probity  and  high 
moral  character.  And  the  court  itself  was  created  at  the 
Peace  Conference  of  1899  by  representatives  of  twenty-six 
of  the  leading  governments  representing  more  than  90  per 
cent,  of  the  population,  and  practically  all  of  the  wealth, 
influence  and  civilization  of  the  world. 

It  was  formed  July  29,  1899.  The  countries  represented 
were  the  United  States,  Germany,  Austria-Hungary,  Bel- 
gium, China,  Denmark,  Spain,  Mexico,  France,  Great 
Britain,  Greece,  Italy,  Japan,  Luxembourg,  Montenegro, 
the  Netherlands,  Persia,  Portugal,  Rumania,  Russia, 
Servia,  Siam,  Sweden  and  Norway,  Switzerland,  Turkey  and 
Bulgaria. 

An  international  court  of  arbitration  has  been  the  dream   Perma- 
of  broad-minded  and   peace-loving  men  for  more  than  u  arbitra- 
century.     As  early  as  1838  there  was  a  popular  agitation  in  "on^ 
the  United  States  in  favor  of  calling  a  congress  to  consider  long 
the  establishment  of  one.     In  1872,  Mr.  Sumner  introduced  g* 
in  the  Senate  a  resolution  proposing  one— to  be  clothed  with 
such  authority  as  to  make  it  a  complete  substitute  for  war. 
In  1889  the  idea  took  definite  form.     In  that  year  the  United 
States  Government  called  a  conference  of  represent  a  t.v.  -s 
from  the  States  of  North  and  South  America  to  discuss  arbi- 
tration.    Nothing  practical  resulted  except  that  the  proccc.l- 
ings  furnished  valuable  information.     At  The  Hague  ( 'onfer- 
ence,  called  by  the  Czar  in  181)9,  arbitration  was  the  eighth 
and    last    topic   in   the   programme  of  discussion,   ami 
couched  in  these  very  general  term-: 


538 


Readings  in  American  History 


"8.  Acceptance,  in  principle,  of  the  use  of  good  offices, 
mediation,  and  voluntary  arbitration,  in  cases  where  they 
are  available,  with  the  purpose  of  preventing  armed  con- 
flicts between  nations;  understanding  in  relation  to  their 
mode  of  application  and  establishment  of  a  uniform  practice 
in  employing  them." 

The  comprehensive  instructions  issued  by  Secretary  Hay 
to  our  delegates  enjoined  them  to  propose  a  plan  (which  was 
furnished  them  with  instructions)  for  an  international  tri- 
bunal and  to  use  their  influence  to  procure  its  adoption. 

The  general  plan  of  the  tribunal  follows  a  common-law 
model,  indicating  Anglo-Saxon  influences.  The  court  re- 
sembles somewhat  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  the  members  of  which  never  sit  all  together,  but 
singly,  or  in  groups,  as  the  occasion  may  demand.  All  the 
Governments  which  originally  signed  The  Hague  Convention, 
and  all  those  who  shall  adhere  to  it,  are  entitled  to  ap- 
point four  members  of  the  permanent  court.  The  American 
members  of  the  permanent  court  are  Chief  Justice  Fuller, 
Hon.  John  W.  Griggs,  Hon.  George  Gray  and  Hon.  Oscar 
S.  Straus.  Twenty-two  governments  have  appointed  repre- 
sentatives, though  in  some  cases  less  than  four.  China, 
Turkey,  Montenegro  and  Persia  are  without  representation. 
The  court,  therefore,  has,  at  the  present  time,  a  permanent 
bench  of  seventy-two  judges,  from  whom  are  chosen  one  or 
more  arbitrators  who  sit  as  a  court  in  each  particular  case. 

The  arbitrators  are  appointed  for  six  years,  and  may  be 
reappointed.  There  are  no  salaries,  but  a  liberal  honorarium 
is  paid  to  the  arbitrators  serving  by  the  parties  in  a  case. 
An  administrative  council,  composed  of  the  several  diplo- 
matic representatives  at  The  Hague  has  general  charge  of  the 
central  office  (known  as  the  International  Bureau).  This 
council  has  the  power  and  the  machinery  for  setting  the  court 
in  action.  The  council  is  presided  over  by  the  Netherlands 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs.  Baron  R.  Melvil  de  Lynden 
is  the  present  incumbent. 

The  only  officers  of  the  court  are  the  Secretary-General  of 


The  Opening  of  a  Xeic  Era  539 

the  Tribunal,  corresponding  somewhat  to  our  clerk  of  the  office™  of 
court,   and  an  assistant.     The  President,  when   the  court  the  court- 
enters,  makes  in  French  the  simple  announcement  (all  present 
standing),  "Gentlemen,  the  court  is  open,"  and  the  business 
proceeds.     The  members  of  the  court  appear  in  ordinary 
conventional  dress.     French  is  the  language  usually  employed 
in  the  proceedings  of  the  court,  unless  a  different  one  is 
stipulated  by  the  parties  to  a  case. 

No  case  can  be  brought  before  the  court  at  the  instance  of  origin  of 
one  government  of  its  own  motion  against  another.  Both  ^t'n  the 
parties  must  agree  to  submit  the  case.  Arbitrators  are 
chosen  according  to  a  preliminary  agreement  between  the 
parties,  generally  called  a  protocol.  This  protocol  defines, 
among  other  things,  the  subject  of  the  controversy  and  the 
extent  of  the  powers  of  the  arbitrators.  Where  there  are 
three  or  more  arbitrators,  they  choose  one  of  their  nurnlxr 
to  act  as  president,  or  umpire.  A  sovereign  or  the  head  of 
a  State  may  act  as  sole  arbitrator.  Each  side  submits  its 
case,  or  brief,  with  copies  of  all  documents  relied  upon  to 
prove  its  contentions.  After  a  reasonable  time  counter- 
cases  are  filed  by  each  side.  Oral  argument  then  follows. 

The  jurisdiction  of  the  Tribunal,  as  fixed  by  The  Hague  jurisdic- 
Convention,  is  confined  to  legal  questions  and  especially  to  ^bun^i 
those  involving  treaties.     But  in  the  convention  is  a  recom- 
mendation to  the  powers  having  international  differences  in- 
volving neither  honor  nor  vital  interests,  and  arising  from  u 
difference  of  opinion  on  points  of  fact,  that  they  institute 
an  International  Commission  of  Inquiry  to  facilitate  a  solu- 
tion of  these  differences. 

The  Tribunal  is  simple.     Its  present  domicile  is  not  one  Place  of 
of  the  listed  "show  places"  at  The  Hague.     Its  location,  " 
even  its  existence,  is  hardly  known  to  the  average  citizen. 
The  hotel,  as  it  is  called,  of  the  permanent  court  is  on  a  com- 
paratively retired  residence  street,  No.  71  Prinsegracht.     It 
is  merely  a  spacious  dwelling-house,  with  no  outward  sign 
of  its  inward  greatness.  .  .  . 

Some  day  the  Tribunal  will  move  into  a  Temple  of  Peace, 


540  Readings  in  American  History 

for  which  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie  has  donated  $1,500,000. 
This  money  has  been  in  the  hands  of  the  Netherlands  Govern- 
ment for  almost  two  years.  A  commission  has  been  appointed 
to  select  a  site  and  to  arrange  for  international  competition 
among  architects  for  the  building.  A  site  has  recently  been 
secured,  but  no  plans  for  a  building  have  been  submitted. 
The  commission,  however,  has  been  securing  from  the  sev- 
eral governments  suggestions  as  to  the  general  arrangement 
and  probable  requirements  of  a  suitable  building.  This  ex- 
treme deliberation  is  characteristic  of  the  people  of  the 
Netherlands,  who  move  slowly  but  certainly.  It  should  not, 
however,  be  attributed  to  indifference  to  the  generosity  of 
Mr.  Carnegie,  but  may  have  been  caused  in  some  measure 
by  difficulties  in  adjusting  differences  of  opinion  between 
the  national  and  the  local  authorities  as  to  its  location. 

The  United  States  Government  has,  on  every  proper  occa- 
sion, suggested,  and  urged  resort  to  the  Tribunal.  But  the 
docket  of  the  court  has  not  been  overrun  with  cases.  Only 
two  controversies  have  actually  been  tried.  Both  of  them 
were  of  American  origin  and  were  '  taken  to  The  Hague 
through  the  efforts  of  the  United  States. 

The  first  involved  a  difference  between  the  United  States 
and  Mexico — the  case  of  the  "  Pious  Fund  of  the  Calif ornias." 
The  government  of  Mexico  had  refused  to  continue  paying 
interest  on  the  Pious  Fund — a  fund  created  a  century  or 
more  ago  for  the  support  of  the  missions  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  in  Upper  and  Lower  California.  The  Mex- 
ican Government  had  sold  and  converted  into  a  trust  fund 
property  originally  donated  to  the  church  for  missionary 
purposes.  It  had  for  many  years  paid  interest  to  the  church, 
but  finally  stopped  paying.  The  case  was  argued  at  The 
Hague.  The  award  was  in.  favor  of  the  United  States. 
Every  material  claim  made  was  allowed. 

The  second  case  was  the  Venezuelan  Preferential  Treat- 
ment Case.  Great  Britain,  Germany  and  Italy,  known  as 
the  "Allies,"  had  tried  to  enforce,  by  warlike  measures,  the 
collection  of  certain  claims  of  .their  subjects  against  Venez- 


The  Opening  of  a  New  Era  .~>4 1 

uela.  By  bombarding  her  forts,  sinking  her  ships  and  block- 
ading her  ports,  these  nations  had- compelled  Venezuela  to 
agree  to  set  aside  a  certain  fund  to  pay  all  the  claims  held 
by  foreigners  against  her,  when  the  amounts  had  been  fixed 
by  commissions  chosen  for  that  purpose.  The  citizens  of 
eight  other  nations,  however,  had  claims  against  Venezuela. 
These  nations  had  not  resorted  to  force  to  secure  a  settle- 
ment, though  their  claims  were  as  just  as  those  of  the  allies. 
There  arose,  therefore,  a  question  whether,  as  claimed  by 
them,  the  three  allies  were  entitled  to  have  their  claims  paid 
first  out  of  the  fund  provided  by  Venezuela,  by  reason  of  the 
fact  that  they  had,  by  their  vigorous  and  forcible  action, 
brought  Venezuela  to  terms. 

Great  Britain,  Germany  and  Italy,  on  one  side,  were  pitted 
against  the  United  States,  France,  Spain,  Mexico,  Venezuela, 
Belgium,  the  Netherlands  and  Sweden  and  Norway  on  the 
other.  It  was  the  first  case  submitted  to  the  Tribunal  by 
the  assent  of  a  majority  of  the  European  Powers.  Twenty- 
two  men,  all  eminent  in  their  several  countries  and  many 
of  them  with  international  reputations  as  jurists,  states- 
men and  diplomats,  appeared  as  counsel.  The  counsel  for 
the  United  States  were  Hon.  Wayne  MacVeagh,  formerly 
Attorney-General  of  the  United  States,  Hon.  William  T. 
Penfield,  Solicitor  of  the  Department  of  State,  and  Hon. 
Herbert  W.  Bowen,  United  States  Minister  to  Venezuela. 
The  court,  consisting  of  three  arbitrators  selected  by  the 
Czar  of  Russia  by  the  agreement  of  the  parties,  was  made 
up  of  two  representatives  from  Russia  and  one  from  Austria- 
Hungary,  Count  Muravieff,  M.  de  Martens  and  M.  Tam- 
masch — all  profoundly  versed  in  international  law  and  ju- 
risprudence. Arguments  were  made  in  four  languages- 
English  (which  was  the  official  language  of  the  court  in  the 
case),  French,  German  and  Spanish.  Translations  into  Eng- 
lish were  furnished  by  the  parties.  ...  The  trl. 

One  of  the  effects  which  the  delegates  to  The  Hague  Con-  bunai  and 
ference  hoped   might  flow  from   the  establishment    of   th<-  *™^a_0 
Tribunal  was  the  building  up  of  a  body  of  UJteroatkmd  few   tionai  law. 


542  Readings  in  American  History 

growing  out  of  the  decisions  handed  down  by  the  Tribunal. 
So  far,  the  judgments,  or  sentences,  as  they  are  called,  have 
not  materially  added  to  the  principles  of  international  law. 
This  is  due  in  part  to  the  nature  of  the  cases  themselves. 

The  Pious  Fund  decision  places  the  findings  of  tribunals 
of  arbitration  on  the  same  plane  with  judgments  of  tribunals 
created  by  States.  This  has  a  tendency  to  strengthen  the 
general  principle  of  arbitration. 

In  the  Venezuelan  Preferential  Treatment  case  the  Tri- 
bunal decided  that  the  three  allied  Powers  which  resorted 
to  war  against  Venezuela  were  entitled  to  a  preference  over 
the  creditor  nations  that  refrained  from  force. 

The  Tribunal  has  not  yet  met  the  hopes  of  its  many 
friends.  Some  of  the  governments  have  shown  a  disposi- 
tion to  avoid  referring  their  differences  to  it.  But,  during 
the  four  years  of  its  existence  a  remarkable  forward  move- 
ment has  taken  place  in  the  thought  of  the  peoples  of  the 
world,  so  that  the  advantages  of  international  arbitration 
are  now  more  generally  evident.  Each  year  great  national 
and  international  peace  conferences  stimulate  and  increase 
a  public  sentiment  in  favor  of  arbitration  as  a  means  of  pre- 
serving peace.  A  new  and  brighter  day  is  dawning  for  this 
Tribunal.  The  Hague  Convention  of  1899,  which  created 
the  Tribunal,  has  been  a  dayspring  from  which  has  emanated 
an  astonishing  number  of  treaties  providing  for  the  refer- 
ence of  certain  international  differences  to  the  Tribunal. 
Interna-  Beginning  in  October,  1903,  Great  Britain  and  France 

agree-          signed  a  treaty  binding  themselves  for  a  period  of  five  years 
ments  to      to  refer  "  differences  ...  of  a  legal  nature,  or  relating  to 
differ-          the   interpretation   of   treaties,"    to   The   Hague   Tribunal, 
encesto       "provided  they  do  not  affect  the  vital  interests,  the  inde- 
Tribuuai.     pendence  or  the  honor"  of  the  two  States,  and  "do  not  con- 
cern the  interests  of  third  parties."     There  has  followed  this 
a  series  of  practically  identical  agreements  between  Great 
Britain  and   Italy,   Great  Britain  and  Spain,   France  and 
Italy,  France  and    the  Netherlands,  Spain   and   Portugal, 
the  Netherlands  and  Portugal,  Denmark  and  the  Nether- 


The  Opening  of  a  New  Era  543 

lands.  And  our  own  government,  following  the  same  lead, 
is  negotiating  similar  treaties  with  all  of  the  twenty-six 
governments  which  are  signatories  to  The  Hague  Conven- 
tion. It  is  also  understood  that  Great  Britain  and  France 
are  similarly  engaged. 

With  this  striking  showing,  it  seems  certain  that  this 
Tribunal  bids  fair  to  realize  the  noble  object  of  its  creation 
—the  advancement  of  the  cause  of  peace,  and  "the  estab- 
lishment of  the  principle  of  justice  and  right  upon  which 
repose  the  security  of  states  and  the  welfare  of  peoples." 

102.  RELATIONS  BETWEEN  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  THE 
SOUTH  AMERICAN  STATES 

On  July  23,  1906,  the  third  International  Conference  of  Amer- 
ican Republics  met  in  Rio  de  Janeiro  and  continued  in  session 
until  August  29.  Besides  the  regular  delegates,  Secretary  of  State 
Elihu  Root  was  present  at  the  opening  session.  His  address  at  this 
meeting,  together  with  his  visit  to  the  leading  cities,  served  to 
inaugurate  a  new  understanding  between  these  countries  and  the 
United  States.  The  true  American  policy  was  set  forth  by  Secre- 
tary Root  in  the  following  toast:  "May  the  independence,  the  free- 
dom, and  the  rights  of  the  least  and  the  weakest  be  ever  respected 
equally  with  the  rights  of  the  strongest,  and  may  we  all  do  our  share 
toward  the  building  up  of  a  sound  and  enlightened  public  opinion 
of  the  Americas  which  shall  everywhere,  upon  both  continents, 
mightily  promote  the  reign  of  peace,  of  order,  and  of  justice  in  every 
American  republic."  Secretary  Root  went  to  South  America  as 
"  Ambassador  Extraordinary  representing  the  President  of  the  United 
States."  In  order  to  emphasize  his  official  position,  he  travelled  on 
an  American  war-ship.  His  addresses,  made  in  the  various  cities, 
were  intended  to  be  an  official  declaration  from  the  government  of 
the  United  States,  and  that  position  was  outlined  in  his  formal 
address  before  the  Congress. — (Speeches  Incident  to  the  Visit  of 
Secretary  Root  to  South  America,  July  4  to  September  30,  1906. 
Washington,  Government  Printing  Office,  1906,  pp.  3  passim. 
Speech  of  His  Excellency  Joaquin  Nabuco,  Ambassador  Extraor- 
dinary and  Plenipotentiary  from  the  United  States  of  Brazil  to  Hi.- 
United  States  of  America,  President  of  the  Conference.) 

American 

...  I  believe  that  you  and  the  Conference  understand  J|^ratlon 
each  other  fully.     The  periodical  meeting  of  this  body,  ex-  Europe. 


544 


Read in (js  in  American  History 


The 

Americas 
a  unit. 


First 
foreign 
visit  of 
Secretary 
of  State. 


clusively  composed  of  American  nations,  assuredly  means  that 
America  forms  a  political  system  separate  from  that  of 
Europe— a  constellation  with  its  own  distinct  orbit. 

By  aiming,  however,  at  a  common  civilization  and  by  try- 
ing to  make  of  the  space  we  occupy  on  the  globe  a  vast  neutral 
zone  of  peace,  we  are  working  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole 
world.  In  this  way  we  offer  to  the  population,  to  the  wealth, 
and  to  the  genius  of  Europe  a  much  wider  and  safer  field  of 
action  in  our  hemisphere  than  if  we  formed  a  disunited  con- 
tinent, or  if  we  belonged  to  the  belligerent  camps  into  which 
the  Old  World  may  become  divided.  One  point  especially 
will  be  of  great  interest  for  you,  who  so  heartily  desire  the 
success  of  this  work.  The  Conference  is  convinced  that  its 
mission  is  not  to  force  any  nation  belonging  to  it  to  do  any- 
thing she  would  not  be  freely  prepared  to  do  upon  her  own 
initiative;  we  all  recognize  that  its  sole  function  is  to  impart 
our  collective  sanction  to  what  has  already  become  unani- 
mous in  the  opinion  of  the  whole  continent. 

This  is  the  first  time,  sir,  that  an  American  Secretary  of 
State  officially  visits  a  foreign  nation,  and  we  all  feel  happy 
that  that  first  visit  was  to  Latin  America.  You  will  find 
everywhere  the  same  admiration  for  your  great  country, 
whose  influence  in  the  advance  of  moral  culture,  of  political 
liberty,  and  of  international  law  has  begun  already  to  coun- 
terbalance that  of  the  rest  of  the  world.  Mingled  with  that 
admiration  you  will  also  find  the  sentiment  that  you  could 
not  rise  without  raising  with  you  our  whole  continent;  that 
in  everything  you  achieve  we  shall  have  our  share  of  prog- 
ress. .  .  . 

You  are  now  exploring  political  seas  never  navigated 
before,  lands  not  yet  revealed  to  the  genius  of  your  states- 
men and  towards  which  they  were  attracted,  as  we  are  all 
attracted  one  to  another,  by  an  irresistible  continental  gravi- 
tation. We  feel  certain,  however,  that  at  the  end  of  your 
long  journey  you  will  feel  that,  in  their  ideals  and  in  their 
hearts,  the  American  Republics  form  already  a  great  political 
unit  in  the  world. 


The  Opening  of  a  New  Era  545 

Mr.  Root:  I  bring  from  my  country  a  special  greeting  to 
her  elder  sisters  in  the  civilization  of  America. 

Unlike  as  we  are  in  many  respects,  \ve  are  alike  in  this,   similar 
that  we  are  all  engaged  under  new  conditions,  and  free  from  Problem8- 
the  traditional  forms  and  limitations  of  the  Old  World  in 
working  out  the  same  problem  of  popular  self-government. 

It  is  a  difficult  and  laborious  task  for  each  of  us.     Not  in 
one  generation  or  in  one  century  can  the  effective  control  of 
a  superior  sovereign,  so  long  deemed  necessary  to  govern- 
ment, be  rejected  and  effective  self-control  by  the  governed 
be  perfected  in  its  place.     The  first  fruits  of  democracy  are  Many 
many  of  them  crude  and  unlovely;   its  mistakes  are  many,  { 
its  partial  failures  many,  its  sins  not  few.     Capacity  for  self-  democra- 
government  does  not  come  to  man  by  nature.     It  is  an  art  c 
to  be  learned,  and  it  is  also  an  expression  of  character  to  be 
developed  among  all   the  thousands  of  men  who  exercise 
popular  sovereignty.  .  .  . 

Yet  no  student  of  our  times  can  fail  to  see  that  not  America  Growth  of 
alone  but  the  whole  civilized  world  is  swinging  away  from   nienTby 
its  old  governmental  moorings  and  intrusting  the  fate  of  its  the  people, 
civilization  to  the  capacity  of  the  popular  mass  to  govern. 
By  this  pathway  mankind  is  to  travel,  whithersoever  it  leads. 
Upon  the  success  of  this  our  great  undertaking  the  hope  of 
humanity  depends. 

Nor  can  we  fail  to  see  that  the  world  makes  substantial 
progress  towards  more  perfect  popular  self-government. 

I  believe  it  to  be  true  that,  viewed  against  the  background 
of  conditions  a  century,  a  generation,  a  decade  ago,  govern- 
ment in  my  own  country  has  advanced,  in  the  intelligent 
participation  of  the  great  mass  of  the  people,  in  the  fidelity 
and  honesty  with  which  they  are  represented,  in  respect  for 
law,  in  obedience  to  the  dictates  of  a  sound  morality,  and  in 
effectiveness  and  purity  of  administration.  Develop- 

Nowhere  in  the  world  has  this  progress  been  more  marked  JJJJJ^^ 
than  in  Latin  America.     Out  of  the  wrack  of  Indian  fighting  eminent* 
and  race  conflicts  and  civil  wars,  strong  and  stable  govern-  JJ^jSn 
ments  have  arisen.     Peaceful  succession  in  accord  with  the  sut«. 


546 


Readings  in  American  History 


No 

nation 
isolated. 


American 
ideal. 


The 

Hague 

Congress. 


people's  will  has  replaced  the  forcible  seizure  of  power  per- 
mitted by  the  people's  indifference.  Loyalty  to  country, 
its  peace,  its  dignity,  its  honor,  has  risen  above  partizanship 
for  individual  leaders.  The  rule  of  law  supersedes  the  rule 
of  man.  Property  is  protected  and  the  fruits  of  enterprise 
are  secure.  Individual  liberty  is  respected.  Continuous 
public  policies  are  followed;  national  faith  is  held  sacred. 
Progress  has  not  been  equal  everywhere,  but  there  has  been 
progress  everywhere.  The  movement  in  the  right  direction 
is  general.  The  right  tendency  is  not  exceptional;  it  is 
continental.  The  present  affords  just  cause  for  satisfaction; 
the  future  is  bright  with  hope. 

It  is  not  by  national  isolation  that  these  results  have  been 
accomplished,  or  that  this  progress  can  be  continued.  No 
nation  can  live  unto  itself  alone  and  continue  to  live.  Each 
nation's  growth  is  a  part  of  the  development  of  the  race. 
There  may  be  leaders  and  there  may  be  laggards,  but  no 
nation  can  long  continue  very  far  in  advance  of  the  general 
progress  of  mankind,  and  no  nation  that  is  not  doomed  to 
extinction  can  remain  very  far  behind.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  We  wish  for  no  victories  but  those  of  peace;  for  no 
territory  except  our  own;  for  no  sovereignty  except  the  sov- 
ereignty over  ourselves.  We  deem  the  independence  and 
equal  rights  of  the  smallest  and  weakest  member  of  the  family 
of  nations  entitled  to  as  much  respect  as  those  of  the  greatest 
empire,  and  we  deem  the  observance  of  that  respect  the  chief 
guaranty  of  the  weak  against  the  oppression  of  the  strong. 
We  neither  claim  nor  desire  any  rights,  or  privileges,  or  powers 
that  we  do  not  freely  concede  to  every  American  Republic. 
We  wish  to  increase  our  prosperity,  to  expand  our  trade,  to 
grow  in  wealth,  in  wisdom,  and  in  spirit,  but  our  conception 
of  the  true  way  to  accomplish  this  is  not  to  pull  down  others 
and  profit  by  their  ruin,  but  to  help  all  friends  to  a  common 
prosperity  and  a  common  growth,  that  we  may  all  become 
greater  and  stronger  together. 

Within  a  few  months,  for  the  first  time,  the  recognized 
possessors  of  every  foot  of  soil  upon  the  American  continents 


The  Opening  of  a  New  Era  547 

can  be  and  I  hope  will  be  represented  with  the  acknowledged 
rights  of  equal  sovereign  states  in  the  great  World  Congress 
at  The  Hague.  This  will  be  the  world's  formal  and  final 
acceptance  of  the  declaration  that  no  part  of  the  American 
continents  is  to  be  deemed  subject  to  colonization.  Let  us 
pledge  ourselves  to  aid  each  other  in  the  full  performance 
of  the  duty  to  humanity  which  that  accepted  declaration 
implies;  so  that  in  time  the  weakest  and  most  unfortunate 
of  our  Republics  may  come  to  march  with  equal  step  by  the 
side  of  the  stronger  and  more  fortunate.  Let  us  help  each 
other  to  show  that  for  all  the  races  of  men  the  liberty  for 
which  we  have  fought  and  labored  is  the  twin  sister  of  jus- 
tice and  peace.  Let  us  unite  in  creating  and  maintaining 
and  making  effective  an  all-American  public  opinion,  whose 
power  shall  influence  international  conduct,  and  prevent 
international  wrong,  and  narrow  the  causes  of  war,  and  for- 
ever preserve  our  free  lands  from  the  burden  of  such  arma- 
ments as  are  massed  behind  the  frontiers  of  Europe,  and 
bring  us  ever  nearer  to  the  perfection  of  ordered  liberty. 
So  shall  come  security  and  prosperity,  production  and  trade, 
wealth,  learning,  the  arts,  and  happiness  for  us  all.  .  .  . 

103.     Tin:  Ri<  n  KI.M;I>I>M  <>K  COTTON 

The  economic  advancement  of  the  South  during  the  past  one- 
third  of  a  century  has  been  wonderful.  The  annual  value  of  the 
cotton  crop  alone  equals  about  twice  the  yearly  output  of  all  the 
gold-mines  in  the  world.  Some  eight  million  bales  are  exported 
annually.  Its  export  value  is  one-half  that  of  all  other  agricultural 
products. 

The  following  narrative  states  some  of  the  conditions  connected 
with  the  rapid  increase  of  prosperity  in  the  South  and  the  relation 
of  cotton  culture  thereto.— (Clarence  H.  Poe,  The  Rich  Kingdom 
of  Cotton,  in  The  World's  Work,  Vol.  IX,  pp.  5488  passim.  With 
permission  of  the  publishers,  Messrs.  Doubleday,  Page  &  Co.) 

No  plant,  unless  it  be  wheat,  is  of  so  much  importance  to 
the  human  race  as  cotton.  Destroy  any  fruit  in*the  world, 
and  men  would  grow  other  fruits.  Let  any  tree  Income 


548  Readings  in  American  History 

extinct,  and  other  trees  will  take  its  place,  and  our  building 
would  go  on  as  before.  Even  if  either  corn  or  wheat  should 
grow  no  more,  we  could  grow  enough  of  the  other,  supple- 
mented by  rice,  oats,  barley,  rye,  peas,  beans,  and  the  like, 
to  feed  both  man  and  beast  with  comfort.  But  for  cotton 
there  is  no  substitute  that  can  be  cultivated  cheaply  on  a 
large  scale — no  substitute,  animal  or  vegetable  product, 
which  can  compare  with  it  for  cheapness. 

Nor  is  there  any  plant  with  a  history  more  marvellous  or 
more  romantic — more  suggestive  of  the  legend  and  myth- 
ology of  the  Orient  from  whence  it  came.  If  Frank  Norris 
had  lived  in  the  South  instead  of  in  California,  what  an  Epic 
of  Cotton  he  might  have  given  us!  Cotton,  whose  influence 
did  most  to  bring  us  an  alien  race  from  Africa,  and  then  did 
most  to  perpetuate  in  America  the  institution  of  slavery; 
Cotton,  on  which  a  "Dixie  Land,  the  Land  of  Cotton,"  once 
built  its  hopes,  while  it  waged  a  great  war;  Cotton,  which 
helped  the  vanquished  people  to  their  feet  again,  and  now 
bids  fair  to  restore  them  to  the  proud  position  in  wealth  and 
industry  which  they  held  before  the  Civil  War. 

Value  of  It  is  hardly  too  much  to  say  that  cotton  is  now  the  basis 

of  the  dominant  industry  of  the  world.  In  their  primary 
forms,  iron  and  steel  products  represent  a  value  of  only 
$1,700,000,000  yearly,  while  the  estimated  value  of  the 
world's  annual  output  of  cotton  goods  is  $2,000,000,000. 
Twice  as  much  cotton  as  wool  is  produced,  and  three-fourths 
of  the  world's  cotton  supply  is  grown  in  the  southern  section 
of  the  United  States.  Twice  the  world's  total  gold  product  of 
last  year  would  have  been  required  to  pay  southern  farmers 
for  lint  and  seed;  three-fourths  of  the  capital  stock  of  all 
the  national  banks  in  the  country  would  have  been  inade- 
quate. Among  our  American  export  crops,  cotton  towers 
pre-eminent  with  $350,000,000  in  value  for  the  year  ending 
June  30,  1903  (1904  would  make  a  better  showing),  against 
less  than  $600,000,000  for  all  other  agricultural  exports.  In 
other  words,  take  all  other  animal  and  vegetable  products 
exported  any  year — wheat,  corn,  barley,  oats,  rye,  flour, 


The  Opening  of  a  New  Era  549 

meal,  oatmeal,  fruits,  vegetables,  liquors,  tobacco,  wine; 
cattle,  hogs,  horses,  sheep;  beef,  pork,  mutton;  butter, 
cheese,  canned  goods,  lard,  oils,  wool;  timber,  lumber,  naval 
stores,  etc. — the  entire  contribution,  except  cotton,  furnished 
the  outside  world  by  every  American  farm,  ranch  and  forest, 
from  Maine  to  California,  from  Michigan  to  Texas,  from 
Alaska  to  Hawaii — take  all  this,  and,  with  the  proceeds  of 
one  year's  cotton  and  cotton-seed  exports,  and  a  safe  mort- 
gage given  on  the  next  year's,  the  southern  cotton-grower 
could  buy  the  whole  colossal  aggregation  and  still  have  a 
surplus  of  more  than  $100,000,000  left  as  pin-money  and  as 
a  margin  of  safety  for  the  mortgage. 

For,  much  as  cotton  means  to  the  United  States,  and  much  The 
as  it  means  to  the  world,  it  means  infinitely  more  to  the  twelve  ^tto 
States  and  Territories  of  the  South,  in  ten  of  which  it  is  the 
chief  farm  product.  Here  cotton  is  the  life-blood  of  com- 
merce, its  condition  the  thermometer  of  trade.  Every  man 
talks  cotton;  every  man  has  an  opinion  about  the  size  of  the 
crop;  the  weather  conditions  in  Texas  and  throughout  the 
Cotton  Belt  are  subjects  of  general  interest;  the  govern- 
ment crop  report  is  read  with  closer  attention  than  anything 
else  in  the  newspapers.  Well  and  truthfully  did  Henry  W. 
Grady  say  in  his  tribute  to  the  cotton  plant: 

"The  sun  that  shines  on  it  is  tempered  by  the  prayers  of 
all  the  people.  The  shower  that  falls  whispering  on  its 
leaves  is  heard  around  the  world.  The  frost  that  chills  it 
and  the  dew  that  descends  from  the  stars  are  noted,  and  the 
trespass  of  a  little  worm  on  its  green  leaf  is  more  to  England 
than  the  advance  of  the  Russian  army  on  her  Asian  posts." 

When  cotton  prices  drop,  every  southern  man  feels  the 
blow;  when  cotton  prices  advance,  every  industry  throbs 
with  new  vigor.  For  the  last  five  crops  the  South  has  re- 
ceived nearly  $800,000,000  more  than  for  the  preceding  five 
crops,  nearly  twice  as  much  money  as  is  invested  in  all  our 
American  cotton  mills.  For  the  crop  of  1903  alone  she  re- 
ceived $325,000,000  more  than  for  the  crop  of  1898— a  sum 
which,  if  equally  divided,  would  give  a  surplus  of  $225  to 


550  Readings  in  American  History 

each  of  the  1,418,000  farms  growing  cotton,  or  $20  each  to 
every  one  of  the  16,000,000  inhabitants  of  the  Cotton  States. 
Small  wonder  that  southern  railways  report  heavier  increase 
in  earnings  than  lines  in  any  other  section  of  the  country. 
Small  wonder  that  the  assessed  valuation  of  southern  prop- 
erty is  now  increasing  three  times  as  rapidly  as  in  the  decade 
1890-1900.  Small  wonder  that  bank  deposits  in  the  southern 
States  from  1896  to  1903  increased  one  hundred  and  fifty- 
three  per  cent.,  while  the  increase  for  the  rest  of  the  United 
States  was  only  ninety  per  cent. ;  and  a  preliminary  state- 
ment which  the  Comptroller  of  the  Currency  has  just  sent 
me,  shows  that  the  increase  during  the  last  twelve  months 
has  been  more  than  two  and  one-half  times  as  rapid  in  the 
South  as  in  the  rest  of  the  country. 

It  is,  in  fact,  a  new  South  that  we  have.  The  factory,  the 
bank,  the  church,  the  school,  the  newspaper — all  are  bene- 
fited by  the  increase  in  prices  paid  for  the  South's  great  staple 
crop.  The  architect  will  tell  you  that  he  is  building  better 
houses  than  ever  before;  the  furniture  dealer  will  tell  you 
that  he  is  shipping  more  furniture  than  ever  before;  the 
manufacturer  of  implements  and  machinery  will  acknowledge 
that  southern  progress  astounds  him;  the  schools  report 
greatly  increasing  numbers  of  pupils;  and  even  the  preacher 
says  that,  for  once,  his  salary  is  paid  promptly  and  in  full, 
and  that  a  sermon  on  foreign  missions  is  now  unprecedentedly 
effective. 

The  social  changes  that  prosperity  will  bring  will  remodel 
southern  life.  It  will  restore  the  country  life  again  to  its 
dignified  place  of  the  old  time.  For  years,  the  countryman 
has  been  in  the  townsman's  debt.  Now  the  farmer  has 
money  to  lend.  This  will,  in  time,  bring  a  complete  social 
change. 

"  If  cotton  brings  about  ten  cents  for  the  next  ten  years," 
said  a  thoughtful  business  man  in  North  Carolina  to  me  the 
other  day,  "  the  South  will  again  become,  as  it  was  before  the 
war,  the  most  prosperous  section  of  our  country.  I  know  of 
no  industry  in  the  world  that  will  yield  larger  returns,  in 


The  Opening  of  a  New  Era  551 

proportion  to  the  capital  and  the  intelligence  required,  than 
cotton-growing  at  ten  cents  a  pound." 

And  the  price  bids  fair  to  remain  at  the  10-cent  mark. 
Excepting  the  two  periods,  1840-50  and  1891-1901,  it  has 
never  been  less.  If  a  5,000,000-bale  crop,  in  1859,  was 
marketed  at  11  cents,  why  should  not  a  12,000,000-bale  crop 
now  bring  10  cents?  With  the  increased  demand  for  labor 
from  railways  and  factories,  there  is  now  little  prospect  of 
pushing  the  production  beyond  12,000,000  bales. 

But  before  we  begin  a  discussion  of  the  larger  cotton  prob- 
lems, it  may  be  well  to  follow  briefly  the  story  of  a  cotton 
plant. 

Cotton  is  planted  throughout  the  South  just  as  soon  as  Growing 
danger  of  frost  passes,  this  time  varying  from  March  10th  cotton- 
in  Texas  and  Louisiana  to  May  1st  in  North  Carolina. 
Except  in  Texas,  the  guano  bill  is  enormous,  commercial 
fertilizers  costing  North  Carolina  cotton  growers  alone 
nearly  $5,000,000  each  season.  Of  late  years  there  has  been 
more  improvement  in  methods  of  planting  than  in  any  other 
phase  of  cotton  farming.  Formerly,  one  man  and  one  horse 
opened  the  furrow;  another  man  strewed  the  fertilizer;  an- 
other man  dropped  the  seeds;  and  another  man  with  a  horse 
covered  them.  Now  one  machine,  with  one  man  and  one 
horse,  does  all  this  work  at  once.  A  few  days  after  planting, 
the  long  green  line  of  two-leaved  plants  in  each  row  begins 
its  battle  with  grass — a  long,  thin  line,  for  the  cotton  seeds 
are  dropped  only  one  inch  apart,  though  later  the  plants 
are  thinned  out  so  as  to  stand  12  inches  apart.  Cotton 
begins  to  bloom  when  the  plant  is  from  five  to  eight  weeks 
old — beautiful  white  blooms  the  first  day,  pink  the  next,  and 
the  third  day  comes  the  tiny  green  boll.  Opening  gradually, 
the  boll  shows  four  or  five  distinct  lobes  of  cotton.  Picking 
or  harvesting  begins  in  August  in  Texas  and  in  September  in 
the  latitude  of  North  Carolina.  This  work  must  be  done 
entirely  by  hand  labor,  just  as  it  was  done  in  India  a  thou- 
sand years  ago.  In  this  part  of  the  South,  from  40  to  50 
cents  per  hundred-weight  is  paid  for  picking,  while  in  Trvas 


552  Readings  in  American  History 

as  much  as  one  dollar  is  sometimes  paid.  At  seventy-five 
cents  per  hundred-weight  of  seed  cotton — two-thirds  of  the 
weight  being  seed  and  one-third  lint  or  fibre — the  cost  of 
picking  is  2M  cents  per  pound  of  lint,  and  this,  a  few  years 
ago,  was  more  than  one-third  the  selling  price.  Now,  how- 
ever, the  seeds  sell  for  enough  to  pay  the  entire  expense  of 
picking.  .  .  . 

Kinds  of          Of  the  farms  in  the  ten  Cotton  States,  in  1900,  48  per  cent. 

farming.  were  worked  by  owners,  20  per  cent,  by  cash  tenants,  and 
31  per  cent,  by  share  tenants — showing  a  decrease  for  the 
decade  of  15  per  cent,  in  the  percentage  of  farms  managed 
by  owners,  a  gain  of  12  per  cent,  in  the  proportion  worked 
by  share  tenants,  and  a  gain  of  33  per  cent,  in  the  percentage 
operated  by  cash  tenants.  Of  share  tenants  there  are  several 
classes.  Some  rent  land  only,  paying  therefor  one-fourth 
of  the  farm  product;  others,  with  land,  stock,  tools,  and  one- 
half  of  the  fertilizer  furnished,  receive  one-half  the  crop; 
while  still  others  are  content  to  give  labor  only  for  one- 
third  of  the  yield. 

The  relative  decrease  in  the  number  of  farms  worked  by 
owners  during  the  last  census  decade  must  be  attributed  to 
the  emigration  of  farm-owners  to  towns,  as  a  result  of  the 
depression  in  cotton  prices.  With  the  turn  of  the  tide  in 
prices,  one  now  finds  abundant  evidence  of  a  similar  turn  in 
the  tide  of  emigration.  Young  men  of  executive  ability 
cannot  overlook  the  new  opportunities  for  money-making 
in  cotton  growing,  and  many  will  endeavor  to  revive  the  old 
plantation  system  of  farming.  On  the  other  hand,  farm 
lands  have  as  yet  advanced  but  little  in  value  in  proportion 
to  their  increased  earning  capacity,  and  many  small  farmers 
and  tenants  are  seizing  the  opportunity  to  buy.  "  I  can  take 
any  farm  in  my  county  and  pay  for  it  with  two  cotton  crops," 
says  a  member  of  the  North  Carolina  Board  of  Agriculture; 
and  one  farmer  within  a  few  miles  of  the  writer's  home  has 
paid  for  his  farm  with  one  year's  product;  though  this,  of 
course,  must  have  been  done  at  a  sacrifice  of  all  home  com- 
forts. Under  these  conditions,  the  proportion  of  tenants  is 


The  Opening  of  a  New  Era  553 

likely  to  decrease  during  this  decade,  and  the  proportion  of 
farms  worked  by  owners — now  19  per  cent,  for  negroes  and 
58  per  cent,  for  whites — to  be  correspondingly  increased. 
Tenants  will  buy  land,  and  non-resident  owners  will  return 
and  conduct  their  own  estates. 

One  of  the  largest  cotton  farms  in  North  Carolina  is  owned  A  typical 
by  Crossland  &    Everett,  in   Richmond  County.     This   is  farm' 
conducted  by  share  tenants,  who  furnish  labor,  pay  one- 
half   the   cost  of   the   fertilizer,   and   receive   one-half   the 
crop. 

"Two-thirds  of  our  croppers  are  white  men  with  their 
families  as  labor,"  Mr.  Everett  tells  me.  "We  make  it  a 
point  to  secure  tenants  who  have  families  of  boys,  thereby 
having  labor  under  their  control.  We  specify  in  our  agree- 
ment with  tenants  that  the  crop  is  to  be  planted,  worked, 
and  gathered  under  our  direction.  We  stipulate  also  the 
amount  of  supplies  they  are  to  have  each  month,  being  care- 
ful that  they  do  not  consume  as  much  as  their  labor  is  worth, 
thereby  causing  them  to  feel  that,  if  they  fail  to  comply 
with  their  contracts,  they  will  be  the  losers.  Thus  they  have 
an  interest  in  the  crop  in  excess  of  the  advances  made.  We 
provide  our  croppers  with  comfortable  houses;  allow  them 
to  have  garden,  potato,  and  other  vegetable  crops  for  the 
use  of  their  families;  encourage  them  to  keep  cows,  pigs, 
etc.;  and  thus  have  them  feel  that  they  are  at  home.  Last 
year,  they  cleared,  after  paying  all  their  crop  expenses,  from 
S100  to  $200  to  the  horse;  hence  they  are  contented  and 
work  well.  We  have  a  good  school,  and  the  children,  when 
not  in  the  farm  work,  are  in  school  from  three  to  six  months 
in  the  year.  We  have  churches  also,  and  they  attend  services 
and  Sunday  school  regularly." 

Messrs.  Crossland  &  Everett  have  kept  accurate  farm 
accounts  for  the  past  fourteen  years,  and  the  story  told  by 
their  books  shows  the  profit  of  cotton  growing  on  ordinary 
farm  land.  Estimating  the  value  of  a  good  one-horse  farm. 
with  improvements,  $1,000,  the  following  is  the  avi-ragi- 
yearly  expense  as  they  find  it: 


554  Readings  in  American  History 

Six  per  cent,  interest  on  farm  value,  per  year $60 . 00 

Taxes  on  same 10 . 00 

Wear  and  tear  of  mule 15 . 00 

Interest  on  value  of  mule 10 . 00 

One-half  cost  of  fertilizer 110. 00 

Tools,  and  keeping  same  in  repair 15 . 00 

Repairs  on  building,  etc 10 . 00 

Share  of  Superintendent's  expense 25 . 00 

Ginning  one-half  of  cotton 13 . 00 

Total $268.00 

To  offset  this,  Messrs.  Crossland  &  Everett  find  that  the 
average  production  of  cotton  on  each  one-horse  farm  during 
the  last  fourteen  years  has  been  6,850  pounds  of  lint,  and  the 
average  price  7/4  cents.  They  receive  one-half  the  crop; 
therefore,  against  expense  of  $268,  including  6  per  cent, 
interest,  they  have  had — 

3,425  pounds  of  lint  ®  7H  cents $265 . 43 

One-half  value  of  seed 62 . 57 

Total $328.00 

This  shows  a  profit  of  twelve  per  cent,  for  the  last  fourteen 
years.  Suppose,  however,  that  cotton  had  averaged  10  cents 
per  pound.  Then  we  should  have  more  than  19  per  cent, 
on  the  investment.  And  the  cotton  crop  of  Crossland  & 
Everett  last  year  was  sold  for  more  than  $40,000. 

There  are  cotton  plantations  in  Alabama,  the  delta  of 
Mississippi,  and  portions  of  Texas  and  Georgia  that  include 
as  much  as  30,000  acres  under  one  management.  These 
large  plantations  are  conducted  with  perfect  system,  and, 
necessarily,  in  the  most  business-like  manner.  Every  item 
of  expense,  even  to  the  wear  and  tear  of  a  wagon  or  the  life 
of  a  mule  or  a  horse,  is  accounted  for  by  a  system  of  book- 
keeping. Perhaps  several  commissaries  are  maintained, 
where  the  laborers  get  their  necessities.  One  of  these  great 
farms  employs  a  small  army  of  men  and  women,  and  the 
year's  profits,  if  the  price  for  the  staple  is  good,  would  pro- 
voke the  envy  of  successful  business  men  of  the  large  cities. 


The  Opening  of  a  New  Era  555 

From  what  has  been  said,  however,  the  reader  should  not  Average 
infer  that  the  bulk  of  our  cotton  crop  is  grown  on  great  farms- 
plantations,  as  such  is  not  the  case.     The  average  southern 
farmer  produces  only  about  ten  bales  per  year.     Other  crops 
are  grown,  of  course,  in  addition  to  cotton.     It  is  this  small 
farmer,  with  50  to  200  acres  to  call  his  own,  living  under  his 
own  vine  and  figtree,  working  himself,  and  with  children 
large  enough  to  do  most  of  the  hoeing  and  picking,  who  is 
getting  in  the  fullest  degree  the  new-found  wealth  in  cotton 
growing  that  means  so  much  to  the  prosperity  of  the  South. 

Probably  most  persons  outside  the  South  think  that  Negro 
negroes  grow  most  of  our  cotton  crop ;  but  this  is  by  no  means  labor- 
true.  Of  the  1,418,000  cotton  farms  reported  in  1900, 
849,000  were  operated  by  whites.  White  farmers  cultivated 
14,616,000  acres,  and  negro  farmers  9,650,000  acres.  The 
whites  owned  58  per  cent,  of  the  farms  operated  by  them, 
while  the  percentage  of  colored  owners  was  only  19.  "  Clearly 
the  central  feature  of  the  southern  farm  life  of  the  negro 
race,"  says  Prof.  W.  E.  DuBois,  "is  the  tenant  class— this 
half-million  black  men  who  hire  farms  on  various  terms, 
and  a  large  proportion  of  whom  stand  about  midway  between 
slavery  and  ownership." 

The  average  negro  farmer  of  the  more  thriftless  sort  can 
hardly  be  said  to  be  even  "half  way  between  slavery  and 
ownership."  Under  the  crop-lien  law,  at  the  beginning  of 
each  season  he  mortgages  his  yet  unplanted  crop  to  the 
merchant  in  order  to  get  supplies  to  live  on  through  the  year. 
Then  his  recklessness,  coupled  with  the  exorbitant  rate  of 
interest,  leads  him  to  buy  more  than  his  crop  pays  for;  and 
the  usual  condition  of  the  merchants'  books  at  marketing 
time  has  been  pretty  accurately  set  forth  in  the  popular 
negro  couplet: 

"Naught's  a  naught;  figger's  a  figgor: 
All  for  the  white  man,  and  none  for  the  nigger. 

The  next  year  this  story  is  repeated,  and  the  next,  and  the 
next.  But  now  the  crop  mortgage  is  disappearing  rapidly 


556 


Readings  in  American  History 


before  the  advancing  prices  of  cotton.  Many  white  fanners, 
as  well  as  colored,  have  been  the  slaves  of  this  crop-lien 
system.  "And  the  pathos  of  the  lien-farmer,"  as  has  been 
well  said,  "  is  that  he  is  always  only  twelve  months  from  free- 
dom. Better  that  he  should  eat  one  coarse  meal  a  day,  and 
wear  his  cheap  clothes  to  the  last  frazzle  of  decency,  and,  by 
one  unremitting  struggle,  break  his  chains." 

But  not  all  the  negroes  are  of  the  impoverished  class. 
The  first  bale  of  cotton  marketed  in  North  Carolina  this  year 
was  grown  by  a  negro,  and,  for  the  last  seven  years,  the  first 
bale  of  Georgia  cotton  has  come  from  the  farm  of  Deal  Jack- 
son, Dougherty  County's  leading  negro  cotton  grower.  His 
story  is  an  interesting  one.  Eighteen  years  ago,  he  borrowed 
$1,000  to  buy  a  run-down  farm,  giving  a  mortgage  on  the 
place  as  security.  He  has  since  made  purchases  of  adjacent 
farms,  and  now  has  2,000  acres  of  the  most  fertile  land  in 
Georgia.  He  and  his  family  run  nine  plows,  and  his  tenants 
thirty-six. 

Until  Eli  Whitney  invented  the  cotton-gin  in  1793,  the 
work  of  separating  the  seed  of  upland  cotton  from  the  lint 
was  done  entirely  by  hand;  and  it  is  said  that  the  most  ex- 
pert picker  could  not  clean  more  than  three  to  five  pounds 
of  seed  cotton  a  day.  The  essential  features  of  the  Whitney 
gin  have  never  been  supplanted  or  improved  upon;  but,  in 
recent  years,  gin  manufacturers  have  perfected  the  machinery, 
until  the  modern  gin  sucks  the  seed  cotton  from  the  farm 
wagon,  divides  the  lint  and  the  seed,  and  returns  the  lint 
cotton  baled,  with  its  seed  separated,  to  the  same  wagon 
within  an  hour.  These  new  gins  have  an  average  capacity 
of  thirty  bales  a  day.  Under  the  old  system,  the  completion 
of  two  bales  in  a  day  was  regarded  as  an  achievement. 

After  the  lint  cotton  is  separated  from  the  seed,  it  is 
packed  in  bales  of  an  average  weight  of  about  500  pounds. 
Endless  trouble  to  shippers  and  exporters  has  been  caused 
by  the  utter  lack  of  uniformity  in  the  size  of  cotton  bales. 
There  is  great  need  of  a  better  baling  system.  Mr.  Edward 
Atkinson,  one  of  our  highest  American  authorities  on  cotton 


The  Opening  of  a  New  Era  557 

subjects,  has  declared  that  cotton  is  "the  most  barbarously 
handled  commercial  product  in  the  world."  Besides  the 
lack  of  uniformity  in  the  size  of  the  bales,  gins  at  present  are 
able  to  pack  cotton  to  the  average  density  of  only  fourteen 
pounds  per  cubic  foot.  Every  bale  not  sold  to  local  mills, 
therefore,  must  be  sent  to  some  cotton  compress  and  the 
size  reduced  two-thirds  before  it  can  be  exported. 

The  round-lap  cylindrical  bale,  introduced  a  few  years  ago, 
was  hailed  by  many  as  filling  the  long-felt  want  for  a  better 
system;  but  the  beginning  of  the  end  came  recently  when 
the  company  that  owns  the  patent  was  thrown  into  the 
hands  of  a  receiver,  with  liabilities  much  in  excess  of  the 
assets.  The  round  bale  failed,  partly  because  the  world 
had  been  too  long  accustomed  to  the  square  form  to  take 
kindly  to  a  change;  partly  because  round  bales  do  not  pack 
so  compactly  as  square  bales,  just  as  logs  require  more  space 
than  plank;  and  partly  because  the  company  which  owned 
the  round-bale  presses  threatened  to  create  a  monopoly, 
only  leasing  its  machinery,  and  refusing  to  sell  it  outright 
on  any  terms. 

Just  now  another  baling  system — the  Whitman — is  com- 
ing into  prominence,  but  not  enough  is  known  of  it  us  yet 
to  justify  a  final  word  as  to  its  merits.  Its  promoters  claim 
that  it  packs  cotton  at  the  gin  to  such  density  as  to  do  away 
with  the  necessity  for  recompressing.  This  company  pro- 
poses to  sell  its  machinery  outright,  thus  avoiding  the  blunder 
of  the  round-lap  promoters. 

In  marketing  the  cotton  crop,  there  has  been  in  recent  Market- 
years  a  marvellous  gain  in  directness  and  economy.  For- 
merly, the  farmer  sold  to  his  merchant  at  the  nearest  town; 
the  merchant  sold  to  the  commission  merchant  in  the  city; 
the  commission  merchant  sold  to  the  dealer  at  the  seaport ;  t  In- 
seaport  dealer  sold  to  the  New  York  exporter;  the  NYw 
York  exporter  sold  to  Liverpool;  and  Liverpool  sold  to  Man- 
chester. Now  all  this  is  changed— how  greatly  changed  will 
be  seen  from  the  report  of  a  cotton-exporting  house  which 
handles  more  than  300,000  bales  each  season. 


558 


Readings  in  American  History 


"  The  old  method  of  the  planters,  of  consigning  their  cotton 
to  factors  for  sale,"  said  the  manager  of  an  exporting  house, 
"  is  almost  wholly  abolished,  intermediary  charges  having 
been  gradually  overcome  through  competition,  and  the  pro- 
ducer and  the  consumer  are  thus  brought  closer  together; 
and  the  farmer  gets  the  benefit  of  this  advantage.  The 
cotton  is  now  bought  on  the  plantations,  or  at  the  railway 
stations,  throughout  the  whole  cotton  belt,  by  the  repre- 
sentatives of  large  exporting  houses  and  by  the  mills.  Our 
firm  employs  more  than  one  hundred  buyers  for  this  purpose, 
and  the  cotton  is  shipped  daily  to  the  port,  where  it  is 
expeditiously  sampled,  classified,  weighed,  compressed,  and 
loaded  upon  ships  for  foreign  ports,  with  almost  incredible 
swiftness.  We  have  had  a  train  loaded  with  cotton  fifty 
miles  from  port  at  seven  in  the  morning,  and  by  seven  o'clock 
of  the  same  day — in  the  evening — it  has  been  stowed  on 
board  a  foreign  ship  and  bills  of  exchange  drawn  and  nego- 
tiated!" 

The  general  opinion  in  the  South  is  that  we  have  now 
entered  on  a  long  era  of  high  prices  for  cotton,  and  that  the 
supply  is  not  likely  to  become  large  enough  to  depress  them 
to  their  former  level.  The  South  might  increase  its  acreage, 
but  the  scarcity  of  labor  makes  this  impracticable.  Texas 
and  Mexico  might  add  much  to  the  total  supply,  but  the 
boll-weevil  now  stands  in  the  way  of  any  considerable  in- 
crease there.  Mr.  Edward  Atkinson  predicts  that,  for  fifty 
years  to  come,  the  South  will  have  a  virtual  monopoly  of 
the  world's  cotton  supply.  During  the  Civil  War  Mr.  Atkin- 
son imported  cotton  from  every  foreign  country  now  men- 
tioned as  a  probable  competitor  of  the  South,  and  his  verdict 
is  that  all  were  found  wanting. 

There  are  yet  many  wastes  in  cotton  culture.  One  waste, 
which  went  on  for  a  full  century  and  has  not  yet  been 
completely  stopped,  was  the  waste  of  cotton  seed.  The 
farmers  used  to  realize  only  $5,000,000  a  year  from  their 
cotton  seed;  now  they  receive  $100,000,000.  Another  waste 
is  in  the  reckless  use  of  commercial  fertilizers,  and  another 


The  Opening  of  a  New  Era  559 

the  even  more  reckless  selection  of  seed  for  planting.  Still 
another  waste,  likely  to  have  attention  now,  is  the  total  loss 
of  unopened  bolls.  By  threshing  these  in  parts  of  Texas 
last  year  nearly  $2,000,000  was  added  to  the  value  of  the 
crop.  If  it  is  possible  to  invent  an  effective  cotton-picker, 
then  it  is  fair  to  assume  that  we  are  wasting  $50,000,000 
yearly  in  depending  on  hand  labor  for  this  work.  Millions, 
too,  are  wasted  by  the  use  of  inefficient  tools,  and  millions 
more  through  unwise  methods  of  cultivation  and  failure  to 
rotate  crops.  The  cotton  boll-weevil  also  threatens  a  loss 
of  hundreds  of  millions  if  not  checked.  Lastly,  we  are  still 
shipping  60  per  cent,  of  our  cotton  to  Europe — almost  as 
uneconomic,  as  has  been  said,  as  it  would  be  to  ship  our  iron 
ore  instead  of  turning  at  into  the  finished  product  here. 

The  market  for  cotton  products  will  continue  to  increase. 
They  will  probably  increase  until  every  acre  of  tillable  land 
in  the  South  may  be  profitably  cultivated;  and  these  States 
will  realize,  in  a  different  way,  the  kingship  of  cotton  that  the 
Old  South  dreamed  of.  Fifty  years  ago,  the  whole  world 
produced  only  about  3,000,000  bales  (little  more  than  the 
present  product  of  Texas!).  This  year,  the  world's  product 
is  15,000,000  bales.  This  15,000,000  will  become  20,000,000 
within  a  few  decades;  and  half  this  vast  product  will  probably 
be  grown,  spun,  and  woven  in  the  South.  The  economic 
significance  of  this  reasonable  prediction  is  simply  this — 
that  no  other  part  of  the  world  will  become  so  rich  from  an 
agricultural  product. 

In  this  article,  nothing  has  been  said  about  the  enormous 
value  of  the  by-products  of  the  cotton  plant.  Nor  have  the 
southern  cotton  mills  been  described;  yet  more  cotton  is 
now  spun  in  the  South  than  in  the  North. 


560 


Readings  in  American  History 


104.    CONSERVATION  OF  NATURAL  RESOURCES 

On  May  13,  1908,  upon  the  invitation  of  President  Roosevelt, 
the  governors  of  the  several  States  and  large  numbers  of  national 
officials  came  together  at  the  White  House  for  a  conference  on  the 
conservation  of  natural  resources.  The  extract  given  is  from  the 
address  of  President  Roosevelt  on  that  occasion. — (Conference  of 
Governors  on  Ihe  Conservation  of  Natural  Resources,  May  13-15, 
1908,  pp.  3  passim,  60th  Congress,  2d  Session,  1908-9.  House  Docu- 
ments, Vol.  CXXVIII.) 

Governors  of  the  several  States;  and  gentlemen :  I  welcome 
you  to  this  conference  at  the  White  House.  You  have  come 
hither  at  my  request  so  that  we  may  join  together  to  consider 
the  question  of  the  conservation  and  use  of  the  great  funda- 
mental sources  of  wealth  in  this  nation.  So  vital  is  this 
question,  that  for  the  first  time  in  our  history  the  chief 
executive  officers  of  the  States  separately,  and  of  the  States 
together  forming  the  nation,  have  met  to  consider  it.  ... 

With  the  Governors  come  men  from  each  State  chosen  for 
their  special  acquaintance  with  the  terms  of  the  problem 
that  is  before  us.  Among  them  are  experts  in  natural  re- 
sources and  representatives  of  national  organizations  con- 
cerned in  the  development  and  use  of  these  resources;  the 
Senators  and  Representatives  in  Congress;  the  Supreme 
Court,  the  Cabinet,  and  the  Inland  Waterways  Commission 
have  likewise  been  invited  to  the  conference,  which  is  there- 
fore national  in  a  peculiar  sense. 

This  conference  on  the  conservation  of  natural  resources 
is  in  effect  a  meeting  of  the  representatives  of  all  the  people 
of  the  United  States  called  to  consider  the  weightiest  problem 
now  before  the  Nation;  and  the  occasion  for  the  meeting 
lies  in  the  fact  that  the  natural  resources  of  our  country  are 
in  danger  of  exhaustion  if  we  permit  the  old  wasteful  methods 
of  exploiting  them  longer  to  continue. 

With  the  rise  of  peoples  from  savagery  to  civilization,  and 
with  the  consequent  growth  in  the  extent  and  variety  of  the 
needs  of  the  average  man,  there  comes  a  steadily  increasing 


The  Opening  of  a  N<w  Era  561 

growth  in  the  amount  demanded  by  this  average  man  from 
the  actual  resources  of  the  country,  and  yet,  rather  curiously, 
at  the  same  time  that  there  comes  that  increase  in  what  the 
average  man  demands  from  the  resources  he  is  apt  to  lose 
the  sense  of  his  dependence  upon  nature.  .  .  ". 

Every  step  of  the  progress  of  mankind  is  marked  by  the 
discovery  and  use  of  natural  resources  previously  unused. 
Without  such  progressive  knowledge  and  utilization  of  natural 
resources  population  could  not  grow,  nor  industries  mul- 
tiply, nor  the  hidden  wealth  of  the  earth  be  developed  for  the 
benefit  of  mankind. 

From  the  first  beginnings  of  civilization,  on  the  banks  of  intensity 
the  Nile  and  the  Euphrates,  the  industrial  progress  of  the  g^™58611' 
world  has  gone  on  slowly,  with  occasional  set-backs,  but  on 
the  whole  steadily,  through  tens  of  centuries  to  the  present 
day.  .  .  .  But  of  late  the  rapidity  of  the  progress  has  in- 
creased at  such  a  rate  that  more  space  has  been  actually 
covered  during  the  century  and  a  quarter  occupied  by  our 
national  life  than  during  the  preceding  six  thousand  years 
that  take  us  back  to  the  earliest  monuments  of  Egypt,  to 
the  earliest  cities  of  the  Babylonian  plain. 

When  the  founders  of  this  nation  met  at  Independence 
Hall  in  Philadelphia  the  conditions  of  commerce  had  not 
fundamentally  changed  from  what  they  were  when  the 
Phoenician  keels  first  furroVed  the  lonely  waters  of  the 
Mediterranean.  .  .  .  Mining  was  carried  on  fundamentally 
as  it  had  been  carried  on  by  the  Pharaohs  in  the  countries 
adjacent  to  the  Red  Sea.  .  .  . 

In  1776,  the  wares  of  the  merchants  of  Boston,  of  Charles- 
ton, like  the  wares  of  the  merchants  of  Nineveh  and  Sidon, 
if  they  went  by  water,  were  carried  by  boats  propelled  by 
sails  or  oars;  if  they  went  by  land  were  carried  in  wagons 
drawn  by  beasts  of  draught  or  in  packs  on  the  backs  of 
beasts  of  burden.  The  ships  that  crossed  the  high  seas  were 
better  than  the  ships  that  three  thousand  years  before  crossed 
the  ^Egean,  but  they  were  of  the  same  type,  after  all— they 
were  wooden  ships  propelled  by  sails.  ...  On  land,  the  roads 


562  Readings  in  American  History 

at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  were  not  as  good  as  the 
roads  of  the  Roman  Empire,  while  the  service  of  the  posts 
was  probably  inferior. 

In  Washington's  time  anthracite  coal  was  known  only  as 
a  useless  black  stone;  and  the  great  fields  of  bituminous  coal 
were  undiscovered.  As  steam  was  unknown,  the  use  of  coal 
for  power  production  was  undreamed  of.  Water  was  prac- 
tically the  only  source  of  power,  save  the  labor  of  men  and 
animals;  and  this  power  was  used  only  in  the  most  primitive 
fashion.  But  a  few  small  iron  deposits  had  been  found  in 
this  country,  and  the  use  of  iron  by  our  countrymen  was  very 
small.  Wood  was  practically  the  only  fuel,  and  what  lum- 
ber was  sawed  was  consumed  locally,  while  the  forests  were 
regarded  chiefly  as  obstructions  to  settlement  and  culti- 
vation. .  .  . 

Such  was  the  degree  of  progress  to  which  civilized  mankind 
had  attained  when  this  nation  began  its  career.  It  is  almost 
impossible  for  us  in  this  day  to  realize  how  little  our  Revo- 
lutionary ancestors  knew  of  the  great  store  of  natural  re- 
sources whose  discovery  and  use  have  been  such  vital  factors 
in  the  growth  and  greatness  of  this  nation,  and  how  little  they 
required  to  take  from  this  store  in  order  to  satisfy  their  needs. 
Growth  of  Since  then  our  knowledge  and  the  use  of  the  resources  of 
andde-tl0n  ^ne  Present  territory  of  the  United  States  have  increased  a 
struction  hundred-fold.  Indeed,  the  growth  of  this  nation  by  leaps 
resources.  an(^  bounds  makes  one  of  the  most  striking  and  important 
chapters  in  the  history  of  the  world.  Its  growth  has  been 
due  to  the  rapid  development,  and  alas  that  it  should  be  said ! 
to  the  rapid  destruction  of  our  natural  resources.  Nature  has 
supplied  to  us  in  the  United  States,  and  still  supplies  to  us, 
more  kinds  of  resources  in  a  more  lavish  degree  than  has 
ever  been  the  case  at  any  other  time  or  with  any  other  people. 
Our  position  in  the  world  has  been  attained  by  the  extent 
and  thoroughness  of  the  control  we  have  achieved  over  nature; 
but  we  are  more,  and  not  less,  dependent  upon  what  she 
furnishes  than  at  any  previous  time  of  history  since  the  days 
of  primitive  man. 


The  Opening  of  a  New  Era  563 

Yet  our  fathers,  though  they  knew  so  little  of  the  resources 
of  the  country,  exercised  a  wise  forethought  in  reference 
thereto.  Washington  clearly  saw  that  the  perpetuity  of  the  state 
States  could  only  be  secured  by  union,  and  that  the  only  me^e. 
feasible  basis  of  union  was  an  economic  one;  in  other  words, 
that  it  must  be  based  on  the  development  and  use  of  their 
natural  resources.  Accordingly,  he  helped  to  outline  a  scheme 
of  commercial  development,  and  by  his  influence  an  inter- 
state waterways  commission  was  appointed  by  Virginia  and 
Maryland. 

It  met  near  where  we  are  now  meeting,  in  Alexandria, 
adjourned  to  Mount  Vernon,  and  took  up  the  consideration 
of  interstate  commerce  by  the  only  means  then  available, 
that  of  water.  Further  conferences  were  arranged,  first  at 
Annapolis  and  then  at  Philadelphia.  It  was  in  Philadelphia 
that  the  representatives  of  all  the  States  met  for  what  was 
in  its  original  conception  merely  a  waterways  conference; 
but  when  they  had  closed  their  deliberations  the  outcome 
was  the  Constitution  which  made  the  States  into  a  na- 
tion. .  .  . 

Since  the  days  when  the  Constitution  was  adopted,  steam   influence 
and    electricity    have   revolutionized    the   industrial    world.   °mSj  **\^. 
Nowhere  has  the  revolution  been  so  great  as  in  our  own   tnriiy. 
country.     The  discovery  and  utilization  of  mineral  fuels  and 
alloys  have  given  us  the  lead  over  all  other  nations  in  the 
production  of  steel.     The  discovery  and  utilization  of  coal 
and  iron  have  given  us  our  railways,  and  have  led  to  such 
industrial  development  as  has  never  before  been  seen.     The 
vast  wealth  of  lumber  in  our  forests,  the  riches  of  our  soils 
and  mines,  the  discovery  of  gold  and  mineral  oils,  combined 
with  the  efficiency  of  our  transportation,   have  made  the 
conditions   of   our   life   unparalleled   in   comfort   and   con- 
venience. .  .  . 

The  steadily  increasing  drain  on  these  natural  resources 
has  promoted  to  an  extraordinary  degree  the  complex! ty  <>f 
our  industrial  and  social  life.  Moreover,  this  uiwxampli-il 
development  has  had  a  determining  effect  upon  the  character 


564 


Readings  in  American  History 


Soils 
impover- 
ished. 


and  opinions  of  our  people.  The  demand  for  efficiency  in  the 
great  task  has  given  us  vigor,  effectiveness,  decision,  and 
power,  and  a  capacity  for  achievement  which  in  its  own  lines 
has  never  yet  been  matched.  So  great  and  so  rapid  has  been 
our  material  growth  that  there  has  been  a  tendency  to  lag 
behind  in  spiritual  and  moral  growth;  but  that  is  not  the 
subject  upon  which  I  speak  to  you  to-day. 

Disregarding  for  the  moment  the  question  of  moral  pur- 
pose, it  is  safe  to  say  that  the  prosperity  of  our  people  depends 
directly  on  the  energy  and  intelligence  with  which  our  natural 
resources  are  used.  It  is  equally  clear  that  these  resources 
are  the  final  basis  of  national  power  and  perpetuity.  Fi- 
nally, it  is  ominously  evident  that  these  resources  are  in  the 
course  of  rapid  exhaustion. 

This  nation  began  with  the  belief  that  its  landed  posses- 
sions were  illimitable  and  capable  of  supporting  all  the  people 
who  might  care  to  make  our  country  their  home;  but  already 
the  limit  of  unsettled  land  is  in  sight,  and,  indeed,  but  little 
land  fitted  for  agriculture  now  remains  unoccupied,  save 
what  can  be  reclaimed  by  irrigation  and  drainage.  We 
began  with  an  unapproached  heritage  of  forests;  more  than 
half  of  the  timber  is  gone.  We  began  with  coal  fields  more 
extensive  than  those  of  any  other  nation,  and  with  iron  ores 
regarded  as  inexhaustible,  and  many  experts  now  declare 
that  the  end  of  both  iron  and  coal  is  in  sight. 

The  mere  increase  in  our  consumption  of  coal  during  1907 
over  1906  exceeded  the  total  consumption  in  1876,  the  cen- 
tennial year.  The  enormous  stores  of  mineral,  oils,  and  gas 
are  largely  gone.  Our  natural  waterways  are  not  gone,  but 
they  have  been  so  injured  by  neglect,  and  by  the  division  of 
responsibility  and  utter  lack  of  system  in  dealing  with  them, 
that  there  is  less  navigation  on  them  now  than  there  was 
fifty  years  ago.  Finally,  we  began  with  soils  of  unexampled 
fertility,  and  we  have  so  impoverished  them  by  injudicious 
use  and  by  failing  to  check  erosion  that  their  crop-producing 
power  is  diminishing  instead  of  increasing.  In  a  word,  we 
have  thoughtlessly,  and  to  a  large  degree  unnecessarily, 


The  Opening  of  a  Xctc  Era 


665 


sources 


Classes  i  >f 
resources. 


diminished  the  resources  upon  which  not  only  our  prosperity 
but  the  prosperity  of  our  children  must  always  depend. 

We  have  become  great  because  of  the  lavish  use  of  our  what  win 
resources,  and  we  have  just  reason  to  be  proud  of  our  growth.  haPP«n 
But  the  time  has  come  to  inquire  seriously  what  will  happen 
when  our  forests  are  gone,  when  the  coal,  the  iron,  the  oil, 
and  the  gas  are  exhausted,  when  the  soils  shall  have  been 
still  further  impoverished  and  washed  into  the  streams,  pol- 
luting the  rivers,  denuding  the  fields,  and  obstructing  navi- 
gation. These  questions  do  not  relate  only  to  the  next  cen- 
tury, or  to  the  next  generation.  It  is  time  for  us  now  as  a 
nation  to  exercise  the  same  reasonable  foresight  in  dealing 
with  our  great  natural  resources  that  would  be  shown  by 
any  prudent  man  in  conserving  and  widely  using  the  prop- 
erty which  contains  the  assurance  of  well-being  for  himself 
and  his  children.  .  .  . 

The  natural  resources  I  have  enumerated  can  be  divided 
into  two  sharply  distinguished  classes  accordingly  as  they 
are,  or  are  not  capable  of  renewal.  Mines,  if  used,  must 
necessarily  be  exhausted.  The  minerals  do  not  and  can  not 
renew  themselves.  Therefore,  in  dealing  with  the  coal,  the 
oil,  the  gas,  the  iron,  the  metals  generally,  all  that  we  can  do 
is  to  try  to  see  that  they  are  wisely  used.  The  exhaustion 
is  certain  to  come  in  time.  .  .  . 

The  second  class  of  resources  consists  of  those  which  can 
not  only  be  used  in  such  manner  as  to  leave  them  undimin- 
ished  for  our  children,  but  can  actually  be  improved  by  wise 
use.  The  soil,  the  forests,  the  waterways  come  in  this  cate- 
gory. ...  In  dealing  with  mineral  resources,  man  is  able 
to  improve  on  nature  only  by  putting  the  resources  to  a 
beneficial  use  which  in  the  end  exhausts  them;  but  in  deal- 
ing with  the  soil  and  its  products  man  can  improve  on 
nature  by  compelling  the  resources  to  renew  and  even  re- 
construct themselves  in  such  manner  as  to  serve  increasingly 
beneficial  uses  —  while  the  living  waters  can  be  so  controlled 
as  to  multiply  their  benefits. 

Neither  the  primitive  man  nor  the  pioneer  was  aware  of 


566 


Readings  in  American  History 


The 

pioneer 

and 

natural 

resources. 


any  duty  to  posterity  in  dealing  with  the  renewable  resources. 
When  the  American  settler  felled  the  forests,  he  felt  that  there 
was  plenty  of  forest  left  for  the  sons  who  came  after  him. 
When  he  exhausted  the  soil  of  his  farm  he  felt  that  his  son 
could  go  west  and  take  up  another.  ...  So  it  was  with  his 
immediate  successors.  When  the  soil-wash  from  the  farm- 
er's fields  choked  the  neighboring  rivers  he  thought  only  of 
using  the  railway  rather  than  boats  for  moving  his  produce 
and  supplies.  .  .  . 

Now  all  this  is  changed.  On  the  average  the  son  of  the 
farmer  of  to-day  must  make  his  living  on  his  father's  farm. 
There  is  no  difficulty  in  doing  this  if  the  father  will  exercise 
wisdom.  No  wise  use  of  a  farm  exhausts  its  fertility.  So 
with  the  forests.  We  are  over  the  verge  of  a  timber  famine 
in  this  country,  and  it  is  unpardonable  for  the  nation  or  the 
States  to  permit  any  further  cutting  of  our  timber,  save  in 
accordance  with  a  system  which  will  provide  that  the  next 
generation  shall  see  the  timber  increased  instead  of  dimin- 
ished. 

We  can,  moreover,  add  enormous  tracts  of  the  most  valu- 
able possible  agricultural  lands  to  the  national  domain  by 
irrigation  in  the  arid  and  semi-arid  and  by  drainage  of  great 
tracts  of  swamp  land  in  the  humid  regions.  We  can  enor- 
mously increase  our  transportation  facilities  by  the  canaliza- 
tion of  our  rivers  so  as  to  complete  a  great  system  of  water- 
ways on  the  Pacific,  Atlantic,  and  Gulf  coasts,  and  in  the 
Mississippi  valley,  from  the  Great  Plains  to  the  Alleghenies, 
and  from  the  northern  lakes  to  the  mouth  of  the  mighty 
Father  of  Waters.  But  all  these  various  uses  of  our  natural 
resources  are  so  clearly  connected  that  they  should  be  co- 
ordinated, and  should  be  treated  as  part  of  one  coherent 
plan,  and  not  in  haphazard  and  piecemeal  fashion. 

It  is  largely  because  of  this  that  I  appointed  the  Waterways 
Commission  last  year,  and  that  I  have  sought  to  perpetuate 
its  work.  I  wish  to  take  this  opportunity  to  express  in 
heartiest  fashion  my  acknowledgment  to  all  the  members  of 
the  Commission.  At  great  personal  sacrifice  of  time  and 


The  Opening  of  a  New  Era  567 

effort  they  have  rendered  a  service  to  the  public  for  which 
we  can  not  be  too  grateful.  Especial  credit  is  due  to  the 
initiative,  the  energy,  the  devotion  to  duty,  and  the  far- 
sightedness of  Gifford  Pinchot,  to  whom  we  owe  so  much  of 
the  progress  we  have  already  made  in  handling  this  matter 
of  the  coordination  and  conservation  of  natural  resources. 
If  it  had  not  been  for  him  this  convention  neither  would  nor 
could  have  been  called. 

We  are  coming  to  recognize  as  never  before  the  right  of  Duty  of 
the  nation  to  guard  its  own  future  in  the  essential  matter  of  the  natlon- 
natural  resources.  In  the  past  we  have  admitted  the  right 
of  the  individual  to  injure  the  future  of  the  republic  for  his 
own  present  profit.  The  time  has  come  for  a  change.  As  a 
people,  we  have  the  right  and  the  duty,  second  to  none  other 
but  the  right  and  duty  of  obeying  the  moral  law,  of  requiring 
and  doing  justice,  to  protect  ourselves  and  our  children 
against  the  wasteful  development  of  our  natural  resources, 
whether  that  waste  is  caused  by  the  actual  destruction  of 
such  resources  or  by  making  them  impossible  of  develop- 
ment hereafter. 

Any  right-thinking  father  earnestly  desires  and  strives  to 
leave  his  son  both  an  untarnished  name  and  a  reasonable 
equipment  for  the  struggle  of  life.  So  this  nation,  as  a  whole, 
should  earnestly  desire  and  strive  to  leave  to  the  next  genera- 
tion the  national  honor  unstained  and  the  national  resources 
unexhausted.  There  are  signs  that  both  the  nation  and  the 
States  are  waking  to  a  realization  of  this  great  truth.  On  Notable 
March  10,  1908,  the  Supreme  Court  of  Maine  rendered  an  Sain!?, 
exceedingly  important  judicial  decision.  This  opinion  was 
rendered  in  response  to  questions  as  to  the  right  of  the 
Legislature  to  restrict  the  cutting  of  trees  on  private  land 
for  the  prevention  of  droughts  and  floods,  the  preservation 
of  the  natural  water  supply,  and  the  prevention  of  the  erosion 
of  such  lands,  and  the  consequent  filling  up  of  rivers,  pom  Is 
and  lakes.  The  forests  and  water  power  of  Maine  constitute 
the  larger  part  of  her  wealth  and  form  the  basis  of  her  in- 
dustrial life,  and  the  question  submitted  by  the  Maine  Srn- 


568 


Readings  in  American  History 


ate  to  the  Supreme  Court  and  the  answer  of  the  Supreme 
Court  alike  bear  testimony  to  the  wisdom  of  the  people  of 
Maine,  and  clearly  define  a  poliey  of  conservation  of  natural 
resources,  the  adoption  of  which  is  of  vital  importance,  not 
merely  to  Maine,  but  to  the  whole  country. 

Such  a  policy  will  preserve  soil,  forests,  water  power  as  a 
heritage  for  the  children  and  the  children's  children  of  the 
men  and  women  of  this  generation;  for  any  enactment  that 
provides  for  the  wise  utilization  of  forest,  whether  in  public* 
or  private  ownership,  and  for  the  conservation  of  the  water 
resources  of  the  country,  must  necessarily  be  legislation  that 
will  promote  both  private  and  public  welfare;  for  flood  pre- 
vention, water-power  development,  preservation  of  the  soil, 
and  improvement  of  navigable  rivers  are  all  promoted  by- 
such  a  policy  of  forest  conservation. 

The  opinion  of  the  Maine  supreme  bench  sets  forth  un- 
equivocally the  principle  that  the  property  rights  of  the  in- 
dividual are  subordinate  to  the  rights  of  the  community,  and 
especially  that  the  waste  of  wild  timber  land  derived  origi- 
nally from  the  State,  involving  as  it  would  the  impoverish- 
ment of  the  State  and  its  people,  and  thereby  defeating  one 
great  purpose  of  government,  may  properly  be  prevented  by 
State  restrictions. 

The  court  says  that  there  are  two  reasons  why  the  right 
of  the  public  to  control  and  limit  the  use  of  private  property 
is  peculiarly  applicable  to  property  in  land:  "First,  such 
property  is  not  the  result  of  productive  labor,  but  is  derived 
solely  from  the  State  itself,  the  original  owner;  second,  the 
amount  of  land  being  incapable  of  increase,  if  the  owners  of 
large  tracts  can  waste  them  at  will  without  State  restriction, 
the  State  and  its  people  may  be  helplessly  impoverished 
and  the  one  great  purpose  of  government  defeated.  .  .  .  We 
do  not  think  the  proposed  legislation  would  operate  to  '  take ' 
private  property  within  the  inhibition  of  the  Constitution. 
While  it  might  restrict  the  owner  of  wild  and  uncultivated 
lands  in  his  use  of  them,  might  delay  his  taking  some  of  the 
product,  might  delay  his  anticipated  profits  and  even  might 


The  Opening  of  a  Xew  Era  569 

thereby  cause  him  some  loss  of  profit,  it  would  nevertheless 
leave  him  his  lands,  their  product  and  increase,  untouched, 
and  without  diminution  of  title,  estate  or  quantity.  He 
would  still  have  large  measure  of  control  and  large  oppor- 
tunities to  realize  values.  He  might  suffer  delay  but  not 
privation.  .  .  .  The  proposed  legislation  .  .  .  would  be 
within  the  legislative  power  and  would  not  operate  as  a 
taking  of  private  property  for  which  compensation  must  be 
made." 

The  Court  of  Errors  and  Appeals  of  Xew  Jersey  has  adopted 
a  similar  view,  which  has  recently  been  sustained  by  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  In  delivering  the  opin- 
ion of  the  court  on  April  6,  1908,  Mr.  Justice  Holmes  said: 

"The  State  as  quasi-sovereign  and  representative  of  the   Decision 
interests  of  the  public  has  a  standing  in  court  to  protect  the  2f  the 

i  i  i  •  Supreme 

atmosphere,  the  water,  and  the  forests  within  its  territory,  Court  of 
irrespective  of  the  assent  or  dissent  of  the  private  owners  of  s^tea"^ 
the  land  most  immediately  concerned.  ...  It  appears  to 
us  that  few  public  interests  are  more  obvious,  indisputable, 
and  independent  of  particular  theory  than  the  interest  of  the. 
public  of  a  State  to  maintain  the  rivers  that  are  wholly 
within  it  substantially  undiminished,  except  by  such  drafts 
upon  them  as  the  guardian  of  the  public  welfare  may  •permit 
for  the  purpose  of  turning  them  to  a  more  perfect  use.  This 
public  interest  is  omnipresent  wherever  there  is  a  State, 
and  grows  more  pressing  as  population  grows.  .  .  .  We  are 
of  opinion,  further,  that  the  constitutional  power  of  the  State 
to  insist  that  its  natural  advantages  shall  remain  unimpaired 
by  its  citizens  is  not  dependent  upon  any  nice  estimate  of 
the  extent  of  present  use  or  speculation  as  to  future  needs. 
The  legal  conception  of  the  necessary  is  apt  to  be  confine  I 
to  somewhat  rudimentary  wants,  and  there  are  benefits 
from  a  great  river  that  might  escape  a  lawyer's  view.  The 
State,  however,  is  not  required  to  submit  even  to  an  aesthetic 
analysis.  Any  analysis  may  be  inadequate.  It  finds  itself 
in  possession  of  what  all  admit  to  be  a  great  public  good,  :nnl 
what  it  has  it  may  keep  and  give  no  one  a  reason  for  its  will." 


570  Readings  in  American  History 

These  decisions  reach  the  root  of  the  idea  of  the  conser- 
vation of  our  resources  in  the  interests  of  our  people. 

105.     THE  INAUGURATION  OF  WOODROW  WILSON  AS  PRESI- 
DENT OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  MARCH  4,  1913 

On  November  3,  1912,  Woodrow  Wilson,  who  was  at  the  time 
governor  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey,  was  elected  President  of  the 
United  States.  President  Wilson  was  the  candidate  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party.  His  chief  opponents  for  the  office  were  William 
Howard  Taft,  representing  the  Republican  party,  and  Theodore 
Roosevelt,  candidate  of  the  Progressive  party. — The  account  of  the 
inaugural  ceremonies  here  given  appeared  in  the  Chicago  Record- 
Herald  for  March  5,  1913. 

INAUGURAL  CEREMONIES 

At  five  minutes  to  12  Carl  Loeffler,  one  of  the  assistant 
doorkeepers,  caused  a  sigh  in  the  galleries  by  setting  the 
Senate  clock  back  a  half  hour.  The  Senate  still  had  business 
to  attend  to  before  it  was  declared  adjourned  sine  die.  .  .  . 

Senator  Warren  announced  that  the  committee  appointed 
by  the  Senate  to  act  with  a  like  committee  from  the  House 
to  wait  on  the  President  and  ask  him  if  he  had  any  further 
message  to  send  to  Congress  had  fulfilled  its  duty,  and  had 
to  report  that: 

"President  Taft  has  no  further  communication  to  make 
to  Congress." 

The  first  two  words  were  accented. 

Here,  in  thrilling  fashion,  those  privileged  to  see  the  in- 
auguration at  close  range  had  it  borne  to  them  that  the  end 
of  an  administration  was  at  hand — that  a  President  was  pass- 
ing; that  a  Republican  President  was  about  to  turn  over 
the  ship  of  state  to  the  man  who  had  defeated  him  before 
the  electorate.  .  .  . 

The  clock  cannot  be  turned  backward  forever. 

Suddenly  the  whole  situation  changes.  Without  a  formal 
word  the  affairs  of  legislation  are  dropped.  There  comes  to 
the  secretary's  desk  a  resolution  expressing  the  thanks  of  the 


The  Opening  of  a  Neio  Era  571 

Senate  for  the  services  rendered  during  the  session  by  the 
president  pro  tempore  duet — Gallinger  of  New  Hampshire 
and  Bacon  of  Georgia.  It  is  adopted  and  Poindexter  per- 
functorily resumes  his  talk  on  extraneous  affairs.  .  . 

In  a  lull  the  sergeant-at-arms  proceeds  halfway  down  the 
center  aisle,  immediately  is  recognized  by  the  president  pro 
tempore  and  announces: 

"The  speaker  and  members  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives of  the  United  States." 

The  House  has  adjourned  sine  die  and  has  forced  itself  on 
the  tardy  Senate  to  cut  short  the  delayed  work.  Speaker 
Clark  moves  down  the  aisle  and  takes  a  seat  with  the  pre- 
siding officer  of  the  Senate.  Just  behind  comes  "Uncle 
Joe"  Cannon,  the  czar  who  was,  carrying  his  coat  on  his  arm. 

The  Senate  arises  as  the  members  of  the  House  file  in, 
not  by  one  door,  but  by  three.  It  is  1 1 : 55  by  the  clock, 
which  is  a  half-hour  overdue.  .  .  . 

"  Ambassadors  and  ministers  plenipotentiary  to  the  United 
States,"  announces  the  sergeant-at-arms,  bowing  low,  and 
down  the  aisle  in  dazzling  uniforms,  their  breasts  covered  with 
medals  and  insignia  of  orders,  come  the  men  who  represent 
the  other  governments  of  the  earth,  great  and  small,  at  the 
American  capital. 

Leading  the  gold-embroidered  galaxy  is  M.  Jusserand, 
ambassador  from  France;  next  to  him  is  the  Right  Honor- 
able James  Bryce,  O.  M.,  ambassador  from  Great  Britain; 
next  is  Count  von  Bernstorff,  ambassador  from  Germany; 
Youssouf  Zia  Pacha,  ambassador  from  Turkey,  follows,  pre- 
senting a  front  of  embroidery  that  looks  like  a  solid  shield 
of  gold,  across  which  is  worn  a  broad  green  sash. 

The  Russian  ambassador,  George  Bakhmeteff,  is  strikingly 
arrayed  in  white  trousers,  with  the  regulation  gold  habili- 
ments adorning  his  upper  person. 

Most  striking  of  all  is  the  Italian  ambassador,  the  Marquis 
Cusani  Confalonieri,  whose  gold  embroidery  is  limited,  but 
whose  uniform  from  head  to  foot  is  of  brightest  red.  It  is 
the  uniform  of  the  Knights  of  Malta.  On  his  breast  he  wears 


572  Readings  in  American  History 

many  medals  and  jewels  bestowed  upon  him  by  various 
governments. 

Jeffersonian  simplicity  is  foreign  to  the  courts  of  Europe 
and  to  the  diplomats  as  a  whole  who  represent  their  rulers 
at  the  American  capital,  and  the  foreign  ambassadors  and 
ministers  in  all  their  glory  are  part  and  parcel  of  inaugural 
and  other  ceremonious  events  taking  place  at  the  seat  of  the 
United  States  government. 

"  The  chief  justice  and  the  associate  justices  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United. States,"  announces  the  sergeant-at-arms 
at  the  next  rap  of  the  gavel. 

Again  the  members  of  the  Senate  and  others  on  the  floor 
rise  in  their  places.  Nine  solemn,  black-robed  interpreters 
of  the  law  move  impressively  down  the  aisle.  As  they  reach 
the  front  the  chief  justice  and  others  in  turn  bow  to  the  pre- 
siding officer.  The  Senate  is  seated  for  another  brief  moment. 

Now  it  is  12:01  by  the  belated  clock.  The  stir  at  the 
main  entrance  indicates  the  approach  of  the  new  adminis- 
tration in  physical  form.  Now  the  sergeant-at-arms  ad- 
vances and  announces: 

"The  Vice  President-elect  of  the  United  States." 

Escorted  by  Senators  Crane  and  Bacon  and  followed  by 
the  other  members  of  the  Congressional  committee  on  in- 
augural arrangements,  Thomas  R.  Marshall  proceeds  down 
the  center  aisle  and  is  seated  in  the  seal-brown  leather  chair 
placed  just  below  and  to  the  right  of  the  presiding  officer's 
dais. 

Meanwhile  the  members  of  the  retiring  Taft  cabinet  have 
entered  the  chamber  unannounced  from  the  marble  room  in 
the  rear  and  have  taken  seats  adjoining  those  occupied  by 
members  of  the  diplomatic  corps.  There  are  not  enough 
seats  to  go  around,  however,  and  Secretary  of  the  Interior 
Fisher  democratically  squats  on  the  steps  leading  to  the 
Secretary's  desk.  .  .  . 

And  now  the  thrilling  entrance  is  at  hand.  A  bevy  of 
gold-laced  aides  appears  in  the  doorway  and  the  galleries  are 
breathless  as  the  sergeant-at-arms  proclaims: 


The  Open  ing  of  a  AW  Krn  :~:\ 

"The  President  of  the  United  States;  the  President-elect 
of  the  United  States." 

Not  a  cheer,  not  a  ripple  of  applause  greets  the  entrance 
of  the  old  and  the  new.  The  outbursts  of  enthusiasm  are  for 
another  place.  Here  in  the  Senate  chamber  all  is  solemn 
and  formal. 

Preceded  by  the  aides,  the  retiring  and  incoming  Presidents 
proceed  to  the  seats  set  for  them  facing  the  body  of  the 
chamber  at  slow,  almost  funeral  gait.  President  Taft  is  on 
the  right  of  the  President-elect.  .  .  . 

Without  further  ceremony  or  announcement,  as  soon  as 
those  on  the  Senate  floor  have  resumed  their  seats  following 
the  entry  of  the  President  and  President-elect  and  just  as 
if  there  had  been  a  rehearsal  in  advance,  as  in  the  case  of 
fashionable  weddings,  the  Vice  President-elect  arises,  faces 
the  president  pro  tempore,  raises  high  his  right  fiand  and 
takes  the  oath  of  his  new  office.  .  .  . 

A  second  later  the  gavel  was  in  the  hands  of  the  new  Vice 
President,  the  Senate  of  a  new  Congress  was  called  to  order 
and  all,  on  the  Senate  floor  and  in  the  galleries  alike,  arose  as 
Vice  President  Marshall  said : 

"  Let  us  reverently  attend  while  the  chaplain  invokes  the 
blessing  of  our  God  and  Father  upon  us." 

As  soon  as  the  prayer  was  finished  the  Vice  President  de- 
livered his  inaugural  address.  After  that  the  new  senators 
and  senators  who  had  been  re-elected  for  another  term  were 
sworn  in  and  then  the  procession'  was  formed  for  the  march 
to  the  east  front  of  the  capitol,  where  the  oath  of  office  was 
to  be  administered  to  President  Wilson.  .  .  . 

What  a  scene  it  was  that  greeted  the  eye  of  the  person 
stepping  from  the  rotunda  of  the  great  capitol  building  to 
the  expansive  stand  erected  for  the  inaugural  ceremonies! 
A  broad,  red-carpeted,  inclined  aisle  led  from  the  main  door 
of  the  capitol  to  the  stand  upon  which  the  presidential  oath 
was  to  be  administered  and  from  which  the  new  President 
was  to  deliver  his  inaugural  address. 

On  either  side  were  seats  reserved  for  the  senator  and 


574  Readings  in  American  History 

members  of  the  House  and  for  their  guests  who  had  been 
admitted  to  the  Senate  galleries  to  witness  the  carrying  out 
of  the  first  part  of  the  impressive  programme.  On  either 
side  were  titanic  stands  already  peopled  by  thousands  of 
spectators. 

In  the  acre  or  two  immediately  fronting  the  presidential 
stand  were  the  future  admirals  of  the  navy  and  generals  of  the 
army — the  cadets  from  the  military  academy  at  West  Point 
in  dashing  grey,  and  the  cadets  from  the  naval  academy  at 
Annapolis  wrapped  in  their  dull  blue  overcoats. 

In  the  vast  expanse  of  the  plaza  beyond  was  the  multitude, 
the  assemblage  of  plain  American  people  there  to  witness  a 
historic  event  and  to  hear  their  own  cheers,  if  not  the  spoken 
words  of  the  inaugural  message. 

The  roofs  of  the  Senate  and  House  wings  of  the  capitol 
were  crowded  with  spectators.  .  .  . 

At  1 : 09  o'clock,  correct  time,  four  members  of  the  capitol 
police  force  led  the  march  from  the  Senate  chamber  down  the 
broad  carpeted  aisle  of  the  inaugural  stand.  Behind  them 
came  the  chief  justice  of  the  United  States  and  the  associate 
justices  of  the  Supreme  Court.  Behind  them  came  the  mil- 
itary and  naval  aides  of  the  President,  preceding  the  Presi- 
dent and  the  President-elect  walking  abreast. 

While  the  crowd  in  front  was  cheering  the  incoming  Presi- 
dent the  crowd  on  the  stands  on  the  sides  was  paying  atten- 
tion to  other  figures  forming  part  of  the  procession. 

The  Senate  filed  in  from  the  capitol,  followed  by  members 
of  the  Taft  cabinet,  who  took  seats  in  the  front  row  of  the 
main  stand  on  the  right-hand  side.  The  diplomats  took 
seats  in  front  on  the  left.  The  members  of  the  House  took 
seats  on  one  side  of  the  aisle  and  the  members  of  the  Senate 
on  the  other. 

At  1 : 36  by  the  watch  the  new  President  rose  and,  facing 
the  chief  justice,  placed  his  hand  on  the  Bible  and  took  the 
following  oath: 

"  I  do  solemnly  swear  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the 
office  of  President  of  the  United  States  and  will,  to  the  best 


The  Opening  of  a  New  Era  575 

of  my  ability,  preserve,  protect  and  defend  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States." 

Bending  forward,  President  Wilson  reverently  kissed  the 
book  of  God.  Former  President  Taft  waved  his  hat  by 
way  of  warning  to  the  crowd  not  to  cheer  until  the  solemn 
ceremonial  had  been  completed.  .  .  . 

It  was  a  short  message  which  the  President  delivered, 
and  as  no  man  could  make  himself  heard  more  than  a  com- 
paratively few  feet  away  in  such  a  setting,  the  cheers  and 
applause  that  greeted  some  of  the  striking  statements  were 
not  what  they  would  have  been  had  the  address  been  delivered 
in  a  public  hall. 

The  reference  to  the  tariff  evoked  cheers  that  showed  the 
demand  for  thorough  revision  on  the  part  of  a  large  element 
of  the  population  as  represented  by  the  visitors  to  the 
Democratic  inauguration. 

Cries  of  "Good!"  arose  when  in  the  next  to  the  concluding 
paragraph  of  his  address  the  President  declared: 

"  I  summon  all  honest  men,  all  patriotic,  all  forward-looking 
men,  to  my  side." 

As  he  uttered  the  last  words  of  his  address  the  President 
turned  to  receive  the  hand-grasp  of  Vice  President  Marshall, 
who  had  come  to  the  stand  after  leading  the  members  of  the 
Senate  to  their  places  on  the  platform.  Mr.  Bryan  then 
shook  his  hand,  and  former  President  Taft  addressed  him 
for  the  first  time  as  President. 

Tremendous  cheers  for  Bryan  were  given  as  the  latter  left 
the  stand  and  made  his  way  back  over  the  platform  to  the 
capitol.  .  .  . 

It  was  now  President  Wilson  and  former  President  Taft. 
As  the  way  was  being  cleared  for  the  carriage  to  draw  up  to 
the  stand  and  take  the  President  and  former  President  on 
the  return  trip  to  the  White  House,  ex-President  Taft 
relaxed. 

No  longer  did  the  burdens  of  state  rest  heavily  upon  him. 
He  seemed  to  exude  gladness  that  the  official  life  to  which 
he  never  expects  to  return  was  over.  He  seemed  to  feel 


570  Readings  in  American  History 

like  a  boy — like  one   who   suddenly  feels   no   restraint   of 
position. 

As  a  citizen  he  could  laugh  and  talk  and  joke,  not  with 
that  lurking  feeling  of  responsibility  in  the  background  that 
is  felt  when  a  chief  executive  laughs  and  talks  and  jokes, 
but  just  as  plain  Bill  Taft,  or  Dr.  Taft,  if  you  will,  who  soon 
will  be  engaged  in  the  work  of  teaching  constitutional  law 
to  young  men  of  the  land  and  not  upholding  it  in  an  official 
capacity.  .  .  . 

INAUGURAL   MESSAGE    OF   PRESIDENT    WOODROW    WILSON 

There  has  been  a  change  of  government.  It  began  two 
years  ago,  when  the  House  of  Representatives  became  Demo- 
cratic by  a  decisive  majority.  It  has  now  been  completed. 
The  Senate  about  to  assemble  will  also  be  Democratic.  The 
offices  of  President  and  Vice  President  have  been  put  into 
the  hands  of  Democrats. 

What  does  the  change  mean?  That  is  the  question  that 
is  uppermost  in  our  minds  to-day.  That  is  the  question  I 
am  going  to  try  to  answer,  in  order,  if  I  may,  to  interpret  the 
occasion. 

It  means  much  more  than  the  mere  success  of  a  party. 
The  success  of  a  party  means  little  except  when  the  nation 
is  using  that  party  for  a  large  and  definite  purpose.  Xo  one 
can  mistake  the  purpose  for  which  the  nation  now  seeks  to 
use  the  Democratic  party.  It  seeks  to  use  it  to  interpret 
a  change  in  its  own  plans  and  point  of  view. 

Some  old  things  with  which  we  had  grown  familiar,  and 
which  had  begun  to  creep  into  the  very  habit  of  our  thought 
and  of  our  lives,  have  altered  their  aspect  as  we  have  latterly 
looked  critically  upon  them,  with  fresh,  awakened  eyes; 
have  dropped  their  disguises  and  shown  themselves  alien 
and  sinister. 

Some  new  things,  as  we  look  frankly  upon  them,  willing 
to  comprehend  their  real  character,  have  come  to  assume  the 
aspect  of  things  long  believed  in  and  familiar,  stuff  of  our 


The  Opening  of  a  New  Era  f>77 

own  convictions.  We  have  been  refreshed  by  a  new  insight 
into  our  own  life.  .  .  . 

We  see  in  many  things  that  life  is  very  great.  It  is  in- 
comparably great  in  its  material  aspects,  in  its  body  of 
wealth,  in  the  diversity  and  sweep  of  its  energy,  in  the  in- 
dustries which  have  been  conceived  and  built  up  by  the  genius 
of  individual  men  and  the  limitless  enterprise  of  groups  of 
men. 

It  is  great,  also,  very  great,  in  its  moral  force.  Nowhere 
else  in  the  world  have  noble  men  and  women  exhibited  in 
more  striking  forms  the  beauty  and  the  energy  of  sympathy 
and  helpfulness  and  counsel  in  their  efforts  to  rectify  wrong, 
alleviate  suffering  and  set  the  weak  in  the  way  of  strength 
and  hope. 

We  have  built  up,  moreover,  a  great  system  of  govern- 
ment, which  has  stood  through  a  long  age  as  in  many  re- 
spects a  model  for  those  who  seek  to  set  liberty  upon  founda- 
tions that  will  endure  against  fortuitous  change,  against 
storm  and  accident.  Our  life  contains  every  great  thing, 
and  contains  it  in  rich  abundance. 

But  the  evil  has  come  with  the  good,  and  much  fine  gold 
has  been  corroded. 

With  riches  has  come  inexcusable  waste.  We  have  squan- 
dered a  great  part  of  what  we  might  have  used,  and  have 
not  stopped  to  conserve  the  exceeding  bounty  of  nature, 
without  which  our  genius  for  enterprise  would  have  been 
worthless  and  impotent,  scorning  to  be  careful,  shamefully 
prodigal  as  well  as  admirably  efficient. 

We  have  been  proud  of  our  industrial  achievements,  but 
we  have  not  hitherto  stopped  thoughtfully  enough  to  count 
the  human  cost,  the  cost  of  lives  snuffed  out,  of  energies 
overtaxed  and  broken,  the  fearful  physical  and  spiritual  cost 
to  the  men  and  women  and  children  upon  whom  the  dead 
weight  and  burden  of  it  all  has  fallen  pitilessly  the  years 
through. 

The  groans  and  agony  of  it  all  had  not  yet  reached  our 
ears,  the  solemn,  moving  undertone  of  our  life,  coming  up 


578  Readings  in  American  History 

out  of  the  mines  and  factories  and  out  of  every  home  where 
the  struggle  had  its  intimate  and  familiar  seat.  With  the 
great  government  went  many  deep  secret  things  which  WJP 
too  long  delayed  to  look  into  and  scrutinize  with  candid, 
fearless  eyes. 

The  great  government  we  loved  has  too  often  been  made 
use  of  for  private  and  selfish  purposes;  and  those  who  used 
it  had  forgotten  the  people.  .  .  . 

At  last  a  vision  has  been  vouchsafed  us  of  our  life  as  a 
whole.  We  see  the  bad  with  the  good,  the  debased  and  de- 
cadent with  the  sound  and  vital.  With  this  vision  we  ap- 
proach new  affairs.  Our  duty  is  to  cleanse,  to  reconsider, 
to  restore,  to  correct  the  evil  without  impairing  the  good,  to 
purify  and  humanize  every  process  of  our  common  life  with- 
out weakening  or  sentimentalizing  it. 

There  has  been  something  crude  and  heartless  and  unfeel- 
ing in  our  haste  to  succeed  and  be  great.  Our  thought  has 
been,  "  Let  every  man  look  out  for  himself,  let  every  genera- 
tion look  out  for  itself,"  while  we  reared  giant  machinery 
which  made  it  impossible  that  any  but  those  who  stood  at 
the  levers  of  control  should  have  a  chance  to  look  out  for 
themselves. 

We  had  not  forgotten  our  morals.  We  remembered  well 
enough  that  we  had  set  up  a  policy  which  was  meant  to  serve 
the  humblest  as  well  as  the  most  powerful,  with  an  eye 
single  to  the  standards  of  justice  and  fair  play,  and  remem- 
bered it  with  pride.  But  we  were  very  heedless  and  in  a 
hurry  to  be  great.  .  .  . 

We  have  come  now  to  the  sober  second  thought.  The 
scales  of  heedlessness  have  fallen  from  our  eyes.  We  have 
made  up  our  minds  to  square  every  process  of  our  national 
life  again  with  the  standards  we  so  proudly  set  up  at  the 
beginning  and  have  always  carried  at  our  hearts.  Our  work 
is  a  work  of  restoration. 

We  have  itemized  with  some  degree  of  particularity  the 
things  that  ought  to  be  altered,  and  here  are  some  of  the 
chief  items: 


The  Opening  of  a  New  Era  f>7!i 

A  tariff  which  cuts  us  off  from  our  proper  part  in  the  com- 
merce of  the  world,  violates  the  just  principles  of  taxation 
•;nd  makes  the  government  a  facile  instrument  in  the  hands 
of  private  interests; 

A  banking  and  currency  system  based  upon  the  necessity 
of  the  government  to  sell  its  bonds  fifty  years  ago  and  per- 
fectly adapted  to  concentrating  cash  and  restricting  credits; 

An  industrial  system  which,  take  it  on  all  its  sides,  financial 
as  well  as  administrative,  holds  capital  in  leading  strings, 
restricts  the  liberties  and  limits  the  opportunities  of  labor, 
and  exploits  without  renewing  or  conserving  the  natural 
resources  of  the  country; 

A  body  of  agricultural  activities  never  yet  given  the  effi- 
ciency of  great  business  undertakings  or  served  as  it  should 
be  through  the  instrumentality  of  science  taken  directly  to 
the  farm  or  afforded  the  facilities  of  credit  best  suited  to  its 
practical  needs; 

Watercourses  undeveloped,  waste  places  unreclaimed,  for- 
ests untended,  fast  disappearing,  without  plan  or  prospect 
of  renewal,  unregarded  waste  heaps  at  every  mine. 

We  have  studied  as  perhaps  no  other  nation  has  the  most 
effective  means  of  production,  but  we  have  not  studied  cost 
or  economy  as  we  should  either  as  organizers  of  industry,  as 
statesmen,  or  as  individuals.  .  .  . 

Nor  have  we  studied  and  perfected  the  means  by  which 
government  may  be  put  at  the  service  of  humanity,  in  safe- 
guarding the  health  of  the  nation,  the  health  of  its  men  and 
its  women  and  its  children,  as  well  as  their  rights  in  the 
struggle  for  existence.  This  is  no  sentimental  duty.  The 
firm  basis  of  government  is  justice,  not  pity.  These  are 
matters  of  justice. 

There  can  be  no  equality  or  opportunity,  the  first  essen- 
ual  of  justice  in  the  body  politic,  if  men  and  women  ;iml 
children  be  not  shielded  in  their  lives,  their  very  vitality, 
from  the  consequences  of  great  industrial  and  social  processes 
which  they  cannot  alter,  control  or  singly  cope  \\itli. 

Society  must  see  to  it  that  it  does  not    itsrlf  crush  or 


5SO  Readings  in  American  History 

weaken  or  damage  its  own  constituent  parts.  The  first  duty 
of  law  is  to  keep  sound  the  society  it  serves. 

Sanitary  laws,  pure  food  laws  and  laws  determining  con- 
ditions of  labor  which  individuals  are  powerless  to  determine 
for  themselves  are  intimate  parts  of  the  very  business  of 
justice  and  legal  efficiency.  .  .  . 

These  are  some  of  the  things  we  ought  to  do,  and  not 
leave  the  others  undone,  the  old-fashioned,  never-to-be- 
neglected,  fundamental  safeguarding  of  property  and  of  in- 
dividual right. 

This  is  the  high  enterprise  of  the  new  day:  to  lift  every- 
thing that  concerns  our  life  as  a  nation  to  the  light  that 
shines  from  the  hearthfire  of  every  man's  conscience  and 
vision  of  the  right. 

It  is  inconceivable  that  we  should  do  this  as  partisans; 
it  is  inconceivable  we  should  do  it  in  ignorance  of  the  facts 
as  they  are  or  in  blind  haste.  We  shall  restore,  not  destroy. 

We  shall  deal  with  our  economic  system  as  it  is  and  as  it 
may  be  modified,  not  as  it  might  be  if  we  had  a  clean  sheet 
of  paper  to  write  upon;  and  step  by  step  we  shall  make  it 
what  it  should  be,  in  the  spirit  of  those  who  question  their 
own  wisdom  and  seek  counsel  and  knowledge,  not  shallow 
self-satisfaction  or  the  excitement  of  excursions  whither  they 
cannot  tell.  Justice,  and  only  justice,  shall  always  be  our 
motto.  .  .  . 

And  yet  it  will  be  no  cool  process  of  mere  science.  The 
nation  has  been  deeply  stirred,  stirred  by  a  solemn  passion, 
stirred  by  the  knowledge  of  wrong,  of  ideals  lost,  of  govern- 
ment too  often  debauched  and  made  an  instrument  of  evil. 

The  feelings  with  which  we  face  this  new  age  of  right  and 
opportunity  sweep  across  our  heart-strings  like  some  air  out 
of  God's  own  presence,  where  justice  and  mercy  are  recon- 
ciled and  the  judge  and  the  brother  are  one. 

We  know  our  task  to  be  no  mere  task  of  politics,  but  a 
task  which  shall  search  us  through  and  through,  whether  we 
be  able  to  understand  our  time  and  the  need  of  our  people, 
whether  we  be  indeed  their  spokesmen  and  interpreters, 


The  Opening  of  a  New  Era  581 

whether  we  have  the  pure  heart  to  comprehend  and  the  recti- 
fied will  to  choose  our  high  course  of  action. 

This  is  not  a  day  of  triumph;  it  is  a  day  of  dedication. 
Here  muster,  not  the  forces  of  party,  but  the  forces  of  human- 
ity. Men's  hearts  wait  upon  us;  men's  lives  hang  in  the 
balance;  men's  hopes  call  upon  us  to  say  what  we  will  do. 

Who  shall  live  up  to  the  great  trust?  Who  dares  fail  to 
try? 

I  summon  all  honest  men,  all  patriotic,  all  forward-looking 
men,  to  my  side. 

God  helping  me,  I  will  not  fail  them,  if  they  will  but  coun- 
sel and  sustain  me! 


INDEX 


ADAMS,  JOHN,  137,  243 
Andros,  Edmund,  67,  71 
Appomattox,  480 

BOSTON,  59,  143,  183 
Bradford,  William.  49 

CABOT,  JOHN,  29-31 

California,  397 

Canal,  Erie,  373 

Cartier,  Jacques,  33 

Charleston,  58 

Chesapeake,  The,  273 

Chicago,  351 

Cibola,  20 

Civil  Service,  Reform  of,  514 

Claims,  Alabama,  498 

Clark,  George  Rogers,  152 

Clark,  William,  258 

Columbus,  Christopher,  8-16 

Confederation,  Weaknesses  of,  165, 

176 

Congress,  First  Continental,  137 
Conservation,  560 
Cotton,  Value  of,  547 

DB  SOTO,  FERDINAND,  25-27 
Dinwiddie,  Robert,  100 
Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  426 

ERICSSON,  LEIF,  5,  6 

FITCH,  JOHN,  188 

France  and  American  Revolution, 

148 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  148,  181 
French  on  Ohio,  96,  98 
Fugitive  Slave  Law,  451 
Fulton,  Robert,  265 

GERRY,  ELBRIDGE,  236 

Gettysburg,  Battle  of,  461 

Great  Britain  and  Civil  War,  475 


Hay,  John,  533 
Homestead  Law,  503 

IROQUOIS,  75,  80 

JACKSON,  ANDREW,  342,  347 
Jamestown,  38 
Jay,  John,  164 

Jefferson,  Thomas,   246.  248,  249. 
252,  255 

LA  S  u.i.i,.  SIEUR  DE,  91 

Lee,  Robert  E.,  481 

Lewis,  Meriwether,  258 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  426, 436, 484. 48O 

MADISON,  JAMES,  268 
Marquette,  Jacques,  88 
Marshall.  John,  236.  241 
Massasoit,  51 

Mississippi,  Navigation  of,  225 
Monroe  Doctrine,  331 
Montezuma,  24 

NEW  ENGLAND,  45,  52 

New  Orleans,  316 

Newport,  Christopher,  38 

New  York,  City  of,   106.   186.  286 

North  Carolina,  206 

Northmen,  1 

OREGON  TRAIL.  388 

PENN.  WILLIAM,  62 
Pennsylvania,  62 
Philadelphia,  187 
Pinckney.  C.  C..  236 
Pizarro.  25 
Plymouth.  49 
Porto  Rico,  526 
Princeton  College,  194 
Public  Lands.  318.  502     , 

QUAKERS.  158 


HAGUE    PEACE    CONFERENCE,     THE        RAILROAD,  360,  420 
SECOND,  536  Reconstruction.  489 

Haiiiiln.ii,  Alexander,  145  Roosevelt.  Thwxlore.  660 

583 


584  Index 

SAMOSET,  50  TARIFF  [1830],  334 

San  Francisco,  404  Telegraph,  383 

Santa  Fe,  323  Tonty,  92 

Slavery   Arguments  for.  405  VINCENNES,  CAPTURE  OF,  152 

Smith,  John,  36.  45  Virginia,  36,  40,  194 

Society,  Anti-Slavery,  378 

Society,  First  Abolition,  180  WASHINGTON,  CITY  OF,  280 

South  America,  543  Washington,  George,  101,  141,  203, 

South,  The  New,  550  208,  218,  229 

Stamp  Act,  130,  133  West,  The  [1815],  304 

Steamboat,  311  Wilson,  Woodrow,  570 

Stephens,  Alexander  H.,  444  Witchcraft,  72,  75 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  LOS  ANGELES 

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